[1]
Remarks on the Royal Supremacy, as it is Defined by Reason, History,
and the Constitution. A Letter to the Lord Bishop2 of London, by
the Right Hon. W.E. Gladstone, M.P. for the University of Oxford3.
Guardian4, 10th July 1850.
Mr. Gladstone has not disappointed the confidence of those who have believed of him that when great occasions presented themselves, of interest to the Church, he would not be found wanting. A statesman has a right to reserve himself and bide6 his time, and in doubtful circumstances may fairly ask us to trust his discretion7 as to when is his time. But there are critical seasons about whose seriousness there can be no doubt. One of these is now passing over the English Church. And Mr. Gladstone has recognised it, and borne himself in it with a manliness8, earnestness, and temper which justify9 those who have never despaired of his doing worthy10 service to the Church, with whose cause he so early identified himself.
The pamphlet before us, to which he has put his name, is the most important, perhaps, of all that have been elicited11 by the deep interest felt in the matter on which it treats. Besides its importance as the expression of the opinion, and, it must be added, the anxieties of a leading statesman, it has two intrinsic advantages. It undertakes to deal closely and strictly12 with those facts in the case mainly belonging to the period of the Reformation, on which the great stress has been laid in the arguments both against our liberty and our very being as a Church. And, further, it gives us on these facts, and, in connection with them, on the events of the crisis itself, the judgment13 and the anticipations14 of a mind at once deeply imbued15 with religious philosophy, and also familiar with the consideration of constitutional questions, and accustomed to view them in their practical entanglements16 as well as in their abstract and ideal forms. It is, indeed, thus only that the magnitude and the true extent of the relations of the present contest can be appreciated. The intrinsic greatness, indeed, of religious interests cannot receive addition of dignity here. But the manner of treating them may. And Mr. Gladstone has done what was both due to the question at issue, and in the highest degree important for its serious consideration and full elucidation17, in raising it from a discussion of abstract principles to what it is no less—a real problem of English constitutional law.
The following passage will show briefly18 the ground over which the discussion travels:—
The questions, then, that I seek to examine will be as follow:—
1. Did the statutes20 of the Reformation involve the abandonment of the duty of the Church to be the guardian of her faith?
2. Is the present composition of the appellate tribunal conformable either to reason or to the statutes of the Reformation, and the spirit of the Constitution as expressed in them?
3. Is the Royal Supremacy, according to the Constitution, any bar to the adjustment of the appellate jurisdiction21 in such a manner as that it shall convey the sense of the Church in questions of doctrine22?
All these questions I humbly23 propose to answer in the negative, and so to answer them in conformity24 with what I understand to be the principles of our history and law. My endeavour will be to show that the powers of the State so determined25, in regard to the legislative26 office of the Church (setting aside for the moment any question as to the right of assent27 in the laity28), are powers of restraint; that the jurisdictions29 united and annexed30 to the Crown are corrective jurisdictions; and that their exercise is subject to the general maxim31, that the laws ecclesiastical are to be administered by ecclesiastical judges.
Mr. Gladstone first goes into the question—What was done, and what was the understanding at the Reformation? All agree that this was a time of great changes, and that in the settlement resulting from them the State took, and the Church yielded, a great deal. And on the strength of this broad general fact, the details of the settlement have been treated with an a priori boldness, not deficient33 often in that kind of precision which can be gained by totally putting aside inconvenient34 or perplexing elements, and having both its intellectual and moral recommendations to many minds; but highly undesirable35 where a great issue has been raised for the religion of millions, and the political constitution of a great nation. Men who are not lawyers seem to have thought that, by taking a lawyer's view, or what they considered such, of the Reformation Acts, they had disposed of the question for ever. It was, indeed, time for a statesman to step in, and protest, if only in the name of constitutional and political philosophy, against so narrow and unreal an abuse of law-texts—documents of the highest importance in right hands, and in their proper place, but capable, as all must know, of leading to inconceivable absurdity36 in speculation37, and not impossibly fatal confusion in fact.
The bulk of this pamphlet is devoted38 to the consideration of the language and effect, legal and constitutional, of those famous statutes with the titles of which recent controversy39 has made us so familiar. Mr. Gladstone makes it clear that it does not at all follow that because the Church conceded a great deal, she conceded, or even was expected to concede, indefinitely, whatever might be claimed. She conceded, but she conceded by compact;—a compact which supposed her power to concede, and secured to her untouched whatever was not conceded. And she did not concede, nor was asked for, her highest power, her legislative power. She did not concede, nor was asked to concede, that any but her own ministers—by the avowal40 of all drawing their spiritual authority from a source which nothing human could touch—should declare her doctrine, or should be employed in administering her laws. What she did concede was, not original powers of direction and guidance, but powers of restraint and correction;—under securities greater, both in form and in working, than those possessed41 at the time by any other body in England, for their rights and liberties—greater far than might have been expected, when the consequences of a long foreign supremacy—not righteously maintained and exercised, because at the moment unrighteously thrown off—increased the control which the Civil Government always must claim over the Church, by the sudden abstraction of a power which, though usurping42, was spiritual; and presented to the ambition of a despotic King a number of unwarrantable prerogatives43 which the separation from the Pope had left without an owner.
On the trite45 saying, meant at first to represent, roughly and invidiously, the effect of the Reformation, and lately urged as technically46 and literally47 true—"The assertion that in the time of Henry VIII. the See of Rome was both 'the source and centre of ecclesiastical jurisdiction,' and therefore the supreme48 judge of doctrine; and that this power of the Pope was transferred in its entireness to the Crown"—Mr. Gladstone remarks as follows:—
I will not ask whether the Pope was indeed at that time the supreme judge of doctrine; it is enough for me that not very long before the Council of Constance had solemnly said otherwise, in words which, though they may be forgotten, cannot be annulled….
That the Pope was the source of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the English Church before the Reformation is an assertion of the gravest import, which ought not to have been thus taken for granted…. The fact really is this:—A modern opinion, which, by force of modern circumstances, has of late gained great favour in the Church of Rome, is here dated back and fastened upon ages to whose fixed49 principles it was unknown and alien; and the case of the Church of England is truly hard when the Papal authority of the Middle Ages is exaggerated far beyond its real and historical scope, with the effect only of fastening that visionary exaggeration, through the medium of another fictitious50 notion of wholesale51 transfer of the Papal privileges to the Crown, upon us, as the true and legal measure of the Royal Supremacy.
It appears to me that he who alleges52 in the gross that the Papal prerogatives were carried over to the Crown at the Reformation, greatly belies54 the laws and the people of that era. Their unvarying doctrine was, that they were restoring the ancient regal jurisdiction, and abolishing one that had been usurped55. But there is no evidence to show that these were identical in themselves, or co-extensive in their range. In some respects the Crown obtained at that period more than the Pope had ever had; for I am not aware that the Convocation required his license56 to deliberate upon canons, or his assent to their promulgation57. In other respects the Crown acquired less; for not the Crown, but the Archbishop of Canterbury was appointed to exercise the power of dispensation in things lawful58, and to confirm Episcopal elections. Neither the Crown nor the Archbishop succeeded to such Papal prerogatives as were contrary to the law of the land; for neither the 26th of Henry VIII. nor the 2nd of Elizabeth annexed to the Crown all the powers of correction and reformation which had been actually claimed by the Pope, but only such as "hath heretofore been or may lawfully59 be exercised or used." … The "ancient jurisdiction," and not the then recently claimed or exercised powers, was the measure and the substance of what the Crown received from the Legislature; and, with those ancient rights for his rule, no impartial61 man would say that the Crown was the source of ecclesiastical jurisdiction according to the statutes of the Reformation. But the statutes of the Reformation era relating to jurisdiction, having as statutes the assent of the laity, and accepted by the canons of the clergy62, are the standard to which the Church has bound herself as a religious society to conform.
The word "jurisdiction" has played an important part in the recent discussions; whether its meaning, with its various involved and associated ideas, by no means free from intricacy and confusion, have been duly unravelled63 and made clear, we may be permitted to doubt. A distinction of the canonists has been assumed by those who have used the word with most precision—assumed, though it is by no means a simple and indisputable one. Mr. Gladstone draws attention to this, when, after noticing that nowhere in the ecclesiastical legislation of Elizabeth is the claim made on behalf of the Crown to be the source of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, he admits that this is the language of the school of English law, and offers an explanation of the fact. That which Acts of Parliament do not say, which is negatived in actual practice by contradictory64 and irreconcilable65 facts, is yet wanted by lawyers for the theoretic completeness of their idea and system of law. The fact is important as a reminder66 that what is one real aspect, or, perhaps, the most complete and consistent representation of a system on paper, may be inadequate67 and untrue as an exhibition of its real working and appearance in the world.
To sum up the whole, then, I contend that the Crown did not claim by statute19, either to be of right, or to become by convention, the source of that kind of action, which was committed by the Saviour68 to the Apostolic Church, whether for the enactment69 of laws, or for the administration of its discipline; but the claim was, that all the canons of the Church, and all its judicial70 proceedings71, inasmuch as they were to form parts respectively of the laws and of the legal administration of justice in the kingdom, should run only with the assent and sanction of the Crown. They were to carry with them a double force—a force of coercion72, visible and palpable; a force addressed to conscience, neither visible nor palpable, and in its nature only capable of being inwardly appreciated. Was it then unreasonable73 that they should bear outwardly the tokens of that power to which they were to be indebted for their outward observance, and should work only within by that wholly different influence that governs the kingdom which is not of this world, and flows immediately from its King? … But while, according to the letter and spirit of the law, such appear to be the limits of the Royal Supremacy in regard to the legislative, which is the highest, action of the Church, I do not deny that in other branches it goes farther, and will now assume that the supremacy in all causes, which is at least a claim to control at every point the jurisdiction of the Church, may also be construed74 to mean as much as that the Crown is the ultimate source of jurisdiction of whatever kind.
Here, however, I must commence by stating that, as it appears to me, Lord Coke and others attach to the very word jurisdiction a narrower sense than it bears in popular acceptation, or in the works of canonists—a sense which excludes altogether that of the canonists; and also a sense which appears to be the genuine and legitimate75 sense of the word in its first intention. Now, when we are endeavouring to appreciate the force and scope of the legal doctrine concerning ecclesiastical and spiritual jurisdiction, it is plain that we must take the term employed in the sense of our own law, and not in the different and derivative76 sense in which it has been used by canonists and theologians. But canonists themselves bear witness to the distinction which I have now pointed5 out. The one kind is Jurisdictio coactiva proprie dicta, principibus data; the other is Jurisdictio improprie dicta ac mere77 spiritualis, Ecclesiae ejusque Episcopis a Christo data….
Properly speaking, I submit that there is no such thing as jurisdiction in any private association of men, or anywhere else than under the authority of the State. Jus is the scheme of rights subsisting78 between men in the relations, not of all, but of civil society; and jurisdicto is the authority to determine and enunciate79 those rights from time to time. Church authority, therefore, so long as it stands alone, is not in strictness of speech, or according to history, jurisdiction, because it is not essentially80 bound up with civil law.
But when the State and the Church came to be united, by the conversion81 of nations, and the submission82 of the private conscience to Christianity—when the Church placed her power of self-regulation under the guardianship84 of the State, and the State annexed its own potent85 sanction to rules, which without it would have been matter of mere private contract, then jus or civil right soon found its way into the Church, and the respective interests and obligations of its various orders, and of the individuals composing them, were regulated by provisions forming part of the law of the land. Matter ecclesiastical or spiritual moulded in the forms of civil law, became the proper subject of ecclesiastical or spiritual jurisdiction, properly so called.
Now, inasmuch as laws are abstractions until they are put into execution, through the medium of executive and judicial authority, it is evident that the cogency86 of the reasons for welding together, so to speak, civil and ecclesiastical authority is much more full with regard to these latter branches of power than with regard to legislation. There had been in the Church, from its first existence as a spiritual society, a right to govern, to decide, to adjudge for spiritual purposes; that was a true, self-governing authority; but it was not properly jurisdiction. It naturally came to be included, or rather enfolded, in the term, when for many centuries the secular87 arm had been in perpetual co-operation with the tribunals of the Church. The thing to be done, and the means by which it was done, were bound together; the authority and the power being always united in fact, were treated as an unity88 for the purposes of law. As the potentate89 possessing not the head but the mouth or issue of a river, has the right to determine what shall pass to or from the sea, so the State, standing32 between an injunction of the Church and its execution, had a right to refer that execution wholly to its own authority.
There was not contained or implied in such a doctrine any denial of the original and proper authority of the Church for its own self-government, or any assertion that it had passed to and become the property of the Crown. But that authority, though not in its source, yet in its exercise, had immersed itself in the forms of law; had invoked90 and obtained the aid of certain elements of external power, which belonged exclusively to the State, and for the right and just use of which the State had a separate and independent responsibility, so that it could not, without breach91 of duty, allow them to be parted from itself. It was, therefore, I submit, an intelligible92 and, under given circumstances, a warrantable scheme of action, under which the State virtually said: Church decrees, taking the form of law, and obtaining their full and certain effect only in that form, can be executed only as law, and while they are in process of being put into practice can only be regarded as law, and therefore the whole power of their execution, that is to say, all juris diction in matters ecclesiastical and spiritual, must, according to the doctrine of law, proceed from the fountain-head of law, namely, from the Crown. In the last legal resort there can be but one origin for all which is to be done in societies of men by force of legal power; nor, if so, can doubt arise what that origin must be.
If you allege53 that the Church has a spiritual authority to regulate doctrines93 and discipline, still, as you choose to back that authority with the force of temporal law, and as the State is exclusively responsible for the use of that force, you must be content to fold up the authority of the Church in that exterior94 form through which you desire it to take effect. From whatsoever95 source it may come originally, it comes to the subject as law; it therefore comes to him from the fountain of law…. The faith of Christendom has been received in England; the discipline of the Christian83 Church, cast into its local form, modified by statutes of the realm, and by the common law and prerogative44, has from time immemorial been received in England; but we can view them only as law, although you may look further back to the divine and spiritual sanction, in virtue96 of which they acquired that social position, which made it expedient97 that they should associate with law and should therefore become law.
But as to the doctrine itself, it is most obvious to notice that it is not more strange, and not necessarily more literally real, than those other legal views of royal prerogative and perfection, which are the received theory of all our great jurists—accepted by them for very good reasons, but not the less astounding98 when presented as naked and independent truths. It was natural enough that they should claim for the Crown the origination of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, considering what else they claimed for it. Mr. Allen can present us with a more than Chinese idea of royal power, when he draws it only from Blackstone:—
They may have heard [he says, speaking of the "unlearned in the law"] that the law of England is founded in reason and wisdom. The first lesson they are taught will inform them, that the law of England attributes to the King absolute perfection, absolute immortality100, and legal ubiquity. They will be told that the King of England is not only incapable101 of doing wrong, but of thinking wrong. They will be informed that he never dies, that he is invisible as well as immortal99, and that in the eye of the law he is present at one and the same instant in every court of justice within his dominions…. They may have been told that the royal prerogative in England is limited; but when they consult the sages102 of the law, they will be assured that the legal authority of the King of England is absolute and irresistible103 … that all are under him, while he is under none but God….
If they have had the benefit of a liberal education, they have been taught that to obtain security for persons and property was the great end for which men submitted to the restraints of civil government; and they may have heard of the indispensable necessity of an independent magistracy for the due administration of justice; but when they direct their inquiries104 to the laws and constitution of England, they will find it an established maxim in that country that all jurisdiction emanates105 from the Crown. They will be told that the King is not ony the chief, but the sole magistrate106 of the nation; and that all others act by his commission, and in subordination to him.[2]
[2] Allen on the Royal Prerogative, pp. 1-3.
"In the most limited monarchy," as he says truly the "King is represented in law books, as in theory an absolute sovereign." "Even now," says Mr. Gladstone, "after three centuries of progress toward democratic sway, the Crown has prerogatives by acting107 upon which, within their strict and unquestioned bounds, it might at any time throw the country into confusion. And so has each House of Parliament." But if the absolute supremacy of the Crown in the legal point of mew exactly the same over temporal matters and causes as over spiritual, is taken by no sane108 man to be a literal fact in temporal matters, it is violating the analogy of the Constitution, and dealing109 with the most important subjects in a mere spirit of narrow perverseness110, to insist that it can have none but a literal meaning in ecclesiastical matters; and that the Church did mean, though the State did not to accept a despotic prerogative, unbounded by custom, convention, or law, and unchecked by acknowledged and active powers in herself. Yet such is the assumption, made in bitterness and vexation of spirit by some of those who have lately so hastily given up her cause; made with singular assurance by others, who, Liberals in all their political doctrines, have, for want of better arguments, invoked prerogative against the Church.
What the securities and checks were that the Church, not less than the nation, contemplated112 and possessed, are not expressed in the theory itself of the royal prerogative; and, as in the ease of the nation, we might presume beforehand, that they would be found in practice rather than on paper. They were, however, real ones. "With the same theoretical laxity and practical security," as in the case of Parliaments and temporal judges, "was provision made for the conduct of Church affairs." Making allowance for the never absent disturbances113 arising out of political trouble and of personal character, the Church had very important means of making her own power felt in the administration of her laws, as well as in the making of them.
The real question, I apprehend114, is this:—When the Church assented115 to those great concessions116 which were embodied117 in our permanent law at the Reformation, had she adequate securities that the powers so conveyed would be exercised, upon the whole, with a due regard to the integrity of her faith, and of her office, which was and has ever been a part of that faith? I do not ask whether these securities were all on parchment or not—whether they were written or unwritten—whether they were in statute, or in common law, or in fixed usage, or in the spirit of the Constitution and in the habits of the people—I ask the one vital question, whether, whatever they were in form, they were in substance sufficient?
The securities which the Church had were these: First, that the assembling of the Convocation was obviously necessary for the purposes of taxation118; secondly119 and mainly, that the very solemn and fundamental laws by which the jurisdiction of the See of Rome was cut off, assigned to the spiritualty of the realm the care of matters spiritual, as distinctly and formally as to the temporalty the care of matters temporal; and that it was an understood principle, and (as long as it continued) a regular usage of the Constitution, that ecclesiastical laws should be administered by ecclesiastical judges. These were the securities on which the Church relied; on, which she had a right to rely; and on which, for a long series of years, her alliance was justified120 by the results.
And further:—
The Church had this great and special security on which to rely, that the Sovereigns of this country were, for a century after the Reformation, amongst her best instructed, and even in some instances her most devoted children: that all who made up the governing body (with an insignificant121 exception) owned personal allegiance to her, and that she might well rest on that personal allegiance as warranting beforehand the expectation, which after experience made good, that the office of the State towards her would be discharged in a friendly and kindly122 spirit, and that the principles of constitutional law and civil order would not be strained against her, but fairly and fully60 applied123 in her behalf.
These securities she now finds herself deprived of. This is the great change made in her position—made insensibly, and In a great measure, undesignedly—which has altered altogether the understanding on which she stood towards the Crown at the Reformation. It now turns out that that understanding, though it might have been deemed sufficient for the time, was not precise enough; and further, was not sufficiently124 looked after in the times which followed. And on us comes the duty of taking care that it be not finally extinguished; thrown off by the despair of one side, and assumed by the other as at length abandoned to their aggression125.
Mr. Gladstone comes to the question with the feelings of a statesman, conscious of the greatness and excellence126 of the State, and anxious that the Church should not provoke its jealousy127, and in urging her claims should "take her stand, as to all matters of substance and principle, on the firm ground of history and law." It makes his judgment on the present state of things more solemn, and his conviction of the necessity of amending128 it more striking, when they are those of one so earnest for conciliation129 and peace. But on constitutional not less than on other grounds, he pronounces the strongest condemnation130 on the present formation of the Court of Appeal, which, working in a way which even its framers did not contemplate111, has brought so much distress131 into the Church, and which yet, in defiance132 of principle, of consistency133, and of the admission of its faultiness, is so recklessly maintained. Feeling and stating very strongly the evil sustained by the Church, from the suspension of her legislative powers,—"that loss of command over her work, and over the heart of the nation, which it has brought upon her,"—so strongly indeed that his words, coming from one familiar with the chances and hazards of a deliberative assembly, give new weight to the argument for the resumption of those powers,—feeling all this, he is ready to acquiesce134 in the measure beyond which the Bishops135 did not feel authorised to go, and which Mr. Gladstone regards as "representing the extremest point up to which the love of peace might properly carry the concessions of the Church":—
That which she is entitled in the spirit of the Constitution to demand would be that the Queen's ecclesiastical laws shall be administered by the Queen's ecclesiastical judges, of whom the Bishops are the chief; and this, too, under the checks which the sitting of a body appointed for ecclesiastical legislation would impose.
But if it is not of vital necessity that a Church Legislature should sit at the present time—if it is not of vital necessity that all causes termed ecclesiastical should be treated under special safeguards—if it is not of vital necessity that the function of judgment should be taken out of the hands of the existing court—let the Church frankly136 and at once subscribe137 to every one of these great concessions, and reduce her demands to a minimum at the outset.
Laws ecclesiastical by ecclesiastical judges, let this be her principle; it plants her on the ground of ancient times, of the Reformation, of our continuous history, of reason and of right. The utmost moderation, in the application of the principle, let this he her temper, and then her case will be strong in the face of God and man, and, come what may, she will conquer…. If, my Lord, it be felt by the rulers of the Church, that a scheme like this will meet sufficiently the necessities of her case, it must be no small additional comfort to them to feel that their demand is every way within the spirit of the Constitution, and short of the terms which the great compact of the Reformation would authorise you to seek. You, and not those who are against you, will take your stand with Coke and Blackstone; you, and not they, will wield138 the weapons of constitutional principle and law; you, and not they, will be entitled to claim the honour of securing the peace of the State no less than the faith of the Church; you, and not they, will justly point the admonitory finger to those remarkable139 words of the Institutes:—
"And certain it is, that this Kingdom hath been best governed, and peace and quiet preserved, when both parties, that is, when the justices of the temporal courts and the ecclesiastical judges have kept themselves within their proper jurisdiction, without encroaching or usurping one upon another; and where such encroachments or usurpations have been made, they have been the seeds of great trouble and inconvenience."
Because none can resist the principle of your proposal, who admit that the Church has a sphere of proper jurisdiction at all, or any duty beyond that of taking the rule of her doctrine and her practice from the lips of ministers or parliaments. If it shall be deliberately140 refused to adopt a proposition so moderate, so guarded and restrained in the particular instance, and so sustained by history, by analogy, and by common reason, in the case of the faith of the Church, and if no preferable measure be substituted, it can only be in consequence of a latent intention that the voice of the Civil Power should be henceforward supreme in the determination of Christian doctrine.
We trust that such an assurance, backed as it is by the solemn and earnest warnings of one who is not an enthusiast141 or an agitator142, but one of the leading men in the Parliament of England, will not be without its full weight with those on whom devolves the duty of guiding and leading us in this crisis. The Bishops of England have a great responsibility on them. Reason, not less than Christian loyalty143 and Christian charity, requires the fairest interpretation144 of their acts, and it may be of their hesitation,—the utmost consideration of their difficulties. But reason, not less than Christian loyalty and charity, expects that, having accepted the responsibilities of the Episcopate, they should not withdraw from them when they arrive; and that there should be neither shrinking nor rest nor compromise till the creed145 and the rights of the Church entrusted146 to their fidelity147 be placed, as far as depends on them, beyond danger.
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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bide
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| v.忍耐；等候；住 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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manliness
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| 刚毅 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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elicited
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| 引出，探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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entanglements
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| n.瓜葛( entanglement的名词复数 )；牵连；纠缠；缠住 | |
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elucidation
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| n.说明，阐明 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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29
jurisdictions
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| 司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 )； 裁判权； 管辖区域； 管辖范围 | |
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30
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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31
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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32
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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34
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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35
undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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36
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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37
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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38
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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39
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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40
avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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41
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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42
usurping
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的现在分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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43
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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44
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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45
trite
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| adj.陈腐的 | |
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46
technically
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| adv.专门地，技术上地 | |
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47
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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48
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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49
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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50
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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51
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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52
alleges
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的第三人称单数 ) | |
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53
allege
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| vt.宣称，申述，主张，断言 | |
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54
belies
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| v.掩饰( belie的第三人称单数 )；证明（或显示）…为虚假；辜负；就…扯谎 | |
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55
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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56
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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57
promulgation
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| n.颁布 | |
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58
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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59
lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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60
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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61
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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62
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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63
unravelled
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| 解开，拆散，散开( unravel的过去式和过去分词 )； 阐明； 澄清； 弄清楚 | |
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64
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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65
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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66
reminder
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| n.提醒物，纪念品；暗示，提示 | |
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67
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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68
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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69
enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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70
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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71
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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72
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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73
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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74
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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75
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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76
derivative
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| n.派(衍)生物；adj.非独创性的，模仿他人的 | |
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77
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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78
subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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79
enunciate
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| v.发音；（清楚地）表达 | |
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80
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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81
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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82
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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83
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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84
guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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85
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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86
cogency
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| n.说服力；adj.有说服力的 | |
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87
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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88
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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89
potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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90
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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91
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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92
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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93
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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94
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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95
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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96
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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97
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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98
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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99
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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100
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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101
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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102
sages
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| n.圣人( sage的名词复数 )；智者；哲人；鼠尾草（可用作调料） | |
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103
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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104
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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105
emanates
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的第三人称单数 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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106
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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107
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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108
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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109
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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110
perverseness
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| n. 乖张, 倔强, 顽固 | |
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111
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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112
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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113
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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114
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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115
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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117
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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118
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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119
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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120
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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121
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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122
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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123
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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124
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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125
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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126
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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127
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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128
amending
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| 改良，修改，修订( amend的现在分词 )； 改良，修改，修订( amend的第三人称单数 )( amends的现在分词 ) | |
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129
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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130
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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131
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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132
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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133
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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134
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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135
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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136
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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137
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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138
wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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139
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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140
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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141
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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142
agitator
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| n.鼓动者；搅拌器 | |
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143
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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144
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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145
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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146
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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