[13]
Histoire des Origines du Christianisme. Livre I.—Vie de Jésus.
Par2 Ernest Renan. Guardian3, 9th September 1863.
Unbelief is called upon nowadays, as well as belief, to give its account of the origin of that undeniable and most important fact which we call the Christian1 religion. And if it is true that in some respects the circumstances under which the controversy4 is carried on are, as it has been alleged5, more than heretofore favourable6 to unbelief, it is also true that in some other respects the case of unbelief has difficulties which it had not once. It has to accept and admit, if it wishes to gain a favourable hearing from the present generation, the unique and surpassing moral grandeur7, depth, and attractiveness of Christianity. The polemic8 method which set Christianity in broad contrast with what was supposed to be best and highest in human nature, and therefore found no difficulty in tracing to a bad source what was itself represented to be bad, is not a method suited to the ideas and feelings of our time; and the sneers9 and sarcasms10 of the last century, provoked by abuses and inconsistencies which have since received their ample and memorable11 punishment, cease to produce any effect on readers of the present day, except to call forth12 a passing feeling of repugnance13 at what is shallow and profane14, mixed, it may be, sometimes, with an equally passing admiration15 for what is witty16 and brilliant. Even in M. Renan's view, Voltaire has done his work, and is out of date. Those who now attack Christianity have to attack it under the disadvantage of the preliminary admission that its essential and distinguishing elements are, on the whole, in harmony and not in discordance17 with the best conceptions of human duty and life, and that its course and progress have been, at any rate, concurrent18 with all that is best and most hopeful in human history. First allowing that as a fact it contains in it things than which we cannot imagine anything better, and without which we should never have reached to where we are, they then have to dispute its divine claims. No man could write persuasively19 on religion now, against it any more than for it, who did not show that he was fully20 penetrated21 not only with its august and beneficent aspect, but with the essential and everlasting22 truths which, in however imperfect shapes, or whencesoever derived24, are embodied25 in it and are ministered by it to society.
That Christianity is, as a matter of fact, a successful and a living religion, in a degree absolutely without parallel in any other religion, is the point from which its assailants have now to start. They have also to take account of the circumstance, to the recognition of which the whole course of modern thought and inquiry26 has brought us, that it has been successful, not by virtue27 merely of any outward and accidental favouring circumstances, but of its intrinsic power and of principles which are inseparable from its substance. This being the condition of the question, those who deny its claim to a direct Divine origin have to frame their theory of it so as to account, on principles supposed to be common to it and other religions, not merely for its rise and its conquests, but for those broad and startling differences which separate it, in character and in effects, from all other known religions. They have to show how that which is instinct with never-dying truth sprang out of what was false and mistaken, if not corrupt29; how that which alone has revealed God to man's conscience had no other origin than what in other instances has led men through enthusiasm and imposture30 to a barren or a mischievous31 superstition32.
Such an attempt is the work before us—a work destined33, probably, both from its ability and power and from its faults, to be for modern France what the work of Strauss was for Germany, the standard expression of an unbelief which shrinks with genuine distaste from the coarse and negative irreligion of older infidelity, and which is too refined, too profound and sympathetic in its views of human nature, to be insensible to those numberless points in which as a fact Christianity has given expression to the best and highest thoughts that man can have. Strauss, to account for what we see, imagined an idea, or a set of ideas, gradually worked out into the shape of a history, of which scarcely anything can be taken as real matter of fact, except the bare existence of the person who was clothed in the process of time with the attributes created by the idealising legend. Such a view is too vague and indistinct to satisfy French minds. A theory of this sort, to find general acceptance in France, must start with concrete history, and not be history held in solution in the cloudy shapes of myths which vanish as soon as touched. M. Renan's process is in the main the reverse of Strauss's. He undertakes to extract the real history recorded in the Gospels; and not only so, but to make it even more palpable and interesting, if not more wonderful, than it seems at first sight in the original records, by removing the crust of mistake and exaggeration which has concealed35 the true character of what the narrative36 records; by rewriting it according to those canons of what is probable and intelligible37 in human life and capacity which are recognised in the public whom he addresses.
Two of these canons govern the construction of the book. One of them is the assumption that in no part of the history of man is the supernatural to be admitted. This, of course, is not peculiar38 to M. Renan, though he lays it down with such emphasis in all his works, and is so anxious to bring it into distinct notice on every occasion, that it is manifestly one which he is desirous to impress on all who read him, as one of the ultimate and unquestionable foundations of all historical inquiry. The other canon is one of moral likelihood, and it is, that it is credible39 and agreeable to what we gather from experience, that the highest moral elevation40 ever attained41 by man should have admitted along with it, and for its ends, conscious imposture. On the first of these assumptions, all that is miraculous42 in the Gospel narratives43 is, not argued about, or, except perhaps in one instance—the raising of Lazarus—attempted to be accounted for or explained, but simply left out and ignored. On the second, the fact from which there is no escape—that He whom M. Renan venerates44 with a sincerity45 which no one can doubt as the purest and greatest of moral reformers, did claim power from God to work miracles—is harmonised with the assumption that the claim could not possibly have been a true one.
M. Renan professes46 to give an historical account of the way in which the deepest, purest, most enduring religious principles known among men were, not merely found out and announced, but propagated and impressed upon the foremost and most improved portions of mankind, by the power of a single character. It is impossible, without speaking of Jesus of Nazareth as Christians47 are used to do, to speak of His character and of the results of His appearance in loftier terms than this professed48 unbeliever in His Divine claims. But when the account is drawn49 out in detail, of a cause alleged to be sufficient to produce such effects, the apparent inadequacy50 of it is most startling. When we think of what Christianity is and has done, and that, in M. Renan's view, Christ, the Christ whom he imagines and describes, is all in all to Christianity, and then look to what he conceives to have been the original spring and creative impulse of its achievements, the first feeling is that no shifts that belief has sometimes been driven to, to keep within the range of the probable, are greater than those accepted by unbelief, in its most enlightened and reflecting representations. To suppose such an one as M. Renan paints, changing the whole course of history, overturning and converting the world, and founding the religion which M. Renan thinks the lasting23 religion of mankind, involves a force upon our imagination and reason to which it is not easy to find a parallel.
His view is that a Galilean peasant, in advance of his neighbours and countrymen only in the purity, force, and singleness of purpose with which he realised the highest moral truths of Jewish religious wisdom, first charming a few simple provincials51 by the freshness and native beauty of his lessons, was then led on, partly by holy zeal52 against falsehood and wickedness, partly by enthusiastic delusions53 as to his own mission and office, to attack the institutions of Judaism, and perished in the conflict—and that this was the cause why Christianity and Christendom came to be and exist. This is the explanation which a great critical historian, fully acquainted with the history of other religions, presents, as a satisfactory one, of a phenomenon so astonishing and unique as that of a religion which has suited itself with undiminished vitality54 to the changes, moral, social, and political, which have marked the eighteen centuries of European history. There have been other enthusiasts55 for goodness and truth, more or less like the character which M. Renan draws in his book, but they have never yet founded a universal religion, or one which had the privilege of perpetual youth and unceasing self-renovation. There have been other great and imposing56 religions, commanding the allegiance for century after century of millions of men; but who will dare assert that any of these religions, that of Sakya-Mouni, of Mahomet, or that of the Vedas, could possibly be the religion, or satisfy the religious ideas and needs, of the civilised West?
When M. Renan comes to detail he is as strangely insensible to what seem at first sight the simplest demands of probability. As it were by a sort of reaction to the minute realising of particulars which has been in vogue57 among some Roman Catholic writers, M. Renan realises too—realises with no less force and vividness, and, according to his point of view, with no less affectionate and tender interest. He popularises the Gospels; but not for a religious set of readers—nor, we must add, for readers of thought and sense, whether interested for or against Christianity, but for a public who study life in the subtle and highly wrought58 novels of modern times. He appeals from what is probable to those representations of human nature which aspire59 to pass beyond the conventional and commonplace, and especially he dwells on neglected and unnoticed examples of what is sweet and soft and winning. But it is hard to recognise the picture he has drawn in the materials out of which he has composed it. The world is tolerably familiar with them. If there is a characteristic, consciously or unconsciously acknowledged in the Gospel records, it is that of the gravity, the plain downright seriousness, the laborious60 earnestness, impressed from first to last on the story. When we turn from these to his pages it is difficult to exaggerate the astounding61 impression which his epithets62 and descriptions have on the mind. We are told that there is a broad distinction between the early Galilean days of hope in our Lord's ministry63, and the later days of disappointment and conflict; and that if we look, we shall find in Galilee the "fin34 et joyeux moraliste," full of a "conversation pleine de gaieté et de charme," of "douce gaieté et aimables plaisanteries," with a "prédication suave64 et douce, toute pleine de la nature et du parfum des champs," creating out of his originality66 of mind his "innocents aphorismes," and the "genre67 d'élicieux" of parabolic teaching; "le charmant docteur qui pardonnait à tous pourvu qu'on l'aimat." He lived in what was then an earthly paradise, in "la joyeuse Galilée" in the midst of the "nature ravissante" which gave to everything about the Sea of Galilee "un tour idyllique et charmant." So the history of Christianity at its birth is a "délicieuse pastorale" an "idylle," a "milieu68 enivrant" of joy and hope. The master was surrounded by a "bande de joyeux enfants," a "troupe69 gaie et vagabonde," whose existence in the open air was a "perpetual enchantment70." The disciples71 were "ces petits comités de bonnes gens," very simple, very credulous72, and like their country full of a "sentiment gai et tendre de la vie," and of an "imagination riante." Everything is spoken of as "delicious"—"délicieuse pastorale," "délicieuse beauté," "délicieuses sentences," "délicieuse théologie d'amour." Among the "tender and delicate souls of the North"—it is not quite thus that Josephus describes the Galileans—was set up an "aimable communisme." Is it possible to imagine a more extravagant73 distortion than the following, both in its general effect and in the audacious generalisation of a very special incident, itself inaccurately74 conceived of?—
Il parcourait ainsi la Galilée au milieu d'une fête perpétuelle. Il se servait d'une mule75, monture en Orient si bonne et si s?re, et dont le grand oeil noir, ombragé de longs cils, a beaucoup de douceur. Ses disciples déployarent quelquefois autour de lui une pompe rustique, dont leurs vêtements, tenant76 lieu de tapis, faisaient les frais. Ils les mettaient sur la mule qui le portait, ou les étendaient à terre sur son passage.
History has seen strange hypotheses; but of all extravagant notions, that one that the world has been conquered by what was originally an idyllic77 gipsying party is the most grotesque78. That these "petits comités de bonnes gens" though influenced by a great example and wakened out of their "delicious pastoral" by a heroic death, should have been able to make an impression on Judaean faith, Greek intellect, and Roman civilisation79, and to give an impulse to mankind which has lasted to this day, is surely one of the most incredible hypotheses ever accepted, under the desperate necessity of avoiding an unwelcome alternative.
M. Renan is willing to adopt everything in the Gospel history except what is miraculous. If he is difficult to satisfy as to the physical possibility or the proof of miracles, at least he is not hard to satisfy on points of moral likelihood; and he draws on his ample power of supposing the combination of moral opposites in order to get rid of the obstinate80 and refractory81 supernatural miracle. To some extent, indeed, he avails himself of that inexhaustible resource of unlimited82 guessing, by means of which he reverses the whole history, and makes it take a shape which it is hard to recognise in its original records. The feeding of the five thousand, the miracle described by all the four Evangelists, is thus curtly83 disposed of:—"Il se retira au désert. Beaucoup de monde l'y suivit. Grace à une extrème frugalité la troupe sainte y vécut; on crut naturellement voir en cela un miracle." This is all he has to say. But miracles are too closely interwoven with the whole texture84 of the Gospel history to be, as a whole, thus disposed of. He has, of course, to admit that miracles are so mixed up with it that mere28 exaggeration is not a sufficient account of them. But be bids us remember that the time was one of great credulity, of slackness and incapacity in dealing85 with matters of evidence, a time when it might be said that there was an innocent disregard of exact and literal truth where men's souls and affections were deeply interested. But, even supposing that this accounted for a belief in certain miracles growing up—which it does not, for the time was not one of mere childlike and uninquiring belief, but was as perfectly86 familiar as we are with the notion of false claims to miraculous power which could not stand examination—still this does not meet the great difficulty of all, to which he is at last brought. It is undeniable that our Lord professed to work miracles. They were not merely attributed to Him by those who came after Him. If we accept in any degree the Gospel account, He not only wrought miracles, but claimed to do so; and M. Renan admits it—that is, he admits that the highest, purest, most Divine person ever seen on earth (for all this he declares in the most unqualified terms) stooped to the arts of Simon Magus or Apollonius of Tyana. He was a "thaumaturge"—"tard et à contre-coeur"—"avec une sorte de mauvaise humeur"—"en cachette"—"malgré lui"—"sentant le vanité de l'opinion"; but still a "thaumaturge." Moreover, He was so almost of necessity; for M. Renan holds that without the support of an alleged supernatural character and power, His work must have perished. Everything, to succeed and be realised, must, we are told, be fortified87 with something of alloy88. We are reminded of the "loi fatale qui condamne l'idée à déchoir dès qu'elle cherche à convertir les hommes." "Concevoir de bien, en efifet, ne suffit pas; il faut le faire réussir parmi les hommes. Pour cela, des voies moins pures sont nécessaires." If the Great Teacher had kept to the simplicity89 of His early lessons, He would have been greater, but "the truth would not have been promulgated90." "He had to choose between these two alternatives, either renouncing91 his mission or becoming a 'thaumaturge.'" The miracles "were a violence done to him by his age, a concession92 which was wrung93 from him by a passing necessity." And if we feel startled at such a view, we are reminded that we must not measure the sincerity of Orientals by our own rigid94 and critical idea of veracity95; and that "such is the weakness of the human mind, that the best causes are not usually won but by bad reasons," and that the greatest of discoverers and founders96 have only triumphed over their difficulties "by daily taking account of men's weakness and by not always giving the true reasons of the truth."
L'histoire est impossible si l'on n'admet hautement qu'il y a pour la sincerite plusieurs mesures. Toutes les grandes choses se font par le peuple, or on ne conduit pas le peuple qu'en se prétant à ses idées. Le philosophe, qui sachant cela, s'isole et se retranche dans sa noblesse, est hautement louable. Mais celui qui prend l'humanité avec ses illusions et cherche à agir sur elle et avec elle, ne saurait être blamé. César savait fort bien qu'il n'était pas fils de Vénus; la France ne serait pas ce qu'elle est si l'on n'avait cru mille ans à la sainte ampoule de Reims. Il nous est facile à nous autres, impuissants que nous sommes, d'appeler cela mensonge, et fiers de notre timide honnêteté, de traiter avec dédain les héros qui out accepté dans d'autres conditions la lutte de la vie. Quand nous aurons fait avec nos scrupules ce qu'ils firent avec leurs mensonges, nous aurons le droit d'être pour eux sévères.
Now let M. Renan or any one else realise what is involved, on his supposition, not merely, as he says, of "illusion or madness," but of wilful97 deceit and falsehood, in the history of Lazarus, even according to his lame98 and hesitating attempt to soften99 it down and extenuate100 it; and then put side by side with it the terms in which M. Renan has summed up the moral greatness of Him of whom he writes:—
La foi, l'enthousiasme, la constance de la première génération chrétienne ne s'expliquent qu'en supposant à l'origine de tout65 le mouvement un homme de proportions colossales…. Cette sublime101 personne, qui chaque jour préside encore au destin du monde, il est permis de l'appeler divine, non en ce sens que Jésus ait absorbé tout le divin, mais en ce sens que Jésus est l'individu qui a fait faire à son espèce le plus grand pas vers le divin…. Au milieu de cette uniforme vulgarité, des colonnes s'élèvent vers le ciel et attestent une plus noble destinée. Jésus est la plus haute de ces colonnes qui montrent à l'homme d'où il vient et où il doit tendre. En lui s'est condensé tout ce qu'il y a de bon et d'élevé dans notre nature…. Quels que puissent être les phénomènes inattendus de l'avenir, Jésus ne sera pas surpassé…. Tous les siècles proclameront qu'entre les fils des hommes il n'en est pas né de plus grand que Jésus.
And of such an one we are told that it is a natural and reasonable view to take, not merely that He claimed a direct communication with God, which disordered reason could alone excuse Him for claiming, but that He based His whole mission on a pretension102 to such supernatural powers as a man could not pretend to without being conscious that they were delusions. The conscience of that age as to veracity or imposture was quite clear on such a point. Jew and Greek and Roman would have condemned104 as a deceiver one who, not having the power, took on him to say that by the finger of God he could raise the dead. And yet to a conscience immeasurably above his age, it seems, according to M. Renan, that this might be done. It is absurd to say that we must not judge such a proceeding105 by the ideas of our more exact and truth-loving age, when it would have been abundantly condemned by the ideas recognised in the religion and civilisation of the first century.
M. Renan repeatedly declares that his great aim is to save religion by relieving it of the supernatural. He does not argue; but instead of the old familiar view of the Great History, he presents an opposite theory of his own, framed to suit that combination of the revolutionary and the sentimental106 which just now happens to be in favour in the unbelieving schools. And this is the result: a representation which boldly invests its ideal with the highest perfections of moral goodness, strength, and beauty, and yet does not shrink from associating with it also—and that, too, as the necessary and inevitable107 condition of success—a deliberate and systematic108 willingness to delude109 and insensibility to untruth. This is the religion and this is the reason which appeals to Christ in order to condemn103 Christianity.

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Christian
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adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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par
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n.标准,票面价值,平均数量;adj.票面的,平常的,标准的 | |
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guardian
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n.监护人;守卫者,保护者 | |
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controversy
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n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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alleged
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a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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favourable
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adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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grandeur
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n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
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polemic
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n.争论,论战 | |
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sneers
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讥笑的表情(言语)( sneer的名词复数 ) | |
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sarcasms
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n.讥讽,讽刺,挖苦( sarcasm的名词复数 ) | |
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memorable
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adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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forth
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adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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repugnance
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n.嫌恶 | |
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profane
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adj.亵神的,亵渎的;vt.亵渎,玷污 | |
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admiration
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n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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witty
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adj.机智的,风趣的 | |
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discordance
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n.不调和,不和,不一致性;不整合;假整合 | |
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concurrent
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adj.同时发生的,一致的 | |
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persuasively
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adv.口才好地;令人信服地 | |
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fully
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adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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penetrated
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adj. 击穿的,鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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everlasting
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adj.永恒的,持久的,无止境的 | |
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lasting
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adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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derived
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vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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embodied
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v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 );象征;包括;包含 | |
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inquiry
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n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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virtue
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n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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mere
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adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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corrupt
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v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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imposture
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n.冒名顶替,欺骗 | |
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mischievous
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adj.调皮的,恶作剧的,有害的,伤人的 | |
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superstition
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n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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destined
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adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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fin
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n.鳍;(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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concealed
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a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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narrative
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n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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intelligible
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adj.可理解的,明白易懂的,清楚的 | |
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peculiar
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adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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credible
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adj.可信任的,可靠的 | |
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elevation
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n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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attained
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(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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miraculous
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adj.像奇迹一样的,不可思议的 | |
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narratives
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记叙文( narrative的名词复数 ); 故事; 叙述; 叙述部分 | |
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venerates
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敬重(某人或某事物),崇敬( venerate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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sincerity
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n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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professes
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声称( profess的第三人称单数 ); 宣称; 公开表明; 信奉 | |
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Christians
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n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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professed
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公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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drawn
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v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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inadequacy
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n.无法胜任,信心不足 | |
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provincials
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n.首都以外的人,地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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zeal
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n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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delusions
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n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 );谬见;错觉;妄想 | |
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vitality
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n.活力,生命力,效力 | |
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enthusiasts
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n.热心人,热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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imposing
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adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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Vogue
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n.时髦,时尚;adj.流行的 | |
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wrought
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v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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aspire
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vi.(to,after)渴望,追求,有志于 | |
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laborious
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adj.吃力的,努力的,不流畅 | |
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astounding
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adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊,使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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epithets
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n.(表示性质、特征等的)词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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ministry
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n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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suave
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adj.温和的;柔和的;文雅的 | |
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tout
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v.推销,招徕;兜售;吹捧,劝诱 | |
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originality
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n.创造力,独创性;新颖 | |
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genre
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n.(文学、艺术等的)类型,体裁,风格 | |
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milieu
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n.环境;出身背景;(个人所处的)社会环境 | |
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troupe
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n.剧团,戏班;杂技团;马戏团 | |
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enchantment
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n.迷惑,妖术,魅力 | |
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disciples
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n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 );门徒;耶稣的信徒;(尤指)耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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credulous
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adj.轻信的,易信的 | |
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extravagant
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adj.奢侈的;过分的;(言行等)放肆的 | |
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inaccurately
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不精密地,不准确地 | |
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mule
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n.骡子,杂种,执拗的人 | |
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tenant
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n.承租人;房客;佃户;v.租借,租用 | |
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idyllic
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adj.质朴宜人的,田园风光的 | |
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grotesque
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adj.怪诞的,丑陋的;n.怪诞的图案,怪人(物) | |
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civilisation
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n.文明,文化,开化,教化 | |
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obstinate
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adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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refractory
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adj.倔强的,难驾驭的 | |
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unlimited
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adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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curtly
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adv.简短地 | |
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texture
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n.(织物)质地;(材料)构造;结构;肌理 | |
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dealing
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n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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perfectly
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adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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fortified
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adj. 加强的 | |
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alloy
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n.合金,(金属的)成色 | |
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simplicity
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n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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promulgated
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v.宣扬(某事物)( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 );传播;公布;颁布(法令、新法律等) | |
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renouncing
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v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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concession
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n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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wrung
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绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 ); 握紧(尤指别人的手); 把(湿衣服)拧干; 绞掉(水) | |
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rigid
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adj.严格的,死板的;刚硬的,僵硬的 | |
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veracity
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n.诚实 | |
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founders
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n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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wilful
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adj.任性的,故意的 | |
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lame
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adj.跛的,(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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99
soften
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v.(使)变柔软;(使)变柔和 | |
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extenuate
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v.减轻,使人原谅 | |
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sublime
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adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
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102
pretension
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n.要求;自命,自称;自负 | |
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103
condemn
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vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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104
condemned
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adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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105
proceeding
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n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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106
sentimental
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adj.多愁善感的,感伤的 | |
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107
inevitable
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adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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108
systematic
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adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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109
delude
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vt.欺骗;哄骗 | |
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