[15] Guardian1, 14th April 1880.
I
The object of M. Renan's lectures at St. George's Hall is, as we understand him, not merely to present a historical sketch3 of the influence of Rome on the early Church, but to reconcile the historical imagination with the results of his own and kindred speculations4 on the origin of Christianity. He has, with a good faith which we do not question, investigated the subject and formed his conclusions upon it. He on the present occasion assumes these investigations6, and that he, at any rate, is satisfied with their result. He hardly pretends to carry the mixed popular audience whom he addresses into any real inquiry7 into the grounds on which he has satisfied himself that the received account of Christianity is not the true one. But he is aware that all minds are more or less consciously impressed with the broad difficulty that, after all attempts to trace the origin of Christianity to agencies and influences of well-understood human character, the disproportion between causes and effects still continues to appear excessive. The great Christian5 tradition with its definite beliefs about the conditions of man's existence, which has shaped the fortunes and determined8 the future of mankind on earth, is in possession of the world as much as the great tradition of right and wrong, or of the family, or of the State. How did it get there? It is most astonishing that it should have done so, what is the account of it? Of course people may inquire into this question as they may inquire into the basis of morality, or the origin of the family or the State. But here, as on those subjects, reason, and that imagination which is one of the forces of reason, by making the mind duly sensible of the magnitude of ideas and alternatives, are exacting9. M. Renan's task is to make the purely10 human origin of Christianity, its origin in the circumstances, the beliefs, the ideas, and the moral and political conditions of the first centuries, seem to us natural—as natural in the history of the world as other great and surprising events and changes—as natural as the growth and the fall of the Roman Empire, or as the Reformation, or the French Revolution. He is well qualified11 to sound the depths of his undertaking12 and to meet its heavy exigencies13. With a fuller knowledge of books, and a closer familiarity than most men with the thoughts and the events of the early ages, with a serious value for the idea of religion as such, and certainly with no feeble powers of recalling the past and investing it with colour and life, he has to show how these things can be—how a religion with such attributes as he freely ascribes to the Gospel, so grand, so pure, so lasting14, can have sprung up not merely in but from a most corrupt15 and immoral16 time, and can have its root in the most portentous17 and impossible of falsehoods. It must be said to be a bold undertaking.
M. Renan has always aimed at doing justice to what he assailed18; Christians19, who realise what they believe, will say that he patronises their religion, and naturally they resent such patronage20. Such candour adds doubtless to the literary effect of his method; but it is only due to him to acknowledge the fairness of his admissions. He starts with the declaration that there never was a nobler moment in human history than the beginnings of the Christian Church. It was the "most heroic episode in the annals of mankind." "Never did man draw forth21 from his bosom22 more devotion, more love of the ideal, than in the 150 years which elapsed between the sweet Galilean vision and the death of Marcus Aurelius." It was not only that the saints were admirable and beautiful in their lives; they had the secret of the future, and laid down the lines on which the goodness and hope of the coming world were to move." Never was the religious conscience more eminently23 creative, never did it lay down with more authority the law of future ages."
Now, if this is not mere2 rhetoric24, what does it come to? It means not merely that there was here a phenomenon, not only extraordinary but unique, in the development of human character, but that here was created or evolved what was to guide and form the religious ideas of mankind; here were the springs of what has reached through all the ages of expanding humanity to our own days, of what is best and truest and deepest and holiest. M. Renan, at any rate, does not think this an illusion of Christian prepossessions, a fancy picture of a mythic age of gold, of an unhistorical period of pure and primitive25 antiquity26. Put this view of things by the side of any of the records or the literature of the time remaining to us; if not St. Paul's Epistles nor Tacitus nor Lucian, then Virgil and Horace and Cicero, or Seneca or Epictetus or Marcus Aurelius. Is it possible by any effort of imagination to body forth the links which can solidly connect the ideas which live and work and grow on one side, with the ideas which are represented by the facts and principles of the other side? Or is it any more possible to connect what we know of Christian ideas and convictions by a bond of natural and intelligible27, if not necessary derivation, with what we know of Jewish ideas and Jewish habits of thought at the time in question? Yet that is the thing to be done, to be done rigorously, to be done clearly and distinctly, by those who are satisfied to find the impulses and faith which gave birth to Christianity amid the seething28 confusions of the time which saw its beginning; absolutely identical with those wild movements in origin and nature, and only by a strange, fortunate accident immeasurably superior to them.
This question M. Renan has not answered; as far as we can see he has not perceived that it is the first question for him to answer, in giving a philosophical29 account of the history of Christianity. Instead, he tells us, and he is going still further to tell us, how Rome and its wonderful influences acted on Christianity, and helped to assure its victories. But, first of all, what is that Christianity, and whence did it come, which Rome so helped? It came, he says, from Judaism; "it was Judaism under its Christian form which Rome propagated without wishing it, yet with such mighty30 energy that from a certain epoch31 Romanism and Christianity became synonymous words"; it was Jewish monotheism, the religion the Roman hated and despised, swallowing up by its contrast all that was local, legendary32, and past belief, and presenting one religious law to the countless33 nationalities of the Empire, which like itself was one, and like itself above all nationalities.
This may all be true, and is partially34 true; but how did that hated and partial Judaism break through its trammels, and become a religion for all men, and a religion to which all men gathered? The Roman organisation35 was an admirable vehicle for Christianity; but the vehicle does not make that which it carries, or account for it. M. Renan's picture of the Empire abounds36 with all those picturesque37 details which he knows so well where to find, and knows so well, too, how to place in an interesting light. There were then, of course, conditions of the time more favourable38 to the Christian Church than would have been the conditions of other times. There was a certain increased liberty of thought, though there were also some pretty strong obstacles to it. M. Renan has Imperial proclivities39, and reminds us truly enough that despotisms are sometimes more tolerant than democracies, and that political liberty is not the same as spiritual and mental freedom, and does not always favour it. It may be partially true, as he says, that "Virgil and Tibullus show that Roman harshness and cruelty were softening40 down"; that "equality and the rights of men were preached by the Stoics"; that "woman was more her own mistress, and slaves were better treated than in the days of Cato"; that "very humane41 and just laws were enacted42 under the very worst emperors; that Tiberius and Nero were able financiers"; that "after the terrible butcheries of the old centuries, mankind was crying with the voice of Virgil for peace and pity." A good many qualifications and abatements start up in our minds on reading these statements, and a good many formidable doubts suggest themselves, if we can at all believe what has come down to us of the history of these times. It is hard to accept quite literally43 the bold assertion that "love for the poor, sympathy with all men, almsgiving, were becoming virtues44." But allow this as the fair and hopeful side of the Empire. Yet all this is a long way from accounting45 for the effects on the world of Christianity, even in the dim, vaporous form in which M. Renan imagines it, much more in the actual concrete reality in which, if we know anything, it appeared. "Christianity," he says, "responded to the cry for peace and pity of all weary and tender souls." No doubt it did; but what was it that responded, and what was its consolation46, and whence was its power drawn47? What was there in the known thoughts or hopes or motives48 of men at the time to furnish such a response? "Christianity," he says, "could only have been born and spread at a time when men had no longer a country"; "it was that explosion of social and religious ideas which became inevitable49 after Augustus had put an end to political struggles," after his policy had killed "patriotism50." It is true enough that the first Christians, believing themselves subjects of an Eternal King and in view of an eternal world, felt themselves strangers and pilgrims in this; yet did the rest of the Roman world under the Caesars feel that they had no country, and was the idea of patriotism extinct in the age of Agricola? But surely the real question worth asking is, What was it amid the increasing civilisation51 and prosperous peace of Rome under the first Emperors which made these Christians relinquish52 the idea of a country? From whence did Christianity draw its power to set its followers53 in inflexible54 opposition55 to the intensest worship of the State that the world has ever known?
To tell us the conditions under which all this occurred is not to tell us the cause of it. We follow with interest the sketches56 which M. Renan gives of these conditions, though it must be said that his generalisations are often extravagantly57 loose and misleading. We do indeed want to know more of those wonderful but hidden days which intervene between the great Advent58, with its subsequent Apostolic age, and the days when the Church appears fully59 constituted and recognised. German research and French intelligence and constructiveness60 have done something to help us, but not much. But at the end of all such inquiries61 appears the question of questions, What was the beginning and root of it all? Christians have a reasonable answer to the question. There is none, there is not really the suggestion of one, in M. Renan's account of the connection of Christianity with the Roman world.
II[16]
[16] Guardian, 21st April 1880.
M. Renan has pursued the line of thought indicated in his first lecture, and in his succeeding lectures has developed the idea that Christianity, as we know it, was born in Imperial Rome, and that in its visible form and active influence on the world it was the manifest product of Roman instincts and habits; it was the spirit of the Empire passing into a new body and accepting in exchange for political power, as it slowly decayed and vanished, a spiritual supremacy62 as unrivalled and as astonishing. The "Legend of the Roman Church—Peter and Paul," "Rome the Centre in which Church Authority grew up," and "Rome the Capital of Catholicism," are the titles of the three lectures in which this thesis is explained and illustrated63. A lecture on Marcus Aurelius, at the Royal Institution, though not one of the series, is obviously connected with it, and concludes M. Renan's work in England.
Except the brilliant bits of writing which, judging from the full abstracts given in translation in the Times, appear to have been interspersed64, and except the undoubting self-confidence and aplomb65 with which a historical survey, reversing the common ideas of mankind, was delivered, there was little new to be learned from M. Renan's treatment of his subject. Perhaps it may be described as the Roman Catholic theory of the rise of the Church, put in an infidel point of view. It is Roman Catholic in concentrating all interest, all the sources of influence and power in the Christian religion and Christian Church, from the first moment at Rome. But for Rome the Christian Church would not have existed. The Church is inconceivable without Rome, and Rome as the seat and centre of its spiritual activity. Everything else is forgotten. There were Christian Churches all over the Empire, in Syria, in Egypt, in Africa, in Asia Minor66, in Gaul, in Greece. A great body of Christian literature, embodying67 the ideas and character of Christians all over the Empire, was growing up, and this was not Roman and had nothing to do with Rome; it was Greek as much as Latin, and local, not metropolitan68, in its characteristics. Christianity was spreading here, there, and everywhere, slowly and imperceptibly as the tide comes in, or as cells multiply in the growing tissues of organised matter; it was spreading under its many distinct guides and teachers, and taking possession of the cities and provinces of the Empire. All this great movement, the real foundation of all that was to be, is overlooked and forgotten in the attention which is fixed69 on Rome and confined to it. As in the Roman Catholic view, M. Renan brings St. Paul and St. Peter together to Rome, to found that great Imperial Church in which the manifold and varied70 history of Christendom is merged71 and swallowed up. Only, of course, M. Renan brings them there as "fanatics72" instead of Apostles and martyrs73. We know something about St. Peter and St. Paul. We know them at any rate from their writings. In M. Renan's representation they stand opposed to one another as leaders of factions74, to whose fierce hatreds75 and jealousies76 there is nothing comparable. "All the differences," he is reported to say, "which divide orthodox folks, heretics, schismatics, in our own day, are as nothing compared with the dissension between Peter and Paul." It is, as every one knows, no new story; but there it is in M. Renan in all its crudity77, as if it were the most manifest and accredited78 of truths. M. Renan first brings St. Paul to Rome. "It was," he says, "a great event in the world's history, almost as pregnant with consequences as his conversion79." How it was so M. Renan does not explain; but he brings St. Peter to Rome also, "following at the heels of St. Paul," to counteract80 and neutralise his influence. And who is this St. Peter? He represents the Jewish element; and what that element was at Rome M. Renan takes great pains to put before us. He draws an elaborate picture of the Jews and Jewish quarter of Rome—a "longshore population" of beggars and pedlars, with a Ghetto81 resembling the Alsatia of The Fortunes of Nigel, seething with dirt and fanaticism82. These were St. Peter's congeners at Rome, whose ideas and claims, "timid trimmer" though he was, he came to Rome to support against the Hellenism and Protestantism of St. Paul. And at Rome they, both of them, probably, perished in Nero's persecution83, and that is the history of the success of Christianity. "Only fanatics can found anything. Judaism lives on because of the intense frenzy84 of its prophets and annalists, Christianity by means of its martyrs."
But a certain Clement85 arose after their deaths, to arrange a reconciliation86 between the fiercely antagonistic87 factions of St. Peter and St. Paul. How he harmonised them M. Renan leaves us to imagine; but he did reconcile them; he gathered in his own person the authority of the Roman Church; he lectured the Corinthian Church on its turbulence88 and insubordination; he anticipated, M. Renan remarked, almost in words, the famous saying of the French Archbishop of Rouen, "My clergy90 are my regiment91, and they are drilled to obey like a regiment." On this showing, Clement might almost be described as the real founder92 of Christianity, of which neither St. Peter nor St. Paul, with their violent oppositions93, can claim to be the complete representative; at any rate he was the first Pope, complete in all his attributes. And in accordance with this beginning M. Renan sees in the Roman Church, first, the centre in which Church authority grew up, and next, the capital of Catholicism. In Rome the congregation gave up its rights to its elders, and these rights the elders surrendered to the single ruler or Bishop89. The creation of the Episcopate was eminently the work of Rome; and this Bishop of Rome caught the full spirit of the Caesar, on whose decay he became great; and troubling himself little about the deep questions which exercised the minds and wrung94 the hearts of thinkers and mystics, he made himself the foundation of order, authority, and subordination to all parts of the Imperial world.
Such is M. Renan's explanation of the great march and triumph of the Christian Church. The Roman Empire, which we had supposed was the natural enemy of the Church, was really the founder of all that made the Church strong, and bequeathed to the Church its prerogatives95 and its spirit, and partly its machinery96. We should hardly gather from this picture that there was, besides, a widespread Catholic Church, with its numerous centres of life and thought and teaching, and with very slight connection, in the early times, with the Church of the capital. And, in the next place, we should gather from it that there was little more in the Church than a powerful and strongly built system of centralised organisation and control; we should hardly suspect the existence of the real questions which interested or disturbed it; we should hardly suspect the existence of a living and all-engrossing theology, or the growth and energy in it of moral forces, or that the minds of Christians about the world were much more busy with the discipline of life, the teaching and meaning of the inspired words of Scripture97, and the ever-recurring conflict with perverseness98 and error, than with their dependent connection on the Imperial Primacy of Rome, and the lessons they were to learn from it.
Disguised as it may be, M. Renan's lectures represent not history, but scepticism as to all possibility of history. Pictures of a Jewish Ghetto, with its ragged99 mendicants smelling of garlic, in places where Christians have been wont100 to think of the Saints; ingenious explanations as to the way in which the "club" of the Christian Church surrendered its rights to a bureau of its officers; exhortations102 to liberty and tolerance103; side-glances at the contrasts of national gifts and destinies and futures104 in the first century and in the nineteenth; felicitous105 parallels and cunning epigrams, subtle combinations of the pathetic, the egotistical, and the cynical106, all presented with calm self-reliance and in the most finished and distinguished107 of styles, may veil for the moment from the audience which such things amuse, and even interest, the hollowness which lies beneath. But the only meaning of the lectures is to point out more forcibly than ever that besides the obvious riddles108 of man's life there is one stranger and more appalling109 still—that a religion which M. Renan can never speak of without admiration110 and enthusiasm is based on a self-contradiction and deluding111 falsehood, more dreadful in its moral inconsistencies than the grave.
We cannot help feeling that M. Renan himself is a true representative of that highly cultivated society of the Empire which would have crushed Christianity, and which Christianity, vanquished112. He still owes something, and owns it, to what he has abandoned—"I am often tempted113 to say, as Job said, in our Latin version, Etiam si occident114 me, in ipso sperabo. But the next moment all is gone—all is but a symbol and a dream." There is no possibility of solving the religious problem. He relapses into profound disbelief of the worth and success of moral efforts after truth. His last word is an exhortation101 to tolerance for "fanatics," as the best mode of extinguishing them. "If, instead of leading Polyeucte to punishment, the magistrate115, with a smile and shake of the hand, had sent him home again, Polyeucte would not have been caught offending again; perhaps, in his old age, he would even have laughed at his escapade, and would have become a sensible man." It is as obvious and natural in our days to dispose of such difficulties in this way with a smile and a sneer116 as it was in the first century with a shout—"Christiani ad leones." But Corneille was as good a judge of the human heart as M. Renan. He had gauged117 the powers of faith and conviction; he certainly would have expected to find his Polyeucte more obstinate118.
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guardian
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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speculations
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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inquiry
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determined
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exacting
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purely
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qualified
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undertaking
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exigencies
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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corrupt
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immoral
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portentous
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assailed
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Christians
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patronage
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forth
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bosom
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eminently
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rhetoric
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primitive
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antiquity
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intelligible
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seething
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philosophical
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mighty
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epoch
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legendary
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countless
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partially
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organisation
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favourable
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proclivities
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softening
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humane
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enacted
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literally
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virtues
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accounting
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consolation
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drawn
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motives
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inevitable
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patriotism
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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relinquish
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followers
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inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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extravagantly
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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constructiveness
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| 组织，构造 | |
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61
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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62
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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63
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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64
interspersed
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| adj.[医]散开的；点缀的v.intersperse的过去式和过去分词 | |
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65
aplomb
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| n.沉着，镇静 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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67
embodying
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| v.表现( embody的现在分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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68
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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69
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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71
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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72
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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73
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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75
hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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76
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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crudity
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| n.粗糙，生硬；adj.粗略的 | |
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78
accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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81
ghetto
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| n.少数民族聚居区，贫民区 | |
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82
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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83
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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84
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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85
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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86
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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88
turbulence
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| n.喧嚣，狂暴，骚乱，湍流 | |
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89
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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90
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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oppositions
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| （强烈的）反对( opposition的名词复数 )； 反对党； （事业、竞赛、游戏等的）对手； 对比 | |
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wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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97
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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98
perverseness
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| n. 乖张, 倔强, 顽固 | |
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99
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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100
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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101
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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102
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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103
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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104
futures
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| n.期货，期货交易 | |
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105
felicitous
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| adj.恰当的，巧妙的；n.恰当，贴切 | |
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106
cynical
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| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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107
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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108
riddles
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| n.谜（语）( riddle的名词复数 )；猜不透的难题，难解之谜 | |
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109
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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110
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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111
deluding
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的现在分词 ) | |
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112
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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113
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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114
occident
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| n.西方；欧美 | |
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115
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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116
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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117
gauged
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| adj.校准的；标准的；量规的；量计的v.（用仪器）测量( gauge的过去式和过去分词 )；估计；计量；划分 | |
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118
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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