[18]
Life and Letters of Frederick W. Robertson. Edited by Stopford A.
Brooke. Guardian1, 15th November 1865.
If the proof of a successful exhibition of a strongly marked and original character be that it excites and sustains interest throughout, that our tastes are appealed to and our judgments2 called forth4 with great strength, that we pass continuously and rapidly, as we read, from deep and genuine admiration5 to equally deep and genuine dissent6 and disapprobation, that it allows us to combine a general but irresistible7 sense of excellence8 growing upon us through the book with an under-current of real and honest dislike and blame, then this book in a great measure satisfies the condition of success. It is undeniable that in what it shows us of Mr. Robertson there is much to admire, much to sympathise with, much to touch us, a good deal to instruct us. He is set before us, indeed, by the editor, as the ideal of all that a great Christian9 teacher and spiritual guide, all that a brave and wise and high-souled man, may be conceived to be. We cannot quite accept him as an example of such rare and signal achievement; and the fault of the book is the common one of warm-hearted biographers to wind their own feelings and those of their readers too high about their subject; to talk as if their hero's excellences10 were unknown till he appeared to display them, and to make up for the imperfect impression resulting from actual facts and qualities by insisting with overstrained emphasis on a particular interpretation11 of them. The book would be more truthful12 and more pleasing if the editor's connecting comments were more simply written, and made less pretension13 to intensity14 and energy of language. Yet with all drawbacks of what seem to us imperfect taste, an imperfect standard of character, and an imperfect appreciation15 of what there is in the world beyond a given circle of interests, the book does what a biography ought to do—it shows us a remarkable16 man, and it gives us the means of forming our own judgment3 about him. It is not a tame panegyric17 or a fancy picture.
The main portion of the book consists of Mr. Robertson's own letters, and his own accounts of himself; and we are allowed to see him, in a great degree at least, as he really was. The editor draws a moral, indeed, and tells us what we ought to think about what we see; but we can use our own judgment about that. And, as so often happens in real life, what we see both attracts and repels19; it calls forth, successively and in almost equal measure, warm sympathy and admiration, and distinct and hearty20 disagreement. At least there is nothing of commonplace—of what is commonplace yet in our generation; though there is a good deal that bids fair to become commonplace in the next. It is the record of a genuine spontaneous character, seeking its way, its duty, its perfection, with much sincerity21 and elevation22 of purpose, and many anxieties and sorrows, and not, we doubt not, without much of the fruits that come with real self-devotion; a record disclosing a man with great faults and conspicuous23 blanks in his nature, one with whose principles, taste, or judgment we constantly find ourselves having a vehement24 quarrel, just after having been charmed and conciliated by some unexpectedly powerful or refined statement of an important truth. We cannot think, and few besides his own friends will think, that he had laid his hand with so sure an accuracy and with so much promise upon the clue which others had lost or bungled25 over. But there is much to learn in his thoughts and words, and there is not less to learn from his life. It is the life of a man who did not spare himself in fulfilling what he received as his task, who sacrificed much in order to speak his message, as he thought, more worthily26 and to do his office more effectually, and whose career touches us the more from the shadow of suffering and early death that hangs over its aspirations27 and activity. A book which fairly shows us such a life is not of less value because it also shows us much that we regret and condemn28.
Mr. Robertson was brought up not only in the straitest traditions of the Evangelical school, but in the heat of its controversial warfare29. His heart, when he was a boy, was set on entering the army; and one of his most characteristic points through life, shown in many very different forms, was his pugnacity30, his keen perception of the "certaminis gaudia":—
"There is something of combativeness31 in me," he writes, "which prevents the whole vigour32 being drawn33 out, except when I have an antagonist34 to deal with, a falsehood to quell35, or a wrong to avenge36. Never till then does my mind feel quite alive. Could I have chosen my own period of the world to have lived in, and my own type of life, it should be the feudal37 ages, and the life of a Cid, the redresser38 of wrongs."
"On the other hand," writes his biographer, "when he met men who despised Christianity, or who, like the Roman Catholics, held to doctrines39 which he believed untrue, this very enthusiasm and unconscious excitement swept him sometimes beyond himself. He could not moderate his indignation down to the cool level of ordinary life. Hence he was wanting at this time in the wise tolerance40 which formed so conspicuous a feature of his maturer manhood. He held to his own views with pertinacity41. He believed them to be true; and he almost refused to allow the possibility of the views of others having truth in them also. He was more or less one-sided at this period. With the Roman Catholic religion it was war to the death, not in his later mode of warfare, by showing the truth which lay beneath the error, but by denouncing the error. He seems invariably, with the pugnacity of a young man, to have attacked their faith; and the mode in which this was done was startlingly different from that which afterwards he adopted."
He yielded, after considerable resistance, to the wishes and advice of his friends, that he should prepare for orders. "With a romantic instinct of self-sacrifice," says his biographer, "he resolved to give up the idea of his whole life." This we can quite understand; but with that propensity43 of biographers to credit their subject with the desirable qualities which it may be supposed that they ought to have, besides those which they really have, the editor proceeds to observe that this would scarcely have happened had not Mr. Robertson's "characteristic self-distrust disposed him to believe that he was himself the worst judge of his future profession." This is the way in which the true outline of a character is blurred44 and confused, in order to say something proper and becoming. Self-distrust was not among the graces or weaknesses of Mr. Robertson's nature, unless indeed we mistake for it the anxiety which even the stoutest45 heart may feel at a crisis, or the dissatisfaction which the proudest may feel at the interval46 between attempt and achievement.
He was an undergraduate at Brasenose at the height of the Oxford47 movement. He was known there, so far as he was known at all, as a keen partisan48 of the Evangelical school; and though no one then suspected the power which was really in him, his party, not rich in men of strength or promise, made the most of a recruit who showed ability and entered heartily49 into their watchwords, and, it must be said, their rancour. He was conspicuous among the young men of his standing50 for the forwardness with which he took his side against "Tractarianism," and the vehemence51 of his dislike of it, and for the almost ostentatious and defiant52 prominence53 which he gave to the convictions and social habits of his school He expressed his scorn and disgust at the "donnishness," the coldness, the routine, the want of heart, which was all that he could see at Oxford out of the one small circle of his friends. He despised the Oxford course of work, and would have nothing more to do with it than he could help—as he lived to regret afterwards. Yet even then he was in his tastes and the instinctive54 tendencies of his mind above his party. He was an admiring reader of Wordsworth and Shelley; he felt the strength of Aristotle and Plato; he is said to have appreciated Mr. Newman's preaching, and to have gallantly55 defended what he admired in him and his friends. His editor, indeed, Mr. Brooke, appears to be a little divided and embarrassed, between his wish to enforce Mr. Robertson's largeness of mind and heart, and his fear of giving countenance56 to suspicions that he was ever so little inclined to "High Churchism"; between his desire to show that Mr. Robertson estimated the High Church leaders as much as an intelligent man ought, and disliked their system as much as a sound-thinking Christian ought. We should have thought that he need not be so solicitous57 to "set at rest the question about Mr. Robertson's High Church tendencies." "I hate High Churchism," was one of his latest declarations, when professing58 his sympathy with individual High Churchmen. One thing, however, is quite clear—that in his early life his partisanship59 was thoroughgoing and unflinching enough to satisfy the fiercest and most fanatical of their opponents. Such a representation as this is simply misleading:—
The almost fierceness with which he speaks against the Tract18 school is proof in him of the strength of the attraction it possessed60 for him, just as afterwards at Brighton his attacks on Evangelicalism are proof of the strength with which he once held to that form of Christianity, and the force of the reaction with which he abandoned it for ever. Out of these two reactions—when their necessary ultra tendencies had been mellowed61 down by time—emerged at last the clearness and the just balance of principles with which he taught during 1848 and the following years, at Brighton. He had probed both schools of theological thought to their recesses62, and had found them wanting. He spoke63 of what he knew when he protested against both. He spoke also of what he knew when he publicly recognised the Spirit of all good moving in the lives of those whose opinions he believed to be erroneous.
It is absurd to say, because he sometimes spoke of the "danger" he had been in from "Tractarianism," that he had felt in equal degree the "strength of attraction" towards the one school and towards the other, and it is equally absurd to talk of his "having probed both to their recesses." He read, and argued, and discussed the pamphlets of the controversy—the "replies," Mr. Brooke says, with more truth probably than he thought of in using the word—like other undergraduates who took interest in what was going on, and thought themselves fit to choose their side. With his tutor and friend, Mr. Churton, he read Taylor's Ancient Christianity, carefully looking out the passages from the Fathers. "I am reading the early Church history with Golightly," he says, "which is a very great advantage, as he has a fund of general information and is a close reader." But we must doubt whether this involved "probing to the recesses" the "Tractarian" side of the question. And we distrust the depth and the judgment, and the impartiality64 also of a man who is said to have read Newman's sermons continually with delight to the day of his death, and by whom no book was more carefully studied and more highly honoured than The Christian Year, and who yet to the last could see nothing better in the Church movement as a whole than, according to the vulgar view of it, a revival65 of forms partly useful, partly hurtful It seems to us the great misfortune of his life, and one which exercised its evil influence on him to the end, that, thrown young into the narrowest and weakest of religious schools, he found it at first so congenial to his vehement temperament66, that he took so kindly67 to certain of its more unnatural68 and ungenerous ways, and thus was cut off from the larger and healthier influences of the society round him. Those were days when older men than he took their side too precipitately69; but he found himself encouraged, even as an undergraduate, to dogmatise, to be positive, to hate, to speak evil. He learnt the lesson too well. This is the language of an undergraduate at the end of his university course;—
But I seem this term to have in a measure waked out of a long trance, partly caused by my own gross inconsistencies, and partly by the paralysing effects of this Oxford-delusion heresy70, for such it is I feel persuaded. And to know it a man must live here, and he will see the promising71 and ardent72 men sinking one after another in a deadly torpor73, wrapped up in self-contemplation, dead to their Redeemer, and useless to His Church, under the baneful74 breath of this accursed upas tree. I say accursed, because I believe that St. Paul would use the same language to Oxford as he did to the Galatian Church, "I would they were even cut off which trouble you"; accursed, because I believe that the curse of God will fall on it He has denounced it on the Papal hereby, and he is no respecter of persons, to punish the name and not the reality. May He forgive me if I err42, and lead me into all truth. But I do not speak as one who has been in no clanger, and therefore cannot speak very quietly. It is strange into what ramifications75 the disbelief of external justification76 will extend; we will make it internal, whether it be by self-mortification, by works of evangelical obedience77, or by the sacraments, and that just at the time when we suppose most that we are magnifying the work of the Lord.
Mr. Brooke rather likes to dwell, as it seems to us, in an unreal and disproportionate way, on Mr. Robertson's sufferings, in the latter part of his life, from the bitter and ungenerous attacks of which he was the object. "This is the man," he says in one place, "who was afterwards at Brighton driven into the deepest solitariness78 of heart, whom God thought fit to surround with slander79 and misunderstanding." He was, we doubt not, fiercely assailed80 by the Evangelical party, which he had left, and which he denounced in no gentle language; he was, as we can well believe, "constantly attacked, by some manfully, by others in an underhand manner, and was the victim of innuendoes81 and slander." We cannot, however, help thinking that Mr. Brooke unconsciously exaggerates the solitariness and want of sympathy which went with all this. Mr. Robertson had, and knew that he had, his ardent and enthusiastic admirers as well as his worrying and untiring opponents. But what we remark is this. It was the measure which he had meted82 out to others, in the fierceness of his zeal83 for Evangelicalism, which the Evangelicals afterwards meted out to him. They did not more talk evil of what they knew not and had taken no real pains to understand, than he had done of a body of men as able, as well-instructed, as deep-thinking, as brave, as earnest as himself in their war against sin and worldliness. The stupidity, the perverse84 ill-nature, the resolute85 ignorance, the audacious and fanatical application of Scripture86 condemnations, the reckless judging without a desire to do justice, which he felt and complained of so bitterly when turned against himself, he had sanctioned and largely shared in when the same party which attacked him in the end attacked the earlier revivers of thoughtful and earnest religion. Nor do we find that he ever expressed regret for a vehemence of condemnation87 which his after-knowledge must have shown him that he had no business to pass, because, even if he afterwards adhered to it, he had originally passed it on utterly88 false and inadequate89 grounds. He only became as fierce against the Evangelicals as he had been against the followers90 of Mr. Newman. He never unlearnt the habit of harsh reprobation91 which his Evangelical friends had encouraged. He only transferred its full force against themselves.
He left Oxford and began his ministry92, first at Winchester, and then at Cheltenham, full of Evangelical formulae and Evangelical narrow zeal. It does not appear that, except as an earnest hard-working clergyman, he was in any way distinguished93 from numbers of the same class, though we are quite willing to believe that even then his preaching, in warmth and vigour, was above the average. But as he, or his biographer, says, he had not yet really begun to think. When he began to think, he did so with the rapidity, the intensity, the impatient fervid94 vehemence which lay all along at the bottom of his character. His Evangelical views appear to have snapped to pieces and dissolved with a violence and sudden abruptness95 entirely96 unaccounted for by anything which these volumes show us. He read Carlyle; but so did many other people. He found the religious world at Cheltenham not so pure as he had imagined it; but this is what must have happened anywhere, and is not enough to account for such a complete revolution of belief. He had a friend deeply read in German philosophy and criticism who is said to have exercised influence on him. Still, we repeat, the steps and processes of the change from the Evangelicalism of Cheltenham to a condition, at first, of almost absolute doubt, are very imperfectly explained:—
These letters were written in 1843. In the following year doubts and questionings began to stir in his mind. He could not get rid of them. They were forced upon him by his reading and his intercourse97 with men. They grew and tortured him. His teaching in the pulpit altered, and it became painful to him to preach. He was reckoned of the Evangelical school, and he began to feel that his position was becoming a false one. He felt the excellence and earnestness, and gladly recognised the work of the nobler portion of that party, but he felt also that he must separate from it. In his strong reaction from its extreme tendencies, he understood with a shock which upturned his whole inward life for a time, that the system on which he had founded his whole faith and work could never be received by him again. Within its pale, for him, there was henceforward neither life, peace, nor reality. It was not, however, till almost the end of his ministry at Cheltenham that this became clearly manifest to him. It had been growing slowly into a conviction. An outward blow—the sudden ruin of a friendship which he had wrought98, as he imagined, for ever into his being—a blow from which he never afterwards wholly recovered—accelerated the inward crisis, and the result was a period of spiritual agony so awful that it not only shook his health to its centre, but smote99 his spirit down into so profound a darkness that of all his early faiths but one remained, "It must be right to do right."
This seems to have been in 1846, and in the beginning of the next year he had already taken his new line. The explanation does not explain much. We have no right to ask for more than his friends think fit to tell us of this turning-point of his life. But we observe that this deeply important passage is left with but little light and much manifest reticence100. That the crisis took place we have his own touching101 and eloquent102 words to assure us. It left him also as firm in his altered convictions as he had been in his old ones. What caused it, what were its circumstances and characteristics, and what affected103 its course and results, we can only guess. But it was decisive and it was speedy. He spent a few months in Germany in the end of 1846, and in the beginning of 1847 the Bishop104 of Oxford was willing to appoint him to St. Ebbe's. But his stay there was short. Three months afterwards he accepted the chapel105 at Brighton which he held till his death in August 1853.
He was now the Robertson whom all the world knows, and the change was a most remarkable one. It seems strictly106 accurate to say that he started at once into a new man—new in all his views and tastes; new in the singular burst of power which at once shows itself in the keen, free, natural language of his letters and his other writings; new in the deep concentrated earnestness of character with which he seemed to grasp his peculiar107 calling and function. All the conventionalities of his old school, which hung very thick about him even to the end of his Cheltenham life, seem suddenly to drop off, and leave him, without a trace remaining on his mind, in the full use and delight of his new liberty. We cannot say that we are more inclined to agree with him in his later stage than in his earlier. And the rapid transformation108 of a most dogmatic and zealous109 Evangelical into an equally positive and enthusiastic "Broad Churchman" does not seem a natural or healthy process, and suggests impatience110 and self-confidence more than self-command and depth. But we get, without doubt, to a real man—a man whose words have a meaning, and stand for real things; whose language no longer echoes the pale dreary111 commonplaces of a school, but reveals thoughts which he has thought for himself, and the power of being able "to speak as he will." His mind seems to expand, almost at a bound, to all the manifold variety of interests of which the world is full. His letters on his own doings, on the books and subjects of the day, on the remarks or the circumstances of his friends, his criticism, his satire112, his controversial or friendly discussions, are full of energy, versatility113, refinement114, boldness, and strength; and his remarkable power of clear, picturesque115, expressive116 diction, not unworthy of our foremost masters of English, appears all at once, as it were, full grown. It is difficult to believe, as we read the later portions of his life, that we are reading about the same man who appeared, so short a time before, at the beginning, to promise at best to turn into a popular Evangelical preacher, above the average, perhaps, in taste and power, but not above the average in freedom from cramping117 and sour prejudices.
Mr. Robertson had hold of some great truths, and he applied118 them, both in his own thoughts and self-development and in his popular teaching, with great force. He realised two things with a depth and intensity which give an awful life and power to all he said about religion. He realised with singular and pervading119 keenness that which a greater man than he speaks of as the first and the great discovery of the awakened120 soul—" the thought of two, and two only, supreme121 and luminously122 self-evident beings, himself and the Creator." "Alone with God," expresses the feeling which calmed his own anxieties and animated123 his religious appeals to others. And he realised with equal earnestness the great truth which is spoken of by Mr. Brooke, though in language which to us has an unpleasant sound, in the following extract:
Yet, notwithstanding all this—which men called while he lived, and now when he is dead will call, want of a clear and well-defined system of theology—he had a fixed124 basis for his teaching. It was the Divine-human Life of Christ. It is the fourth principle mentioned in his letter, "that belief in the human character of Christ must be antecedent to belief in His divine origin." He felt that an historical Christianity was absolutely essential; that only through a visible life of the Divines in the flesh could God become intelligible125 to men; that Christ was God's idea of our nature realised; that only when we fall back on the glorious portrait of what has been, ran we be delivered from despair of Humanity; that in Christ "all the blood of all the nations ran," and all the powers of man were redeemed126. Therefore he grasped as the highest truth, on which to rest life and thought, the reality expressed in the words, "the Word was made Flesh." The Incarnation was to him the centre of all history, the blossoming of Humanity. The Life which followed the Incarnation was the explanation of the Life of God, and the only solution of the problem of the Life of man. He did not speak much of loving Christ; his love was fitly mingled127 with that veneration128 which makes love perfect; his voice was solemn, and he paused before he spoke His name in common talk; for what that name meant had become the central thought of his intellect and the deepest realisation of his spirit. He had spent a world of study, of reverent129 meditation130, of adoring contemplation, on the Gospel history. Nothing comes forward more frequently in his letters than the way in which he had entered into the human life of Christ. To that everything is referred—by that everything is explained.
In bringing home these great truths to the feelings of those who had lived insensible to them lay the chief value of his preaching. He awakened men to believe that there was freshness and reality in things which they had by use become dulled to. There are no doubt minds which rise to the truth most naturally and freely without the intervention131 of dogmatic expressions, and to these such expressions, as they are a limit and a warning, are also felt as a clog132. Mr. Robertson's early experience had made him suspicious and irritable133 about dogma as such; and he prided himself on being able to dispense134 with it, while at the same time preserving the principle and inner truth which it was intended to convey. But in his ostentatious contempt of dogmatic precision and exactness, none but those who have not thought about the matter will see any proof of his strength or wisdom. Dogma, accurate, subtle, scientific, does not prevent a mind of the first order from breathing freshness of feeling, grandeur135, originality136, and the sense of reality, into the exposition of the truth which it represents. It is no fetter137 except to those minds which in their impulsiveness138, their self-confidence, and their want of adequate grasp and sustained force, most need its salutary restraint. And no man has a right, however eloquent and impressive his speech may be, to talk against dogma till he shows that he does not confound accuracy of statement with conventional formalism. Mr. Robertson lays down the law pretty confidently about the blunders of everybody about him—Tractarian, Evangelical, Dissenter139, Romanist, and Rationalist. We must say that the impression of every page of his letters is, that clear and "intuitive" as he was, he had not always understood what he condemned140. He was especially satisfied with a view of Baptism which he thought rose above both extremes and took in the truth of both while it avoided their errors. But is it too much to say that a man who, not in the heat of rhetoric141, but when preparing candidates for Confirmation142, and piquing143 himself on his freedom from all prejudice, deliberately144 describes the common Church view of Baptism as implying a "magical" change, and actually illustrates145 what he means by the stories of magical changes in the Arabian Nights—who knowing, or able to read, all that has been said by divines on the subject from the days of Augustine, yet commits himself to the assertion that this is in fact what they hold and teach—is it too much to say that such a man, whatever may be his other gifts, has forfeited146 all claim to be considered capable of writing and expressing himself with accuracy, truth, and distinctness on theological questions? And if theological questions are to be dealt with, ought they not to be dealt with accurately147, and not loosely?
But we have lingered too long over these volumes. They are very instructive, sometimes very elevating, almost always very touching. The life which they describe greatly wanted discipline, self-restraint, and the wise and manly148 fear of overrating one's own novelties. But we see in it a life consecrated149 to duty, fulfilled with much pain and self-sacrifice, and adorned150 by warm and deep affections, by vigour and refinement of thought, and earnest love for truth and purity. No one can help feeling his profound and awful sense of things unseen, though in the philosophy by which he sought to connect things seen and things unseen, we cannot say that we can have much confidence. We have only one concluding remark to make, and that is not on him but on his biographer. An exaggerated tone, as we have said, seems to us to pervade151 the book. There is what seems to us an unhealthy attempt to create in the reader an impression of the exceptional severity of the sufferings of Mr. Robertson's life, of his loneliness, of his persecutions. But in this point much may fairly be pardoned to the affection of a friend. What, however, we can less excuse is the want of good feeling with which Mr. Brooke, in his account of Mr. Robertson's last days, allows himself to give an ex parte, account of a dispute between Mr. Robertson and the Vicar of Brighton, about the appointment of a curate, and not simply to insinuate152, but distinctly declare that this dispute with its result was the fatal stroke which, in his state of ill-health, hastened his death. We say nothing about the rights of the story, for we never heard anything of them but what Mr. Brooke tells us. But there is an appearance of vindictiveness153 in putting it on record with this particular aspect which nothing in the story itself seems to us to justify154. In describing Mr. Robertson's departure from Cheltenham, Mr. Brooke has plainly thought right to use much reticence. He would have done well to have used the same reticence about these quarrels at Brighton.
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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irresistible
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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excellences
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| n.卓越( excellence的名词复数 )；（只用于所修饰的名词后）杰出的；卓越的；出类拔萃的 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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truthful
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pretension
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intensity
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appreciation
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remarkable
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panegyric
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tract
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repels
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hearty
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sincerity
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elevation
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conspicuous
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bungled
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worthily
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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28
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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29
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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30
pugnacity
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| n.好斗，好战 | |
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31
combativeness
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| n.好战 | |
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32
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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33
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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34
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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35
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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36
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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37
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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38
redresser
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| 改正[修正，调整，补偿]者；解调器 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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40
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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41
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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42
err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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43
propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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44
blurred
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| v.（使）变模糊( blur的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）难以区分；模模糊糊；迷离 | |
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45
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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46
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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47
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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48
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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50
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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51
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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52
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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53
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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54
instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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55
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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56
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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57
solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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58
professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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59
Partisanship
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| n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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60
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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61
mellowed
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| （使）成熟( mellow的过去式和过去分词 )； 使色彩更加柔和，使酒更加醇香 | |
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62
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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63
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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64
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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65
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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66
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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67
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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68
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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69
precipitately
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| adv.猛进地 | |
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70
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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71
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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72
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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73
torpor
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| n.迟钝；麻木；（动物的）冬眠 | |
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74
baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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75
ramifications
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| n.结果，后果( ramification的名词复数 ) | |
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76
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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77
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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78
solitariness
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| n.隐居；单独 | |
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79
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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80
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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81
innuendoes
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| n.影射的话( innuendo的名词复数 )；讽刺的话；含沙射影；暗讽 | |
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82
meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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84
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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85
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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86
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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87
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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88
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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89
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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90
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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91
reprobation
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| n.斥责 | |
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92
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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93
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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94
fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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95
abruptness
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| n. 突然，唐突 | |
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96
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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97
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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98
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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99
smote
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| v.猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去式 ) | |
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100
reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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101
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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102
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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103
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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104
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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105
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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106
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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107
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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108
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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109
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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110
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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111
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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112
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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113
versatility
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| n.多才多艺，多样性，多功能 | |
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114
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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115
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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116
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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117
cramping
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| 图像压缩 | |
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118
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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119
pervading
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的现在分词 ) | |
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120
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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121
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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122
luminously
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| 发光的； 明亮的； 清楚的； 辉赫 | |
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123
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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124
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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125
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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126
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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127
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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128
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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129
reverent
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| adj.恭敬的，虔诚的 | |
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130
meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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131
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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132
clog
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| vt.塞满，阻塞；n.[常pl.]木屐 | |
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133
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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134
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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135
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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136
originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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137
fetter
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| n./vt.脚镣，束缚 | |
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138
impulsiveness
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| n.冲动 | |
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139
dissenter
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| n.反对者 | |
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140
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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141
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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142
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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143
piquing
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| v.伤害…的自尊心( pique的现在分词 )；激起（好奇心） | |
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144
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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145
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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146
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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148
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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149
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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150
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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151
pervade
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| v.弥漫，遍及，充满，渗透，漫延 | |
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152
insinuate
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| vt.含沙射影地说，暗示 | |
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153
vindictiveness
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| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
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154
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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