[20]
A Memoir of the Rev2. John Keble. By the Right Hon. Sir J.T.
Coleridge. Saturday Review, 20th March 1860.
Mr. Keble has been fortunate in his biographer. There have been since his death various attempts to appreciate a character manifestly of such depth and interest, yet about which outsiders could find so little to say. Professor Shairp, of St. Andrews, two or three years ago gave a charming little sketch3, full of heart and insight, and full too of noble modesty4 and reverence5, which deserves to be rescued from the danger of being forgotten into which sketches6 are apt to fall, both on account of its direct subject, and also for the contemporary evidence which it contains of the impressions made on a perfectly7 impartial8 and intelligent observer by the early events of the Oxford9 movement. The brilliant Dean of Westminster, in Macmillan's Magazine, has attempted, with his usual grace and kindliness10, to do justice to Keble's character, and has shown how hard he found the task. The paper on Keble forms a pendant to a recent paper on Dean Milman. The two papers show conspicuously11 the measure and range of Dr. Stanley's power; what he can comprehend and appreciate in religious earnestness and height, and what he cannot; in what shapes, as in Dean Milman, he can thoroughly12 sympathise with it and grasp it, and where its phenomena13, as in Mr. Keble, simply perplex and baffle him, and carry him out of his depth.
Sir John Coleridge knew Keble probably as long and as intimately as any one; and on the whole, he had the most entire sympathy with his friend's spirit, even where he disagreed with his opinions. He thoroughly understood and valued the real and living unity14 of a character which mostly revealed itself to the outer world by what seemed jerks and discordant15 traits. From early youth, through manhood to old age, he had watched and tested and loved that varied16 play and harmony of soul and mind, which was sometimes tender, sometimes stern, sometimes playful, sometimes eager; abounding17 with flashes of real genius, and yet always inclining by instinctive18 preference to things homely19 and humble20; but which was always sound and unselfish and thorough, endeavouring to subject itself to the truth and will of God. To Sir John Coleridge all this was before him habitually21 as a whole; he could take it in, not by putting piece by piece together, but because he saw it. And besides being an old and affectionate and intelligent friend, he was also a discriminating23 one. In his circumstances he was as opposite to Keble as any one could be; he was a lawyer and man of the world, whose busy life at Westminster had little in common with the studies or pursuits of the divine and the country parson.
Such an informant presents a picture entirely24 different in kind from the comments and criticisms of those who can judge only from Mr. Keble's writings and religious line, or from the rare occasions in which he took a public part. These appearances, to many who willingly acknowledge the charm which has drawn25 to him the admiration26 and affection of numbers externally most widely at variance27 with him, do not always agree together. People delight in his poetry who hate his theology. They cannot say too much of the tenderness, the depth, the truth, the quick and delicate spirit of love and purity, which have made his verses the best interpreters and soothers of modern religious feeling; yet, in the religious system from which his poetry springs, they find nothing but what seems to them dry, harsh, narrow, and antiquated28. He attracts and he repels29; and the attraction and repulsion are equally strong. They see one side, and he is irresistible30 in his simplicity31, humbleness32, unworldliness, and ever considerate charity, combined with so much keenness and freshness of thought, and such sure and unfailing truth of feeling. They see another, and he seems to them full of strange unreality, strained, exaggerated, morbid33, bristling34 with a forced yet inflexible35 intolerance. At one moment he seems the very ideal of a Christian37 teacher, made to win the sympathy of all hearts; the next moment a barrier rises in the shape of some unpopular doctrine38 or some display of zealous39 severity, seeming to be a strange contrast to all that was before, which utterly40 astonishes and disappoints. Mr. Keble was very little known to the public in general, less so even than others whose names are associated with his; and it is evident that to the public in general he presented a strange assemblage of incoherent and seemingly irreconcilable41 qualities. His mind seemed to work and act in different directions; and the results at the end seemed to be with wide breaks and interruptions between them. But a book like this enables us to trace back these diverging42 lines to the centre from which they spring. What seemed to be in such sharp contradiction at the outside is seen to flow naturally from the perfectly homogeneous and consistent character within. Many people will of course except to the character. It is not the type likely to find favour in an age of activity, doubt, and change. But, as it was realised in Mr. Keble, there it is in Sir John Coleridge's pages, perfectly real, perfectly natural, perfectly whole and uniform, with nothing double or incongruous in it, though it unfolded itself in various and opposite ways. And its ideal was simply that which has been consecrated43 as the saintly character in the Christian Church since the days of St. John—the deepest and most genuine love of all that was good; the deepest and most genuine hatred44 of all that was believed to be evil.
The picture which Sir John Coleridge puts before us, though deficient45 in what is striking and brilliant, is a sufficiently46 remarkable47 and uncommon48 one. It is the picture of a man of high cultivation49 and intellect, in whom religion was not merely something flavouring and elevating life, not merely a great element and object of spiritual activity, but really and unaffectedly the one absorbing interest, and the spring of every thought and purpose. Whether people like such a character or not, and whether or not they may think the religion wrong, or distorted and imperfect, if they would fairly understand the writer of the Christian Year they must start from this point. He was a man who, without a particle of the religious cant51 of any school, without any self-consciousness or pretension52 or unnatural53 strain, literally54 passed his clays under the quick and pervading55 influence, for restraint and for stimulus56, of the will and presence of God. With this his whole soul was possessed57; its power over him had not to be invoked58 and stirred up; it acted spontaneously and unnoticed in him; it was dominant59 in all his activity; it quenched60 in him aims, and even, it may be, faculties61; it continually hampered62 the free play of his powers and gifts, and made him often seem, to those who had not the key, awkward, unequal, and unintelligible63. But for this awful sense of truth and reality unseen, which dwarfed64 to him all personal thoughts and all present things, he might have been a more finished writer, a more attractive preacher, a less indifferent foster-father to his own works. But it seemed to him a shame, in the presence of all that his thoughts habitually dwelt with, to think of the ordinary objects of authorship, of studying anything of this world for its own sake, of perfecting works of art, of cultivating the subtle forces and spells of language to give attractiveness to his writings. Abruptness65, inadequacy66, and obscurity of expression were light matters, and gave him little concern, compared with the haunting fear of unreal words. This "seeking first the kingdom of God and His righteousness," as he understood it, was the basis of all that he was; it was really and unaffectedly his governing principle, the root of his affections and his antipathies67, just as to other men is the passion for scientific discovery or political life.
But within these limits, and jealously restrained by these conditions, a strongly marked character, exuberant68 with power and life, and the play of individual qualities, displayed itself. There were two intellectual sides to his mind—one which made him a poet, quickness and delicacy69 of observation and sympathetic interpretation70, the realising and anticipating power of deep feeling and penetrative imagination; the other, at first sight, little related to poetry, a hard-headed, ingenious, prosaic71 shrewdness and directness of common sense, dealing72 practically with things as they are and on the whole, very little curious about scientific questions and precision, argumentative in a fashion modelled on Bishop73 Butler, and full of logical resource, good and, often it must be owned, bad. It was a mind which unfolded first under the plain, manly74 discipline of an old-fashioned English country parsonage, where the unshowy piety75 and strong morality and modest theology of the middle age of Anglicanism, the school of Pearson, Bull, and Wilson, were supreme76. And from this it came under the new influences of bold and independent thought which were beginning to stir at Oxford; influences which were at first represented by such men as Davison, Copleston, and, above all, Whately; influences which repelled77 Keble by what he saw of hardness, shallowness, and arrogance78, and still more of self-sufficiency and intellectual display and conceit79 in the prevailing80 tone of speculation81, but which nevertheless powerfully affected50 him, and of which he showed the traces to the last Sir John Coleridge is disappointing as to the amount of light which he throws on the process which was going on in Keble's mind during the fifteen years or so between his degree and the Christian Year; but there is one touch which refers to this period. Speaking in 1838 of Alexander Knox, and expressing dislike of his position, "as on the top of a high hill, seeing which way different schools tend," and "exercising a royal right of eclecticism83 over all," he adds:—
I speak the more feelingly because I know I was myself inclined to eclecticism at one time; and if it had not been for my father and my brother, where I should have been now, who can say?
But he was a man who, with a very vigorous and keen intellect, capable of making him a formidable disputant if he had been so minded, may be said not to have cared for his intellect. He used it at need, but he distrusted and undervalued it as an instrument and help. Goodness was to him the one object of desire and reverence; it was really his own measure of what he respected and valued; and where he recognised it, and in whatever shape, grave or gay, he cared not about seeming consistent in somehow or other paying it homage84. People who knew him remember how, in this austere85 judge of heresy86, burdened by the ever-pressing conviction of the "decay" of the Church and the distress87 of a time of change, tenderness, playfulness, considerateness, the restraint of a modesty which could not but judge, yet mistrusted its fitness, marked his ordinary intercourse88. Overflowing89 with affection to his friends, and showing it in all kinds of unconventional and unexpected instances, keeping to the last a kind of youthful freshness as if he had never yet realised that he was not a boy, and shrunk from the formality and donnishness of grown-up life, he was the most refined and thoughtful of gentlemen, and in the midst of the fierce party battles of his day, with all his strong feeling of the tremendous significance of the strife90, always a courteous91 and considerate opponent. Strong words he used, and used deliberately92. But those were the days when the weapons of sarcasm93 and personal attack were freely handled. The leaders of the High Church movement were held up to detestation as the Oxford Malignants, and they certainly showed themselves fully82 able to give their assailants as good as they brought; yet Mr. Keble, involved in more than one trying personal controversy94, feeling as sternly and keenly as any one about public questions, and tried by disappointment and the break up of the strongest ties, never lost his evenness of temper, never appeared in the arena95 of personal recrimination. In all the prominent part which he took, and in the resolute96 and sometimes wrathful tone in which he defended what seemed harsh measures, he may have dropped words which to opponents seemed severe ones, but never any which even they could call a scornful one or a sneer98.
It was in keeping with all that he was—a mark of imperfection it may be, yet part of the nobleness and love of reality in a man who felt so deeply the weakness and ignorance of man—that he cared so little about the appearances of consistency99. Thus, bound as he was by principle to show condemnation100 when he thought that a sacred cause was invaded, he was always inclining to conciliate his wrath97 with his affectionateness, and his severity with his consideration of circumstances and his own mistrust of himself. He was, of all men holding strong opinions, one of the most curiously101 and unexpectedly tolerant, wherever he could contrive102 to invent an excuse for tolerance36, or where long habitual22 confidence was weighed against disturbing appearances. Sir John Coleridge touches this in the following extract, which is characteristic:—
On questions of this kind especially [University Reform], his principles were uncompromising; if a measure offended against what he thought honest, or violated what he thought sacred, good motives103 in the framers he would not admit as palliation, nor would he be comforted by an opinion of mine that measures mischievous104 in their logical consequences were never in the result so mischievous, or beneficial measures so beneficial, as had been foretold105. So he writes playfully to me at an earlier time:—
"Hurrell Froude and I took into consideration your opinion that 'there are good men of all parties,' and agreed that it is a bad doctrine for these days; the time being come in which, according to John Miller106, 'scoundrels must be called scoundrels'; and, moreover, we have stigmatised the said opinion by the name of the Coleridge Heresy. So hold it any longer at your peril107."
I think it fair to set down these which were, in truth, formed opinions, and not random108 sayings; but it would be most unfair if one concluded from them, written and spoken in the freedom of friendly intercourse, that there was anything sour in his spirit, or harsh and narrow in his practice; when you discussed any of these things with him, the discussion was pretty sure to end, not indeed with any insincere concession109 of what he thought right and true, but in consideration for individuals and depreciation110 of himself.
And the same thing comes out in the interesting letter in which the
Solicitor-General describes his last recollections of Keble:—
There was, I am sure, no trace of failing then to be discerned in his apprehension112, or judgment113, or discourse114. He was an old man who had been very ill, who was still physically115 weak, and who needed care; but he was the same Mr. Keble I had always known, and whom, for aught that appeared, I might hope still to know for many years to come. Little bits of his tenderness, flashes of his fun, glimpses of his austerer side, I seem to recall, but I cannot put them upon paper…. Once I remember walking with him just the same short walk, from his house to Sir William's, and our conversation fell upon Charles I., with regard to whose truth and honour I had used some expressions in a review, which had, as I heard, displeased116 him. I referred to this, and he said it was true. I replied that I was very sorry to displease117 him by anything I said or thought; but that if the Naseby letters were genuine, I could not think that what I said was at all too strong, and that a man could but do his best to form an honest opinion upon historical evidence, and, if he had to speak, to express that opinion. On this he said, with a tenderness and humility118 not only most touching119, but to me most embarrassing, that "It might be so; what was he to judge of other men; he was old, and things were now looked at very differently; that he knew he had many things to unlearn and learn afresh; and that I must not mind what he had said, for that in truth belief in the heroes of his youth had become part of him." I am afraid these are my words, and not his; and I cannot give his way of speaking, which to any one with a heart, I think, would have been as overcoming as it was to me.
This same carelessness about appearances seems to us to be shown in Keble's theological position in his later years. A more logical, or a more plausible120, but a less thoroughly real man might easily have drifted into Romanism. There was much in the circumstances round him, in the admissions which he had made, to lead that way; and his chivalrous121 readiness to take the beaten or unpopular side would help the tendency. But he was a man who gave great weight to his instinctive perception of what was right and wrong; and he was also a man who, when he felt sure of his duty, did not care a straw about what the world thought of appearances, or required as a satisfaction of seeming consistency. In him was eminently122 illustrated123 the characteristic strength and weakness of English religion, which naturally comes out in that form of it which is called Anglicanism; that poor Anglicanism, the butt124 and laughing-stock of all the clever and high-flying converts to Rome, of all the clever and high-flying Liberals, and of all those poor copyists of the first, far from clever, though very high-flying, who now give themselves out as exclusive heirs of the great name of Catholic; sneered125 at on all sides as narrow, meagre, shattered, barren; which certainly does not always go to the bottom of questions, and is too much given to "hunting-up" passages for catenas of precedents126 and authorities; but which yet has a strange, obstinate127, tenacious128 moral force in it; which, without being successful in formulating129 theories or in solving fallacies, can pierce through pretences130 and shams131; and which in England seems the only shape in which intense religious faith can unfold itself and connect itself with morality and duty, without seeming to wear a peculiar132 dress of its own, and putting a barrier of self-chosen watchwords and singularities between itself and the rest of the nation.
It seems to us a great advantage to truth to have a character thus exhibited in its unstudied and living completeness, and exhibited directly, as the impression from life was produced on those before whose eyes it drew itself out day by day in word and act, as the occasion presented itself. There is, no doubt, a more vivid and effective way; one in which the Dean of Westminster is a great master, though it is not the method which he followed in what is probably his most perfect work, the Life of Dr. Arnold—the method of singling out points, and placing them, if possible, under a concentrated light, and in strong contrast and relief. Thus in Keble's case it is easy, and doubtless to many observers natural and tempting133, to put side by side, with a strange mixture of perplexity and repulsion, The Christian Year, and the treatise134 On Eucharistical Adoration135; to compare even in Keble's poetry, his tone on nature and human life, on the ways of children and the thoughts of death, with that on religious error and ecclesiastical divergences136 from the Anglican type; and to dwell on the contrast between Keble bearing his great gifts with such sweetness and modesty, and touching with such tenderness and depth the most delicate and the purest of human feelings, and Keble as the editor of Fronde's Remains137, forward against Dr. Hampden, breaking off a friendship of years with Dr. Arnold, stiff against Liberal change and indulgent to ancient folly138 and error, the eulogist of patristic mysticism and Bishop Wilson's "discipline," and busy in the ecclesiastical agitations139 and legal wranglings of our later days, about Jerusalem Bishoprics and Courts of Final Appeal and ritual details, about Gorham judgments140, Essays and Reviews prosecutions141, and Colenso scandals. The objection to this method of contrast is that it does not give the whole truth. It does not take notice that, in appreciating a man like Keble, the thing to start from is that his ideal and model and rule of character was neither more nor less than the old Christian one. It was simply what was accepted as right and obvious and indisputable, not by Churchmen only, but by all earnest believers up to our own days. Given certain conditions of Christian faith and duty which he took for granted as much as the ordinary laws of morality, then the man's own individual gifts or temper or leanings displayed themselves. But when people talk of Keble being narrow and rigid142 and harsh and intolerant, they ought first to recollect111 that he had been brought up with the ideas common to all whom he ever heard of or knew as religious people. All earnest religious conviction must seem narrow to those who do not share it. It was nothing individual or peculiar, either to him or his friends, to have strong notions about defending what they believed that they had received as the truth; and they were people who knew what they were about, too, and did not take things up at random. In this he was not different from Hooker, or Jeremy Taylor, or Bishop Butler, or Baxter, or Wesley, or Dr. Chalmers; it may be added, that he was not different from Dr. Arnold or Archbishop Whately. It must not be forgotten that till of late years there was always supposed, rightly or wrongly, to be such a thing as false doctrine, and that intolerance of it, within the limits of common justice, was always held as much part of the Christian character as devotion and charity. Men differed widely as to what was false doctrine, but they did not differ much as to there being such a thing, and as to what was to be thought of it. Keble, like other people of his time, took up his system, and really, considering that the ideal which he honestly and earnestly aimed at was the complete system of the Catholic Church, it is an abuse of words to call it, whatever else it may be called, a narrow system. There may be a wider system still, in the future; but it is at least premature143 to say that a man is narrow because he accepts in good faith the great traditional ideas and doctrines144 of the Christian Church; for of everything that can yet be called a religious system, in the sense commonly understood, as an embodiment of definite historical revelation, it is not easy to conceive a less narrow one. And, accepting it as the truth, it was dearer to him than life. That he was sensitively alive to whatever threatened or opposed it, and was ready to start up like a soldier, ready to do battle against any odds145 and to risk any unpopularity or misconstruction, was only the sure and natural result of that deep love and loyalty146 and thorough soundness of heart with which he loved his friends, but what he believed to be truth and God's will better than his friends. But it is idle and shallow to confuse the real narrowness which springs from a harsh temper or a cramped147 and self-sufficient intellect, and which is quite compatible with the widest theoretical latitude148, and the inevitable149 appearance of narrowness and severity which must always be one side which a man of strong convictions and earnest purpose turns to those whose strong convictions and earnest purpose are opposite to his.
Mr. Keble, saintly as was his character, if ever there was such a character, belonged, as we all do, to his day and generation. The aspect of things and the thoughts of men change; enlarging, we are always apt to think, but perhaps really also contracting in some directions where they once were larger. In Mr. Keble, the service which he rendered to his time consisted, not merely, as it is sometimes thought, in soothing150 and refining it, but in bracing151 it. He was the preacher and example of manly hardness, simplicity, purpose in the religious character. It may be that his hatred of evil—of hollowness, impurity152, self-will, conceit, ostentation—was greater than was always his perception of various and mingled153 good, or his comprehension of those middle things and states which are so much before us now. But the service cannot be overrated, to all parties, of the protest which his life and all his words were against dangers which were threatening all parties, and not least the Liberal party—the danger of shallowness and superficial flippancy154; the danger of showy sentiment and insincerity, of worldly indifference155 to high duties and calls. With the one great exception of Arnold—Keble's once sympathetic friend, though afterwards parted from him—the religious Liberals of our time have little reason to look back with satisfaction to the leaders, able and vigorous as some of them were, who represented their cause then. They owe to Keble, as much as do those who are more identified with his theology, the inestimable service of having interpreted religion by a genuine life, corresponding in its thoroughness and unsparing, unpretending devotedness156, as well as in its subtle vividness of feeling, to the great object which religion professes157 to contemplate158.
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memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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kindliness
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| n.厚道，亲切，友好的行为 | |
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conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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discriminating
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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admiration
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variance
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antiquated
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| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
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repels
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| v.击退( repel的第三人称单数 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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humbleness
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| n.谦卑，谦逊；恭顺 | |
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morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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bristling
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inflexible
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tolerance
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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diverging
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| 分开( diverge的现在分词 )； 偏离； 分歧； 分道扬镳 | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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44
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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45
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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46
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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47
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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48
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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49
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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50
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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51
cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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52
pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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53
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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54
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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55
pervading
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的现在分词 ) | |
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56
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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57
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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58
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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59
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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60
quenched
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| 解（渴）( quench的过去式和过去分词 )； 终止（某事物）； （用水）扑灭（火焰等）； 将（热物体）放入水中急速冷却 | |
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61
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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62
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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64
dwarfed
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| vt.（使）显得矮小（dwarf的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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65
abruptness
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| n. 突然，唐突 | |
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66
inadequacy
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| n.无法胜任，信心不足 | |
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67
antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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68
exuberant
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| adj.充满活力的；（植物）繁茂的 | |
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69
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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70
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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71
prosaic
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| adj.单调的，无趣的 | |
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72
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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73
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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74
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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75
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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76
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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77
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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78
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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79
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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80
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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81
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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82
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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83
eclecticism
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| n.折衷主义 | |
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84
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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85
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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86
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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87
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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88
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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89
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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90
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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91
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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92
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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93
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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94
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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95
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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96
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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97
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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98
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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99
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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100
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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101
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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102
contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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103
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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104
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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105
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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107
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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108
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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109
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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110
depreciation
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| n.价值低落，贬值，蔑视，贬低 | |
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111
recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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112
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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113
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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114
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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115
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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116
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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117
displease
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| vt.使不高兴，惹怒；n.不悦，不满，生气 | |
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118
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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119
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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120
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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121
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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122
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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123
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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124
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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125
sneered
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| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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127
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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128
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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129
formulating
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| v.构想出( formulate的现在分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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130
pretences
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| n.假装( pretence的名词复数 )；作假；自命；自称 | |
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131
shams
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| 假象( sham的名词复数 )； 假货； 虚假的行为（或感情、言语等）； 假装…的人 | |
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132
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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133
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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134
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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135
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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136
divergences
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| n.分叉( divergence的名词复数 )；分歧；背离；离题 | |
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137
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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138
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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139
agitations
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| （液体等的）摇动( agitation的名词复数 )； 鼓动； 激烈争论； （情绪等的）纷乱 | |
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140
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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141
prosecutions
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| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
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142
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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143
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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144
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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145
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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146
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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147
cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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148
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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149
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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150
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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151
bracing
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| adj.令人振奋的 | |
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152
impurity
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| n.不洁，不纯，杂质 | |
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153
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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154
flippancy
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| n.轻率；浮躁；无礼的行动 | |
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155
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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156
devotedness
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157
professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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158
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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