[28]
Essays by the late Mark Pattison, sometime Rector of Lincoln
College. Collected and arranged by Henry Nettleship, M.A., Corpus
Professor of Latin in the University of Oxford1. Guardian2, 1st May
1889.
This is a very interesting but a very melancholy3 collection of papers. They are the remains4 of the work of a man of first-rate intellect, whose powers, naturally of a high order, had been diligently5 and wisely cultivated, whose mind was furnished in a very rare degree with all that reading, wide and critical, could give, and which embraced in the circle of its interest all that is important to human life and society. Mr. Pattison had no vulgar standard of what knowledge is, and what goodness is. He was high, sincere, exacting6, even austere7, in his estimates of either; and when he was satisfied he paid honour with sometimes unexpected frankness and warmth. But from some unfortunate element in his temperament8, or from the effect upon it of untoward9 and unkindly circumstances at those critical epochs of mental life, when character is taking its bent10 for good and all, he was a man in whose judgment11 severity—and severity expressing itself in angry scorn—was very apt to outrun justice. Longing12 for sympathy and not ill-fitted for it, capable of rare exertions13 in helping14 those whom he could help, he passed through life with a reputation for cynicism which, while he certainly exhibited it, he no less certainly would, if he had known how, have escaped from. People could easily tell what would incur15 his dislike and opposition16, what would provoke his slow, bitter, merciless sarcasm17; it was never easy to tell what would satisfy him, what would attract his approval, when he could be tempted18 to see the good side of a thing. It must not be forgotten that he had gone through a trial to which few men are equal. He had passed from the extreme ranks and the strong convictions of the Oxford movement—convictions of which the translation of Aquinas's Catena Aurea, still printed in the list of his works, is a memorial—to the frankest form of Liberal thought. As he himself writes, we cannot give up early beliefs, much less the deep and deliberate convictions of manhood, without some shock to the character. In his case the change certainly worked. It made him hate what he had left, and all that was like it, with the bitterness of one who has been imposed upon, and has been led to commit himself to what he now feels to be absurd and contemptible19, and the bitterness of this disappointment gave an edge to all his work. There seems through all his criticism, powerful as it is, a tone of harshness, a readiness to take the worst construction, a sad consciousness of distrust and suspicion of all things round him, which greatly weakens the effect of his judgment. If a man will only look for the worst side, he will only find the worst side; but we feel that we act reasonably by not accepting such a teacher as our guide, however ably he may state his case. There is a want of equitableness20 and fairness in his stern and sometimes cruel condemnations; and yet not religion only, but the wisest wisdom of the world tells of the indispensable value of this equitableness, this old Greek virtue21 of [Greek: epieikeia], in our views of men and things. It is not religion only, but common sense which says that "sweetness and light," kindliness22, indulgence, sympathy, are necessary for moral and spiritual health. Scorn, indignation, keenly stinging sarcasm, doubtless have their place in a world in which untruth and baseness abound23 and flourish; but to live on these is poison, at least to oneself.
These fierce antipathies24 warped25 his judgment in strange and unexpected ways. Among these papers is a striking one on Calvin. If any character in history might be expected to have little attraction for him it is Calvin. Dogmatist, persecutor26, tyrant27, the proud and relentless28 fanatic29, who more than any one consecrated30 harsh narrowness in religion by cruel theories about God, what was there to recommend him to a lover of liberty who had no patience for ecclesiastical pretensions31 of any kind, and who tells us that Calvin's "sins against human liberty are of the deepest dye"? For if Laud32 chastised33 his adversaries34 with whips, Calvin chastised his with scorpions35. Perhaps it is unreasonable36 to be suprised, yet we are taken by surprise, when we find a thinker like Mr. Pattison drawn37 by strong sympathy to Calvin and setting him up among the heroes and liberators of humanity. Mr. Pattison is usually fair in details, that is, he does not suppress bad deeds or qualities in those whom he approves, or good deeds or qualities in those whom he hates: it is in his general judgments38 that his failing comes out. He makes no attempt to excuse the notorious features of Calvin's rule at Geneva; but Mr. Pattison reads into his character a purpose and a grandeur39 which place him far above any other man of his day. To recommend him to our very different ways of thinking, Mr. Pattison has the courage to allege40 that his interest in dogmatic theology was a subordinate matter, and that the "renovation41 of character," the "moral purification of humanity," was the great guiding idea of him who taught that out of the mass of human kind only a predestined remnant could possibly be saved. It is a singular interpretation42 of the mind of the author of the Institutes:—
The distinction of Calvin as a Reformer is not to be sought in the doctrine43 which now bears his name, or in any doctrinal peculiarity44. His great merit lies in his comparative neglect of dogma. He seized the idea of reformation as a real renovation of human character. The moral purification of humanity as the original idea of Christianity is the guiding idea of his system…. He swept away at once the sacramental machinery45 of material media of salvation46 which the middle-age Church had provided in such abundance, and which Luther frowned upon, but did not reject. He was not satisfied to go back only to the historical origin of Christianity, but would found human virtue on the eternal antemundane will of God.
Again:—
Calvin thought neither of fame or fortune. The narrowness of his views and the disinterestedness47 of his soul alike precluded48 him from regarding Geneva as a stage for the gratification of personal ambition. This abegnation of self was one great part of his success.
And then Mr. Pattison goes on to describe in detail how, governed and possessed49 by one idea, and by a theory, to oppose which was "moral depravity," he proceeded to establish his intolerable system of discipline, based on dogmatic grounds—meddlesome, inquisitorial, petty, cruel—over the interior of every household in Geneva. What is there fascinating, or even imposing50, in such a character? It is the common case of political and religious bigots, whether Jacobin, or Puritan, or Jesuit, poor in thought and sympathy and strong in will, fixing their yoke51 on a society, till the plague becomes unbearable52. He seeks nothing for himself and, forsooth, he makes sacrifices. But he gets what he wants, his idea carried out; and self-sacrifice is of what we care for, and not of what we do not care for. And to keep up this supposed character of high moral purpose, we are told of Calvin's "comparative neglect of dogma," of his seizing the idea of a "real reformation of human character," a "moral purification of humanity," as the guiding idea of his system. Can anything be more unhistorical than to suggest that the father and source of all Western Puritan theology "neglected dogma," and was more of a moralist than a divine? It is not even true that he "swept away at once the sacramental machinery" of mediaeval and Lutheran teaching; Calvin writes of the Eucharist in terms which would astonish some of his later followers53. But what is the reason why Mr. Pattison attributes to the historical Calvin so much that does not belong to him, and, in spite of so much that repels54, is yet induced to credit him with such great qualities? The reason is to be found in the intense antipathy55 with which Mr. Pattison regarded what he calls "the Catholic reaction" over Europe, and in the fact that undoubtedly56 Calvin's system and influence was the great force which resisted both what was bad and false in it, and also what was good, true, generous, humane57. Calvinism opposed the "Catholic reaction" point-blank, and that was enough to win sympathy for it, even from Mr. Pattison.
The truth is that what Popery is to the average Protestant, and what Protestant heresy58 is to the average Roman Catholic, the "Catholic reaction," the "Catholic revival59" in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and in our own, is to Mr. Pattison's final judgment. It was not only a conspiracy60 against human liberty, but it brought with it the degradation61 and ruin of genuine learning. It is the all-sufficing cause and explanation of the mischief62 and evil doings which he has to set before us. Yet after the violence, the ignorance, the injustice63, the inconsistencies of that great ecclesiastical revolution which we call by the vague name of Reformation, a "Catholic reaction" was inevitable64. It was not conceivable that common sense and certain knowledge would submit for ever to be overcrowed by the dogmas and assertions of the new teachers. Like other powerful and wide and strongly marked movements, like the Reformation which it combated, it was a very mixed thing. It produced some great evils and led to some great crimes. It started that fatal religious militia65, the Jesuit order, which, notwithstanding much heroic self-sacrifice, has formed a permanent bar to all possible reunion of Christendom, has fastened its yoke on the Papacy itself, and has taught the Church, as a systematic66 doctrine, to put its trust in the worst expedients67 of human policy. The religious wars in France and Germany, the relentless massacres68 of the Low Countries and the St. Bartholomew, the consecration69 of treason and conspiracy, were, without doubt, closely connected with the "Catholic reaction." But if this great awakening70 and stimulating71 influence raised new temptations to human passion and wickedness, it was not only in the service of evil that this new zeal72 was displayed. The Council of Trent, whatever its faults, and it had many, was itself a real reformation. The "Catholic revival" meant the rekindling73 of earnest religion and care for a good life in thousands of souls. If it produced the Jesuits, it as truly produced Port Royal and the Benedictines. Europe would be indeed greatly the poorer if it wanted some of the most conspicuous74 products of the Catholic revival.
It is Mr. Pattison's great misfortune that through obvious faults of temper he has missed the success which naturally might have seemed assured to him, of dealing75 with these subjects in a large and dispassionate way. Scholar, thinker, student as he is, conversant76 with all literature, familiar with books and names which many well-read persons have never heard of, he has his bitter prejudices, like the rest of us, Protestants or Catholics; and what he hates is continually forcing itself into his mind. He tells, with great and pathetic force, the terrible story of the judicial77 murder of Calas at Toulouse, and of Voltaire's noble and successful efforts to bring the truth to light, and to repair, as far as could be repaired, its infamous78 injustice. It is a story which shows to what frightful79 lengths fanaticism80 may go in leading astray even the tribunals of justice. But unhappily the story can be paralleled in all times of the world's history; and though the Toulouse mob and Judges were Catholics, their wickedness is no more a proof against the Catholic revival than Titus Oates and the George Gordon riots are against Protestantism, or the Jacobin tribunals against Republican justice. But Mr. Pattison cannot conclude his account without an application. Here you have an example of what the Catholic revival does. It first breaks Calas on the wheel; and then, because Voltaire took up his cause, it makes modern Frenchmen, if they are Catholics, believe that Calas deserved it:—
It is part of that general Catholic revival which has been working for some years, and which like a fog is spreading over the face of opinion…. The memory of Calas had been vindicated81 by Voltaire and the Encyclopedists. That was quite enough for the Catholics…. It is the characteristic of Catholicism that it supersedes82 reason, and prejudges all matters by the application of fixed83 principles.
It is no use that M. Coquerel flatters himself that he has set the matter at rest. He flatters himself in vain; he ought to know his Catholic countrymen better:—
We have little doubt that as long as the Catholic religion shall last their little manuals of falsified history will continue to repeat that Jean Calas murdered his son because he had become a convert to the Catholic faith.
Are little manuals of falsified history confined only to one set of people? Is not John Foxe still proof against the assaults of Dr. Maitland? The habit of à priori judgments as to historical facts is, as Mr. Pattison truly says, "fatal to truth and integrity." It is most mischievous84 when it assumes a philosophic85 gravity and warps86 the criticism of a distinguished87 scholar.
This fixed habit of mind is the more provoking because, putting aside the obtrusive88 and impertinent injustice to which it leads, Mr. Pattison's critical work is of so high a character. His extensive and accurate reading, the sound common sense with which he uses his reading, and the modesty89 and absence of affectation and display which seem to be a law of his writing, place him very high. Perhaps he believes too much in books and learning, in the power which they exert, and what they can do to enable men to reach the higher conquests of moral and religious truth—perhaps he forgets, in the amplitude90 of his literary resources, that behind the records of thought and feeling there are the living mind and thought themselves, still clothed with their own proper force and energy, and working in defiance91 of our attempts to classify, to judge, or to explain: that there are the real needs, the real destinies of mankind, and the questions on which they depend—of which books are a measure indeed, but an imperfect one. As an instance, we might cite his "Essay on the Theology of Germany"—elaborate, learned, extravagant92 in its praise and in its scorn, full of the satisfaction of a man in possession of a startling and little known subject, but with the contradictions of a man who in spite of his theories believes more than his theories. But, as a student who deals with books and what books can teach, it is a pleasure to follow him; his work is never slovenly93 or superficial; the reader feels that he is in the hands of a man who thoroughly94 knows what he is talking about, and both from conscience and from disposition95 is anxious above all to be accurate and discriminative96. If he fails, as he often seems to us to do, in the justice and balance of his appreciation97 of the phenomena98 before him, if his statements and generalisations are crude and extravagant, it is that passion and deep aversions have overpowered the natural accuracy of his faculty99 of judgment.
The feature which is characteristic in all his work is his profound value for learning, the learning of books, of documents, of all literature. He is a thinker, a clear and powerful one; he is a philosopher, who has explored the problems of abstract science with intelligence and interest, and fully100 recognises their importance; he has taken the measure of the political and social questions which the progress of civilisation101 has done so little to solve; he is at home with the whole range of literature, keen and true in observation and criticism; he has strongly marked views about education, and he took a leading part in the great changes which have revolutionised Oxford. He is all this; but beyond and more than all this he is a devotee of learning, as other men are of science or politics, deeply penetrated102 with its importance, keenly alive to the neglect of it, full of faith in the services which it can render to mankind, fiercely indignant at what degrades, or supplants103, or enfeebles it. Learning, with the severe and bracing104 discipline without which it is impossible, learning embracing all efforts of human intellect—those which are warning beacons105 as well those which have elevated and enlightened the human mind—is the thing which attracts and satisfies him as nothing else does; not mere106 soulless erudition, but a great supply and command of varied107 facts, marshalled and turned to account by an intelligence which knows their use. The absence of learning, or the danger to learning, is the keynote of a powerful but acrid108 survey of the history and prospects109 of the Anglican Church, for which, in spite of its one-sidedness and unfairness, Churchmen may find not a little which it will be useful to lay to heart. Dissatisfaction with the University system, in its provision for the encouragement of learning and for strengthening and protecting its higher interests, is the stimulus110 to his essay on Oxford studies, which is animated111 with the idea of the University as a true home of real learning, and is full of the hopes, the animosities, and, it may be added, the disappointments of a revolutionary time. He exults112 over the destruction of the old order; but his ideal is too high, he is too shrewd an observer, too thorough and well-trained a judge of what learning really means, to be quite satisfied with the new.
The same devotion to learning shows itself in a feature of his literary work, which is almost characteristic—the delight which he takes in telling the detailed113 story of the life of some of the famous working scholars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These men, whose names are known to the modern world chiefly in notes to classical authors, or occasionally in some impertinent sneer114, he likes to contemplate115 as if they were alive. To him they are men with individual differences, each with a character and fortunes of his own, sharers to the full in the struggles and vicissitudes116 of life. He can appreciate their enormous learning, their unwearied labour, their sense of honour in their profession; and the editor of texts, the collator117 of various readings and emendations, the annotator118 who to us perhaps seems but a learned pedant119 appears to him as a man of sound and philosophic thought, of enthusiasm for truth and light—perhaps of genius—a man, too, with human affections and interests, with a history not devoid120 of romance. There is something touching121 in Mr. Pattison's affection for those old scholars, to whom the world has done scant122 justice. His own chief literary venture was the life of one of the greatest of them, Isaac Casaubon. We have in these volumes sketches123, not so elaborate, of several others, the younger Scaliger, Muretus, Huet, and the great French printers, the Stephenses; and in these sketches we are also introduced to a number of their contemporaries, with characteristic observations on them, implying an extensive and first-hand knowledge of what they were, and an acquaintance with what was going on in the scholar world of the day. The most important of these sketches is the account of Justus Scaliger. There is first a review article, very vigorous and animated. But Mr. Pattison had intended a companion volume to his Casaubon; and of this, which was never completed, we have some fragments, not equal in force and compactness to the original sketch124. But sketch and fragments together present a very vivid picture of this remarkable125 person, whose temper and extravagant vanity his biographer admits, but who was undoubtedly a marvel126 both of knowledge and of the power to use it, and to whom we owe the beginning of order and system in chronology. Scaliger was to Mr. Pattison the type of the real greatness of the scholar, a greatness not the less real that the world could hardly understand it. He certainly leaves Scaliger before us, with his strange ways of working, his hold of the ancient languages as if they were mother tongues, his pride and slashing127 sarcasm, and his absurd claim of princely descent, with lineaments not soon forgotten; but it is amusing to meet once more, in all seriousness, Mr. Pattison's bête noire of the Catholic reaction, in the quarrels between Scaliger and some shallow but clever and scurrilous128 Jesuits, whom he had provoked by exposing the False Decretals and the False Dionysius, and who revenged themselves by wounding him in his most sensitive part, his claim to descent from the Princes of Verona. Doubtless the religious difference envenomed the dispute, but it did not need the "Catholic reaction" to account for such ignoble129 wrangles130 in those days.
These remains show what a historian of literature we have lost in Mr. Pattison. He was certainly capable of doing much more than the specimens131 of work which he has left behind; but what he has left is of high value. Wherever the disturbing and embittering132 elements are away, it is hard to say which is the more admirable, the patient and sagacious way in which he has collected and mastered his facts, or the wise and careful judgment which he passes on them. We hear of people being spoilt by their prepossessions, their party, their prejudices, the necessities of their political and ecclesiastical position; Mr. Pattison is a warning that a man may claim the utmost independence, and yet be maimed in his power of being just and reasonable by other things than party. As it is, he has left us a collection of interesting and valuable studies, disastrously133 and indelibly disfigured by an implacable bitterness, in which he but too plainly found the greatest satisfaction.
Mr. Pattison used in his later years to give an occasional lecture to a London audience. One of the latest was one addressed, we believe, to a class of working people on poetry, in which he dwelt on its healing and consoling power. It was full of Mr. Pattison's clearness and directness of thought, and made a considerable impression on some who only knew it from an abstract in the newspapers; and it was challenged by a working-man in the Pall134 Mall Gazette, who urged against it with some power the argument of despair. Perhaps the lecture was not written; but if it was, and our recollection of it is at all accurate, it was not unworthy of a place in this collection.
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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equitableness
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| n.公正；合理；公平；正当 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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kindliness
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| n.厚道，亲切，友好的行为 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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laud
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| n.颂歌；v.赞美 | |
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chastised
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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scorpions
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| n.蝎子( scorpion的名词复数 ) | |
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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allege
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| vt.宣称，申述，主张，断言 | |
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renovation
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| n.革新，整修 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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disinterestedness
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precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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51
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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52
unbearable
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| adj.不能容忍的；忍受不住的 | |
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53
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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54
repels
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| v.击退( repel的第三人称单数 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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55
antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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56
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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57
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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58
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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59
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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60
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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61
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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62
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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63
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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64
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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65
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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66
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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67
expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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68
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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69
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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70
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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71
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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72
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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73
rekindling
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| v.使再燃( rekindle的现在分词 ) | |
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74
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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75
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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76
conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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77
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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78
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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79
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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80
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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81
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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82
supersedes
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| 取代，接替( supersede的第三人称单数 ) | |
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83
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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84
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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85
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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86
warps
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| n.弯曲( warp的名词复数 )；歪斜；经线；经纱v.弄弯，变歪( warp的第三人称单数 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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87
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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88
obtrusive
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| adj.显眼的；冒失的 | |
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89
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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amplitude
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| n.广大；充足；振幅 | |
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91
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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92
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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93
slovenly
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| adj.懒散的，不整齐的，邋遢的 | |
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94
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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95
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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96
discriminative
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| 有判别力 | |
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97
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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98
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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99
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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100
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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101
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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102
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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103
supplants
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的第三人称单数 ) | |
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104
bracing
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| adj.令人振奋的 | |
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105
beacons
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| 灯塔( beacon的名词复数 )； 烽火； 指路明灯； 无线电台或发射台 | |
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106
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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107
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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108
acrid
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| adj.辛辣的，尖刻的，刻薄的 | |
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109
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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110
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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111
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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112
exults
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| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的第三人称单数 ) | |
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113
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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114
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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115
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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116
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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117
collator
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| n.校对者，整理者 | |
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118
annotator
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| n.注释者 | |
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119
pedant
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| n.迂儒；卖弄学问的人 | |
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120
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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121
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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122
scant
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| adj.不充分的，不足的；v.减缩，限制，忽略 | |
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123
sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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124
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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125
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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126
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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127
slashing
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| adj.尖锐的；苛刻的；鲜明的；乱砍的v.挥砍( slash的现在分词 )；鞭打；割破；削减 | |
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128
scurrilous
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| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
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129
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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130
wrangles
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| n.（尤指长时间的）激烈争吵，口角，吵嘴( wrangle的名词复数 )v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的第三人称单数 ) | |
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131
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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132
embittering
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的现在分词 ) | |
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133
disastrously
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| ad.灾难性地 | |
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134
pall
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| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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