Are we, then, to rest contented7 with this ultimate[197] regal power, to resign ourselves to the inevitable8, and admit that for us, here at last in this nineteenth century, there is nothing higher or better to look for; and if we are to have a king at all, it must be king people or king mob, according to the mood in which our section of collective humanity happens to be? Surely we are not prepared for this any more than the Pope is. Many of us feel that Tudors, and Stuarts, and Oliver Cromwell, and cliques9 of Whig or Tory aristocrats10, may have been bad enough; but that any tyranny under which England has groaned11 in the past has been light by the side of what we may come to, if we are to carry out the new political gospel to its logical conclusion, and surrender ourselves to government by the counting of heads, pure and simple.
But if we will not do this is there any alternative, since we repudiate12 personal government, but to fall back on the old Hebrew and Christian13 faith, that the nations are ruled by a living, present, invisible King, whose will is perfectly14 righteous and loving, the same yesterday, to-day, and forever? It is beside the question to urge that such a faith throws us back on an invisible power, and that we must have visible rulers. Of course we must have visible rulers, even after the advent15 of the “confederate social republic of Europe.” When the whole people is king it must have viceroys like other monarchs16. But is public opinion visible? Can we see “collective humanity?” Is it easier for princes or statesmen—for[198] any man or men upon whose shoulders the government rests—to ascertain5 the will of the people than the will of God? Another consideration meets us at once, and that is, that this belief is assumed in our present practice. Not to insist upon the daily usage in all Christian places of worship and families throughout the land, the Parliament of the country opens its daily sittings with the most direct confession17 of this faith which words can express, and prays—addressing God, and not public opinion, or collective humanity—“Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done.” Surely it were better to get rid of this solemn usage as a piece of cant18, which must demoralize the representatives of the nation, if we mean nothing particular by it, and either recast our form of prayer, substituting “the people,” or what else we please, for “God,” or let the whole business alone, as one which passes man’s understanding. If we really believe that a nation has no means of finding out God’s will, it is hypocritical and cowardly to go on praying that it may be done.
But it will be said, assuming all that is asked, what practical difference can it possibly make in the government of nations? Admit as pointedly19 as you can, by profession and by worship, and honestly believe, that a Divine will is ruling in the world, and in each nation, what will it effect? Will it alter the course of events one iota20, or the acts of any government or governor. Would not a Neapolitan Bourbon be just as ready to[199] make it his watchword as any English Alfred! Might not a committee of public safety placard the scaffold with a declaration of this faith? It is a contention21 for a shadow.
Is it so? Does not every man recognize in his own life, and in his own observation of the world around him, the enormous and radical22 difference between the two principles of action and the results which they bring about? What man do we reckon worthy23 of honor, and delight to obey and follow—him who asks, when he has to act, what will A, B, and C say to this? or him who asks, is this right, true, just, in harmony with the will of God. Don’t we despise ourselves when we give way to the former tendency, or in other words, when we admit the sovereignty of public opinion? Don’t we feel that we are in the right and manly24 path when we follow the latter? And if this be true of private men, it must hold in the case of those who are in authority.
Those rulers, whatever name they may go by, who turn to what constituents25, leagues, the press are saying or doing, to guide them as to the course they are to follow, in the faith that the will of the majority is the ultimate and only possible arbiter26, will never deliver or strengthen a nation however skilful27 they may be in occupying its best places.
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1 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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2 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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3 democrat | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士;民主党党员 | |
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4 ascertained | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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5 ascertain | |
vt.发现,确定,查明,弄清 | |
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6 tainted | |
adj.腐坏的;污染的;沾污的;感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 );使污染;败坏;被污染,腐坏,败坏 | |
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7 contented | |
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
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8 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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9 cliques | |
n.小集团,小圈子,派系( clique的名词复数 ) | |
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10 aristocrats | |
n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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11 groaned | |
v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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12 repudiate | |
v.拒绝,拒付,拒绝履行 | |
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13 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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14 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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15 advent | |
n.(重要事件等的)到来,来临 | |
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16 monarchs | |
君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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17 confession | |
n.自白,供认,承认 | |
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18 cant | |
n.斜穿,黑话,猛扔 | |
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19 pointedly | |
adv.尖地,明显地 | |
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20 iota | |
n.些微,一点儿 | |
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21 contention | |
n.争论,争辩,论战;论点,主张 | |
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22 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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23 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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24 manly | |
adj.有男子气概的;adv.男子般地,果断地 | |
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25 constituents | |
n.选民( constituent的名词复数 );成分;构成部分;要素 | |
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26 arbiter | |
n.仲裁人,公断人 | |
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27 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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