The provocation18 for this exterminating19 war was extremely small. Previous to the Massachusetts migration20 to the Connecticut, one Captain Stone, the drunken and dissolute master of a small trading vessel21 from Virginia, whom the Plymouth people charged with having been engaged at Manhattan in a piratical plot to seize one of their vessels22, having been sent away from Boston34 with orders not to return without leave, under pain of death, on his way homeward to Virginia, in 1634, had entered the Connecticut River, where he was cut off, with his whole company, seven in number, by a band of Pequots. There were various stories, none of them authentic23, as to the precise manner of his death, but the Pequots insisted that he had been the aggressor—a thing in itself sufficiently24 probable. As Stone belonged to Virginia, the magistrates25 of Massachusetts wrote to Governor Harvey to move him to stir in the matter. Van Cuyler, the Dutch commissary at Fort Good Hope, in fact revenged Stone’s death by the execution of a sachem and several others. This offended the Pequots, who renounced26 any further traffic with the Dutch, and sent messengers to Boston desiring an intercourse27 of trade, and assistance to settle their pending28 difficulties with the Narragansets, who intervened between them and the English settlements. They even promised to give up—at least so the magistrates understood them—the only two survivors29, as they alleged30, of those concerned in the death of Stone. These offers were accepted; for the convenience of this traffic a peace was negotiated between the Pequots and the Narragansets, and a vessel was presently sent to open a trade. But this traffic disappointed the adventurers; nor were the promised culprits given up. The Pequots, according to the Indian custom, tendered, instead, a present of furs and wampum. But this was refused, the colonists seeming to think themselves under a religious obligation to avenge31 blood with blood.
Thus matters remained for a year or two, when, in July, 1636, the crew of a small bark, returning from Connecticut, saw close to Block Island a pinnace at anchor, and full of Indians. This pinnace was recognized as belonging to Oldham, the Indian trader, the old settler at Nantasket, and explorer of the Connecticut. Conjecturing32 that something must be wrong, the bark approached the pinnace and hailed, whereupon the Indians on board35 slipped the cable and made sail. The bark gave chase, and soon overtook the pinnace; some of the Indians jumped overboard in their fright, and were drowned; several were killed, and one was made prisoner. The dead body of Oldham was found on board, covered with an old seine. This murder, as appeared from the testimony33 of the prisoner, who was presently sentenced by the Massachusetts magistrates to be a slave for life, was committed at the instigation of some Narraganset chiefs, upon whom Block Island was dependent, in revenge for the trade which Oldham had commenced under the late treaty with the Pequots, their enemies. Indeed, all the Narraganset chiefs, except the head sachem, Canonicus, and his nephew and colleague, Miantonimoh, were believed to have had a hand in this matter, especially the chieftain of the Niantics, a branch of the Narragansets, inhabiting the continent opposite Block Island.
Canonicus, in great alarm, sent to his friend and neighbor, Roger Williams, by whose aid he wrote a letter to the Massachusetts magistrates, expressing his grief at what had happened, and stating that Miantonimoh had sailed already with seventeen canoes and two hundred warriors34 to punish the Block Islanders. With this letter were sent two Indians, late sailors on board Oldham’s pinnace, and presently after two English boys, the remainder of his crew. In the recapture of Oldham’s pinnace eleven Indians had been killed, several of them chiefs; and that, with the restoration of the crew, seems to have been esteemed by Canonicus a sufficient atonement for Oldham’s death. But the magistrates and ministers of Massachusetts, assembled to take this matter into consideration, thought otherwise. Volunteers were called for in August, 1636; and four companies, ninety men in all, commanded by Endicott, whose submissiveness in Williams’ affair had restored him to favor, were embarked35 in three pinnaces, with orders to put to death all the men of Block Island, and to make the women and36 children prisoners. The old affair of the death of Stone was now also called to mind, though the murder of Oldham had no connection with it, except in some distant similarity of circumstances. Endicott was instructed, on his return from Block Island, to go to the Pequots, and to demand of them the murderers of Stone, and a thousand fathoms36 of wampum for damages—equivalent to from three to five thousand dollars—also, some of their children as hostages; and, if they refused, to employ force.
The Block Islanders fled inland, hid themselves, and escaped; but Endicott burned their wigwams, staved their canoes, and destroyed their standing37 corn. He then sailed to Fort Saybrook, at the mouth of the Connecticut, and marched thence to Pequot River. After some parley38, the Indians refused his demands, when he burned their village and killed one of their warriors. Marching back to the Connecticut River, he inflicted39 like vengeance40 on the Pequot village there, whence he returned to Boston, after a three weeks’ absence and without the loss of a man.
The Pequots, enraged41 at what they esteemed a treacherous42 and unprovoked attack, lurked43 about Fort Saybrook, killed or took several persons, and did considerable mischief44. They sent, also, to the Narragansets to engage their alliance against the colonists, whom they represented as the common enemy of all the Indians. Williams, informed of this negotiation45, sent word of it to the Massachusetts magistrates, and, at their request, he visited Canonicus, to dissuade46 him from joining the Pequots. This mission was not without danger. In the wigwam of Canonicus, Williams encountered the Pequot messengers, full of rage and fury. He succeeded, however, in his object, and, in October, Miantonimoh was induced to visit Boston, where, being received with much ceremony by the governor and magistrates, he agreed to act with them as a faithful ally. Canonicus thought it would be necessary to attack the Pequots with a very37 large force; but he recommended, as a thing likely to be agreeable to all the Indians—so Williams informs us—that the women and children should be spared, a humane47 piece of advice which received in the end but little attention.
The policy of this war, or, at least, the wisdom of Endicott’s conduct, was not universally conceded. A letter from Plymouth reproached the Massachusetts magistrates with the dangers likely to arise from so inefficient48 an attack upon the Pequots. Gardiner, the commandant at Fort Saybrook, who lost several men during the winter, was equally dissatisfied. The new settlers up the Connecticut complained bitterly of the dangers to which they were exposed. Sequeen, the same Indian chief at whose invitation the Plymouth people had first established a trading-house on the Connecticut River, had granted land to the planters at Wethersfield on condition that he might settle near them, and be protected; but when he came and built his wigwam, they had driven him away. He took this opportunity for revenge by calling in the Pequots, who attacked the town, and killed nine of the inhabitants. The whole number killed by the Pequots during the winter was about thirty.
In December a special session of the General Court of Massachusetts organized the militia49 into three regiments50, the magistrates to appoint the field officers—called sergeant-majors—and to select the captains and lieutenants51 out of a nomination52 to be made by the companies respectively. Watches were ordered to be kept, and travellers were to go armed....
The new towns on the Connecticut had continued to suffer during the winter. The attack on Wethersfield has been mentioned already. Fort Saybrook was beleaguered53; several colonists were killed, and two young girls were taken prisoners, but were presently redeemed54 and sent home by some Dutch traders. It had been resolved in Massachusetts to raise a hundred and sixty men38 for the war, and already Underhill had been sent, with twenty men, to reinforce Fort Saybrook; but, during Vane’s administration, these preparations had been retarded—not from any misgivings55 as to the justice of the war, but because the army “was too much under a covenant56 of works.” The expedition was now got ready, and, by a “solemn public invocation of the word of God,” a leader was designated by lot from among three of the magistrates set apart for that purpose. The lot fell on Stoughton, whose adherence57 to the orthodox party during the late dissensions had restored him to favor, and obtained for him, at the late election, one of the vacant magistrates’ seats. Wilson was also designated by lot as chaplain to the expedition. The people of Plymouth agreed to furnish forty-five men.
The decisive battle, however, had been already fought. The Connecticut towns, impatient of delay, having obtained the alliance of Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, had marched, to the number of ninety men, almost their entire effective force, under the command of John Mason, bred a soldier in the Netherlands, whom Hooker, on May 10, with prayers and religious ceremonies, solemnly invested with the staff of command. After a night spent in prayer, this little army, joined by Uncas with sixty Indians, and accompanied by Stone, Hooker’s colleague, as chaplain, embarked at Hartford. They were not without great doubts as to their Indian allies, but were reassured58 at Fort Saybrook. While Stone was praying “for one pledge of love, that may confirm us of the fidelity59 of the Indians,” these allies came in with five Pequot scalps and a prisoner. Underhill joined with his twenty men, and the united forces proceeded by water to Narragansett Bay, where they spent Sunday, May 21, in religious exercises. They were further strengthened by Miantonimoh and two hundred Narraganset warriors; but the English force seemed so inadequate60 that many of the Narragansets became discouraged and returned home.
39 The Pequots were principally collected a few miles east of Pequot River, now the Thames, in two forts, or villages, fortified61 with trees and brushwood. After a fatiguing62 march of two days, Mason reached one of these strongholds, situated63 on a high hill, at no great distance from the sea-shore. He encamped a few hours to rest his men, but marched again before daybreak, and at early dawn approached the fort. The Pequots had seen the vessels pass along the sea-shore toward the bay of Narragansett, and, supposing the hostile forces afraid to attack them, they had spent the night in feasting and dancing, and Mason could hear their shoutings in his camp. Toward morning they sunk into a deep sleep, from which they were roused by the barking of their dogs, as the colonists, in two parties, approached the fort, one led by Mason, the other by Underhill, both of whom have left us narratives64 of the battle. The assailants poured in a fire of musketry, and, after a moment’s hesitation65, forced their way into the fort. Within were thickly clustered wigwams containing the families of the Indians, and what remained of their winter stores. The astonished Pequots seized their weapons and fought with desperation; but what could their clubs and arrows avail against the muskets66 and plate-armor of the colonists? Yet there was danger in the great superiority of their numbers, and Mason, crying out “we must burn them,” thrust a firebrand among the mats with which the wigwams were covered. Almost in a moment the fort was in a blaze. The colonists, “bereaved of pity and without compassion,” so Underhill himself declares, kept up the fight within the fort, while their Indian allies, forming a circle around, struck down every Pequot who attempted to escape. No quarter was given, no mercy was shown; some hundreds, not warriors only, but old men, women, and children, perished by the weapons of the colonists, or in the flames of the burning fort. “Great and doleful,” says Underhill, “was the bloody67 sight to40 the view of young soldiers, to see so many souls lie gasping68 on the ground, so thick you could hardly pass along.” The fact that only seven prisoners were taken, while Mason boasts that only seven others escaped, evinces the unrelenting character of this massacre69, which was accomplished70 with but trifling71 loss, only two of the colonists being killed, and sixteen or twenty wounded. Yet the victors were not without embarrassments72. The morning was hot, there was no water to be had, and the men, exhausted73 by their long march the two days before, the weight of their armor, want of sleep, and the sharpness of the late action, must now encounter a new body of Pequots from the other village, who had taken the alarm, and were fast approaching. Mason, with a select party, kept this new enemy at bay, and thus gave time to the main body to push on for Pequot River, into which some vessels had just been seen to enter. When the Indians approached the hill where their fort had stood, at sight of their ruined habitations and slaughtered74 companions they burst out into a transport of rage, stamped on the ground, tore their hair, and, regardless of everything save revenge, rushed furious in pursuit. But the dreaded75 firearms soon checked them, and Mason easily made good his retreat to Pequot harbor, now New London, where he found not only his own vessels, but Captain Patrick also, just arrived in a bark from Boston, with forty men. Mason sent the wounded and most of his forces by water, but, in consequence of Patrick’s refusal to lend his ship, was obliged to march himself, with twenty men, followed by Patrick, to Fort Saybrook, where his victory was greeted by a salvo of cannon76.
In about a fortnight Stoughton arrived at Saybrook with the main body of the Massachusetts forces. Mason, with forty Connecticut soldiers and a large body of Narragansets, joined also in pursuing the remnants of the enemy. The Pequots had abandoned their country, or concealed77 themselves in the swamps. In July one of41 these fortresses78 was attacked by night, and about a hundred Indians captured. The men, twenty-two in number, were put to death; thirty women and children were given to the Narraganset allies; some fifty others were sent to Boston, and distributed as slaves among the principal colonists. The flying Pequots were pursued as far as Quinapiack, now New Haven79. A swamp in that neighborhood, where a large party had taken refuge, being surrounded and attacked, a parley was had, and life was offered to “all whose hands were not in English blood.” About two hundred, old men, women, and children, reluctantly came out and gave themselves up. Daylight was exhausted in this surrender; and as night set in, the warriors who remained renewed their defiances. Toward morning, favored by a thick fog, they broke through and escaped. Many of the surviving Pequots put themselves under the protection of Canonicus and other Narraganset chiefs. Sassacus, the head sachem, fled to the Mohawks; but they were instigated80 by their allies, the Narragansets, to put him to death. His scalp was sent to Boston, and many heads and hands of Pequot warriors were also brought in by the neighboring tribes. The adult male prisoners who remained in the hands of the colonists were sent to the West Indies to be sold into slavery; the women and children experienced a similar fate at home. It was reckoned that between eight and nine hundred of the Pequots had been killed or taken. Such of the survivors as had escaped, forbidden any longer to call themselves Pequots, were distributed between the Narragansets and Mohegans, and subjected to an annual tribute. A like tribute was imposed, also, on the inhabitants of Block Island. The colonists regarded their success as ample proof of Divine approbation81, and justified82 all they had done to these “bloody heathen” by abundant quotations83 from the Old Testament84. Having referred to “the wars of David,” Underhill adds, “We had sufficient light from the word42 of God for our proceedings”; and Mason, after some exulting85 quotations from the Psalms86, concludes: “Thus the Lord was pleased to smite87 our enemies in the hinder parts, and to give us their land for an inheritance!” The Indian allies admired the courage of the colonists, but they thought their method of war “too furious, and to slay88 too many.”
SYNOPSIS89 OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, CHIEFLY
MILITARY, BETWEEN THE CONQUEST OF
THE PEQUOTS, 1637, AND THE DEFEAT
OF KING PHILIP, 1676
1638. Settlement of Rhode Island. Establishment of the Colony of New Haven. Swedes and Finns settle in Delaware.
1639. Adoption90 of the Connecticut Constitution.
1642. War between Charles I. and Parliament. Indecisive Battle of Edgehill.
1643. The Colonies of New England form a confederacy.
1644. Battle of Marston Moor91, in which the English Royalists are defeated. Roger Williams obtains a patent from Parliament for the United Government of the Rhode Island Settlements.
1645. Defeat of the English Royalists at the Battle of Naseby.
1649. Execution of Charles I.
1653. Cromwell is made Lord Protector of England.
1655. Peter Stuyvesant, Director-General of New Netherlands, dispossesses the Swedish settlers at the mouth of the Delaware.
1660. Restoration of the Stuarts in England.
1662. The Connecticut and New Haven Colonies receive a charter from Charles II.
1664. Charles II. grants the region between the Connecticut and Delaware rivers to his brother James, Duke43 of York. The English occupy New Amsterdam and take possession of the province of New Netherland. The Colony of New Jersey92 is established.
1665. The union of the Connecticut and New Haven Colonies is completed.
1668. Father Marquette founds the Mission of Sault Ste. Marie.
1670. Incorporation93 of the Hudson Bay Company.
1673. The Dutch occupy New York and New Jersey.
1674. New York and New Jersey are restored to the English.
1675. King Philip’s War.
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1
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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smallpox
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| n.天花 | |
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alluvial
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| adj.冲积的；淤积的 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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exterminating
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的现在分词 ) | |
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migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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conjecturing
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| v. & n. 推测，臆测 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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fathoms
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| 英寻( fathom的名词复数 ) | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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lurked
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| vi.潜伏，埋伏（lurk的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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beleaguered
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| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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fatiguing
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| a.使人劳累的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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gasping
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| adj. 气喘的, 痉挛的 动词gasp的现在分词 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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76
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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exulting
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| vi. 欢欣鼓舞，狂喜 | |
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psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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smite
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| v.重击；彻底击败；n.打；尝试；一点儿 | |
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slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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synopsis
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| n.提要，梗概 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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moor
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| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
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jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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incorporation
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| n.设立，合并，法人组织 | |
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