(December 11, 1899)
I’ve heard them lilting at the ewe-milking,
Lasses a’ lilting before dawn o’ day;
But now they are moaning on ilka green loaning,
The flowers o’ the forest are a’ wede away.
Highland Funeral March.
Confronting the British troops lay a circle of hills which might or might not be tenanted by the enemy. Lord Methuen followed the established military course of shelling these hills from a long range, preparatory to an advance. Unfortunately it served no purpose, for the enemy retired2 temporarily, only to return when the bombardment was over, knowing that after the artillery3 had concluded their futile4 expenditure5 of shells, the British infantry6 would, in the course of things, advance. It was on Sunday, December 10, that the Highland Brigade set off early in the afternoon under a deluge7 of rain. When they came within a few miles of the Boers they halted, and darkness began to fall.
At this point Lord Methuen communicated to the Brigade commanders his plan for carrying the enemy’s position. The attack would be launched by the Highlanders at break of dawn.
At midnight, under a lowering sky, and in the black darkness of an African night, the Highland Brigade set out upon its tragic8 march. The men were drenched9 to the skin, carried no food, and were formed in quarter column. On the right the Black Watch, then the Seaforths, the Argyll and Sutherlands next, and in reserve the Highland Light Infantry. The Gordons, who had only arrived before the march began, remained in camp. It is important to follow out the plan of attack as indicated by Lord Methuen in his despatch10.
“The night march was ordered for 12.30 A.M., the bearings and distance having been ascertained11 at great personal risk by Major Benson, Royal Artillery, my Deputy-Assistant-Adjutant-General. The distance is two and a half miles, and daybreak was due at 3.25 A.M. I may remark that two rifles went off by accident before the march commenced, and it is pretty clear flashes from a lantern gave the enemy timely notice of the march. Before moving off, Major-General Wauchope explained all he intended to do, and the particular part each battalion12 of his brigade was to play in the scheme, namely, that he intended to march direct on the south-west spur of the kopje, and on arrival near the objective before daybreak the Black Watch were to move to the east of the kopje, where he believed the enemy to be posted under shelter, whilst the Seaforth Highlanders were to march straight to the south-east point of the kopje, with the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders prolonging the line to the left, the Highland Infantry to be in reserve until the action was developed. The Brigade was to march in mass of quarter column, the four battalions13 keeping touch, and if necessary ropes were to be used for the left guides. These ropes were taken, but, I believe, used by only two battalions. The three battalions were to extend just before daybreak—two companies in firing line, two companies in support, and four companies in reserve—all at five paces interval14 between them.”
It is not our business to criticise15 the scheme of attack, but only to deplore16 the fact that so many brave men should lose their lives in such an abortive17 attempt. It would have been impossible to reach the Boer lines in anything but disorder18 had the Highland Brigade not advanced in close column: the blunder appears to have been that they maintained close formation too long. Long before, in the year 1746, the Highlanders, who might be expected to have an intimate knowledge of the country through which they were passing, set out upon a similar night attack, only to find themselves hopelessly lost—and that not so very far from Inverness. At Magersfontein the distance was a short one, but the difficulty of ascertaining19 how far the Boer trenches21 were from the foremost columns led to chaos22. No one has described the situation more graphically23 than Sir Arthur Conan Doyle in The Great Boer War. “With many a trip and stumble,” he writes, “the ill-fated detachment wandered on, uncertain where they were going and uncertain what it was they were meant to do. Not only among the rank and file, but among the principal officers there was the same absolute ignorance. Brigadier Wauchope knew, no doubt, but his voice was soon to be stilled in death. The others were aware, of course, that they were advancing either to turn the enemy’s trenches or to attack them, but they may well have argued from their own formation that they could not be near the riflemen yet. Why they should be still advancing in that dense24 clump25 we do not now know, nor can we surmise26 what thoughts were passing through the mind of the gallant27 and experienced chieftain who walked beside them.... Out there, close beside him, stretched the long trench20, fringed with its line of fierce, staring, eager faces, and its bristle28 of gun-barrels. They knew he was coming. They were ready. They were waiting. But still, with the dull murmur29 of many feet, the dense column, nearly four thousand strong, wandered onwards through the rain and the darkness, death and mutilation crouching30 upon their path.”
The end came quickly enough. Within a few hundred yards the Boer rifles opened fire upon the massed columns of the Highlanders. They fell in solid ranks and companies. The destruction inside a few moments has been rightly enough compared to the fall of corn before the reaper31. Out of the darkness there was one single lurid32 blaze of light, a prolonged roar of musketry, and the Highland Brigade was decimated as it stood.
Just as the fire opened, the order had been given for the men to deploy33, but the extension never took place. Wauchope was one of the first to fall. As his biographer has finely said: “General Wauchope fought and fell as a man and as a soldier, carrying out his orders loyally to the end. He died where he would have wished to die—at the head of his gallant Highlanders, with his face to the foe34.”
It was impossible for the Highland Brigade to advance in any order: their officers were killed, their ranks were broken, they were confronted by barbed wire and strong entrenchments, and yet it came hardly on them that they should have to retreat. F. G. Tait, the famous Scottish golfer, who was destined35 to fall at the Modder River, remarked in a letter home: “General Wauchope and our Colonel, and Captain Bruce and young Edmonds were all killed, with the lot of men that I accompanied. General Wauchope is in no way responsible for the fearful loss of life amongst the Highland Brigade: he got his orders, and had to carry them out, and he was killed in front of his brigade. I feel certain that if we had been led up in line we should have rushed the position with probably a quarter of the loss that we actually suffered. As it was, we arrived rather late, and in mass of quarter column.... You might imagine the effect of a tremendously hot rifle fire into that compact body.”[11]
According to F. G. Tait the first orders that emerged from the chaos and noise and the groans36 of the wounded were those of, ‘Lie down, fix bayonets, and prepare to charge.’ This, unhappily, led very little farther. Tait writes as follows: “We got along a hundred yards or so when we got into the dreadful flanking as well as frontal firing, and lost very heavily. I could now see that the enemy were in trenches about 200-250 yards off. We managed to get 50 yards nearer, losing heavily all the time, and there we lay down (what was left of the lot with me) and began firing. I was about 15 or 20 yards in front, and had just got up to get back in line when I got a bullet through my left thigh37. I was able to turn over on my stomach and fire at the Boers. A quarter of an hour later it was quite light, and then we began to get it properly. The men on each side of me were hit straight away, and in a few minutes very few were left unhit. It was quite impossible for any ambulance or doctor to advance, so all our wounded lay within 200 yards or so of the Boer trenches all day in a broiling38 sun, being shot at whenever they moved until seven o’clock at night, most of them without a drop of water.”
And yet out of this dismal39 event, despite their terrible position, the Highland Brigade did not lose their prestige. Trapped, bewildered, unable either to advance or retreat, they held their ground and died without fear. Many, indeed, perceiving that no officers were left to lead them, advanced on their own initiative through the hail of fire, and were discovered in the morning suspended on the barbed wire before the Boer trenches. A section of the Black Watch, it is recorded, refused to retire, and entrenching40 themselves as far as they could, carried on the combat throughout the long terrible day, until when night fell there was not one single survivor41 left. All through that desperate day the Highlanders lay exposed to the Boer fire, refusing to surrender, without food or water, wounded and unwounded together, awaiting the support from the artillery and the reserves, which was so difficult to give. It has been recorded of the Argyll and Sutherlands that their claim to the pledge, “We die, but we do not surrender,” was most nobly earned that day. At Magersfontein the regiment42 that had provided the ‘thin red line’ at Balaclava remained steady under the terrific fire, and it was owing in a large degree to the 93rd and to the Coldstream Guards that their unfortunate comrades, who had led the advance and suffered more terribly, were enabled to hold out during the day.
To return to the actual conflict. It is stated that within a few moments of the opening of the Boer fire at least 600 men were out of action. Less courageous43 or disciplined soldiers would have broken and scattered44 wildly to the rear, and none could have called them cowards; but the Highland Brigade, assembling as far as was possible within their own units, had by the break of day made some attempt at following up the belated attack. Unfortunately the Boers were so securely entrenched45 that it was a very one-sided affair. The rising sun brought the Horse Artillery up at the gallop46, and under cover of their fire the Highland Brigade were enabled to get some respite47 from the deadly Boer marksmanship. As day advanced reinforcements were hurried up, the Gordons coming with the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the Coldstreams, and the gallant Yorkshire Light Infantry to protect the flank. In the afternoon the Highland Brigade—who had tasted neither food nor water for twenty-four hours—made a pitiful effort to charge the Boer position. The fire that was opened upon them was, at so short a range, almost annihilating48. It was inevitable49 that they must remain out of action until they could fall back and reassemble. The Gordons, who came fresh into action, did what was possible to distract the Boer fire from their unhappy comrades, and when the evening came the merciful darkness enabled the wreckage50 of the Highland Brigade to creep back to the rear.
The bitterest day in the story of the Highland regiments51 was, at last, at an end. The disaster at Magersfontein brought with it a loss of nearly 1000 men; out of the Highland Brigade 57 officers had fallen, and in the Black Watch alone 19 officers and over 300 men. Never in the annals of that regiment had there been such a loss since the action at Ticonderoga in 1757.
In his report of the action, Lord Methuen sums it up as follows: “The attack failed. The inclement52 weather was against success. The men in the Highland Brigade were ready enough to rally, but the paucity53 of officers and non-commissioned officers rendered this no easy matter. I attach no blame to this splendid brigade. Nothing could exceed the conduct of the troops from the time of the failure of the attack at daybreak. There was not the slightest confusion, though the fight was carried on under as hard conditions as one can imagine, for the men had been on the move from midnight, and were suffering terribly from thirst.”
The next morning the Boers awaited a British attack, which never came. It was evident from the disaster that had overtaken the Highland Brigade that it would be almost impossible to storm the Boer position by a frontal assault. Lord Methuen, feeling that he could not carry out a flanking movement without reinforcements, decided54 he would rest his troops, and postpone55 for the present the advance on Kimberley.
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1
highland
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n.(pl.)高地,山地 | |
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2
retired
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adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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3
artillery
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n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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4
futile
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adj.无效的,无用的,无希望的 | |
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5
expenditure
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n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗 | |
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6
infantry
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n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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7
deluge
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n./vt.洪水,暴雨,使泛滥 | |
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8
tragic
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adj.悲剧的,悲剧性的,悲惨的 | |
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9
drenched
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adj.湿透的;充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 );在某人(某物)上大量使用(某液体) | |
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10
despatch
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n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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11
ascertained
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v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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12
battalion
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n.营;部队;大队(的人) | |
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13
battalions
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n.(陆军的)一营(大约有一千兵士)( battalion的名词复数 );协同作战的部队;军队;(组织在一起工作的)队伍 | |
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14
interval
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n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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15
criticise
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v.批评,评论;非难 | |
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16
deplore
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vt.哀叹,对...深感遗憾 | |
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17
abortive
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adj.不成功的,发育不全的 | |
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18
disorder
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n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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19
ascertaining
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v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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20
trench
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n./v.(挖)沟,(挖)战壕 | |
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21
trenches
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深沟,地沟( trench的名词复数 ); 战壕 | |
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22
chaos
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n.混乱,无秩序 | |
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23
graphically
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adv.通过图表;生动地,轮廓分明地 | |
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24
dense
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a.密集的,稠密的,浓密的;密度大的 | |
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25
clump
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n.树丛,草丛;vi.用沉重的脚步行走 | |
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26
surmise
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v./n.猜想,推测 | |
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27
gallant
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adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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28
bristle
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v.(毛发)直立,气势汹汹,发怒;n.硬毛发 | |
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29
murmur
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n.低语,低声的怨言;v.低语,低声而言 | |
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30
crouching
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v.屈膝,蹲伏( crouch的现在分词 ) | |
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31
reaper
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n.收割者,收割机 | |
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32
lurid
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adj.可怕的;血红的;苍白的 | |
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33
deploy
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v.(军)散开成战斗队形,布置,展开 | |
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34
foe
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n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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35
destined
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adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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36
groans
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n.呻吟,叹息( groan的名词复数 );呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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37
thigh
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n.大腿;股骨 | |
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38
broiling
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adj.酷热的,炽热的,似烧的v.(用火)烤(焙、炙等)( broil的现在分词 );使卷入争吵;使混乱;被烤(或炙) | |
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39
dismal
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adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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40
entrenching
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v.用壕沟围绕或保护…( entrench的现在分词 );牢固地确立… | |
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41
survivor
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n.生存者,残存者,幸存者 | |
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42
regiment
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n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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43
courageous
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adj.勇敢的,有胆量的 | |
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44
scattered
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adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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45
entrenched
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adj.确立的,不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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46
gallop
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v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔;飞速发展 | |
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47
respite
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n.休息,中止,暂缓 | |
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48
annihilating
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v.(彻底)消灭( annihilate的现在分词 );使无效;废止;彻底击溃 | |
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49
inevitable
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adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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50
wreckage
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n.(失事飞机等的)残骸,破坏,毁坏 | |
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51
regiments
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(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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52
inclement
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adj.严酷的,严厉的,恶劣的 | |
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53
paucity
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n.小量,缺乏 | |
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54
decided
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adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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55
postpone
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v.延期,推迟 | |
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