This pioneer charter providing definitely for English colonization2 in America bore date of eleventh of June 1578, and was limited to six years. The full text is given in the Principal Navigations. It conferred upon Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, large powers, and provided the machinery3 necessary for the government of a colony. It gave him and them free liberty and license4 to “discover, finde, search out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous countreys and territories not actually possessed5 by any Christian6 prince or people,” and to have, hold, occupy, and enjoy such regions with all their “commodities, jurisdictions7, and royalties8 286both by sea and land,” the single condition being that one-fifth part of the gold and silver ore that might be obtained be paid over to the queen. They were empowered to “encounter, expulse, repell, and resist as well by Sea as by land” all persons attempting to inhabit without their special license in or within two hundred leagues of the places occupied by them. They were to have a monopoly of the commerce of such places, no vessels10 being permitted to enter their harbours for traffic except by their license. The rights of Englishmen were promised to all people who might become members of the colony.
Associated with Sir Humphrey in his enterprise under this charter were “many gentlemen of good estimation,” while his right hand in all the work of preparation was his notable half-brother, Walter Raleigh. By autumn was assured the assemblage of a “puissant fleet able to encounter a king’s power by sea.” There were eleven sail in all in readiness, and a volunteer company of four hundred men, gentlemen, men-at-arms, and sailors, collected for the venture. In the mean time, however, the enterprise had been diverted from its apparent original object to a secret assault upon the West Indies, with possibly an after attempt at colonization on the southern coast of North America, while the preparations had been hampered11 by divided councils and dissensions among the captains. The breaches12 in the organization had the more serious effect, for when the time for sailing had come the greater number of the intended voyagers had dispersed13, and Sir Humphrey 287was left with only a few assured friends. Nevertheless, with his fleet reduced to seven ships and his company to one hundred and fifty men, he set off from the Devon coast, as agreed, on the twenty-first of September. But the ships had barely got to sea when they were driven back to port by hard weather. A second start was made on the eighteenth of November. Of the course and of the details of this voyage nothing satisfactory is recorded; and the fragmentary accounts are contradictory14. All that appears to be clearly known is that, after an absence of several months, the fleet in part returned to Plymouth, Gilbert arriving first, and Raleigh with his ship last, in May, 1579; and that there had been encounters at sea with the Spaniards in which one of the chief vessels was lost, and also one of the leaders in the expedition, Miles Morgan, “a valiant15 gentleman.”
In this venture Sir Humphrey had so heavily invested that his personal estate was impaired16. But its failure so little disheartened him that he at once began planning another one, this one directly for colonization. Meanwhile, in the summer immediately following his return he served with his ships on the Irish coast. After a year or two, still being without means to perfect his scheme, he gave assignments from his patent to sundry17 persons desiring the privilege of his grant to plant in the north parts of America “about the river of Canada,” his hope being that their success would further his scheme which was then to colonize18 southward. Time, however, went on without anything being done 288by his assigns, and the six years’ limit of his charter was nearing. Consequently if the patent were to be kept in force action was imperative19.
At this juncture20 (in 1583) he was successful in effecting a new organization. Raleigh was again in close hand with him; but the chief adventurer was Sir George Peckham, who had been an associate with Sir Richard Grenville and others in support of a second petition of Gilbert’s to the queen in 1574, for a charter to discover “riche and unknowen landes.” A good deal of time was spent by the projectors21 in debating the best course to adopt,—whether to begin the intended discovery of a fit place to colonize from the south northward22 or from the north southward. Finally it was decided23 that the voyagers should take the north course and follow as directly as they might the “trade way unto Newfoundland,” whence, after their “refreshing24 and reparation of wants,” they should proceed southward, “not omitting any river or bay which in all that large tract25 of land” appeared to their view worthy26 of search.
This programme arranged, five ships were assembled and made ready for the voyage. These were the “Delight, alias27 the George,” of one hundred and twenty tons, the “Bark Raleigh,” two hundred tons, the “Golden Hind28,” forty tons, the “Swallow,” forty tons, and the “Squirrel,” ten tons. The “Delight” was designated “admiral” of the fleet to carry Sir Humphrey as general. The “Raleigh,” the largest vessel9 in the squadron, was to be “vice-admiral,” and the “Golden Hind” "rear admiral." The “Raleigh” had 289been built and manned at the expense of Raleigh, but he did not personally join the expedition, the queen refusing to give her permission for him to go out with it. The company brought together numbered in all two hundred and sixty men of all sorts and condition. Among them were shipwrights29, masons, carpenters, smiths; a “mineral man” and refiner; gentlemen, adventurers, and sea-rovers. For entertainment of the company and for allurement30 of the savages31 who might be met, “musick in good variety,” and toys, as “Morris dancers, Hobby horses, and Mayfair conceits,” were provided. Also a stock of petty haberdashery wares33 was put in to barter34 with “those simple people.”
The account of this voyage which Hakluyt gives was the official one, prepared by Edward Hayes, the captain, and also owner of the “Golden Hind,” which alone of the fleet completed it and returned to Plymouth with its tragic35 story. His narrative36 appears in the Principal Navigations under this much-embracing title: “A Report of the Voyage and successe thereof, attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by Sir Humfrey Gilbert knight37, with other gentlemen assisting him in that action, intended to discover and to plant Christian inhabitants in place convenient, upon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from the Cape38 of Florida, lying under very temperate39 Climes esteemed40 fertile and rich in Minerals, yet not in actual possession of any Christian prince, written by M. Edward Haie gentleman, and principall actour in the same voyage, who alone continued unto the end, and by Gods speciall 290assistance returned safe and sound.” To Captain Hayes we are also indebted for some particulars of Sir Humphrey’s efforts that culminated41 in his first abortive42 voyage of 1578–1579, which are detailed43 by way of preface to his story of this voyage.
The start was auspiciously44 made from Plymouth harbour on the eleventh of June, 1583, Gilbert wearing on his breast the queen’s gift of an emblematical45 jewel,—a pearl-tipped golden anchor guarded by a woman,—sent him on the eve of the departure as a token of her good wishes for his venture. But when only the third night out, with a prosperous wind, consternation46 was occasioned by the desertion of the “Raleigh.” Earlier in the evening she had signified that her captain and many of her men had fallen sick; then later, with no further communication, she put about on a homeward course. Although after his return from the voyage Captain Hayes heard it “credibly reported” that her men were really affected47 with a contagious48 sickness, and that she arrived back at Plymouth greatly distressed49, he could not accept this as sufficiently50 accounting51 for her act. The real reason he “could never understand.” Therefore he left it “to God.”
With this desertion of the “Raleigh” Captain Hayes’s “Golden Hind” succeeded to the place of vice-admiral, and accordingly her flag was shifted from the mizzen to the foretop. Thus the remaining ships sailed till the twenty-sixth of July when the “Swallow” and the “Squirrel” were lost in a fog. The “Delight” and the “Golden Hind,” now alone, four days later sighted 291the Newfoundland coast,—seven weeks from the time that the fleet had left the coast of England.
The two ships continued along the east coast to Conception Bay, where the “Swallow” was met again. After her disappearance52 in the fog she had engaged in piratical performances on the sea. An especially mean act had been the despoiling53 of a fishing bark and leaving her sailless to make her homeward voyage, some seven hundred leagues away. The “Swallow’s” crew were hilarious54 over their exploits, and many of them appeared in motley garb55 made up of the clothing filched56 from the despoiled57 fishermen. Her captain, an “honest and religious man,” was held blameless in this business. He had had put upon him men “not to his humour or desert”: a crew of pirates, whom he evidently could not control. Later, the same day, the now three ships had come before the harbour of St. John’s, and here the “Squirrel” was found. She was lying at anchor off the harbour mouth, entrance having been forbidden her by the “English merchants” of St. John’s, who, as the elected “admirals,” represented the Newfoundland fishing fleets of different nationalities, of which thirty-six sail happened then to be inside this harbour.
Sir Humphrey prepared to enter by force if necessary, “any resistance to the contrary notwithstanding.” But when he had shown his commission to the “admirals,” and explained that he was here to take possession of the lands in behalf of the crown of England and “the advancement59 of the Christian religion in those Paganish regions,” and that all he required was their “lawful 292aid” in refreshing and provisioning his fleet, he was cordially received, and all the great guns of the fishermen belched60 forth61 salutes62 of welcome.
A landing was made on the next morning, Sunday, the fourth of August. The general and his company were that day courteously63 escorted about the place by the English merchants. They were shown their hosts’ accustomed walks in a part called by them “The Garden.” This was found to be a product of “Nature it selfe without art,” comprising a pleasant tangle64 of wild roses, “odoriferous and to the sense very comfortable,” and “raspis berries” in great plenty. The next day the ceremony of taking possession was performed, which the narrator thus describes in faithful detail:
"Monday following, the Generall had his tent set up, who being accompanied with his own followers65 summoned the marchants and masters [of the fishing barks in the harbours] both English and strangers to be present at his taking possession of those Countries. Before whom openly was read & interpreted unto the strangers his Commission: by vertue whereof he tooke possession in the same harbour of S. John, and 200 leagues every way, invested the Queens Majestie with the title and dignitie thereof, had delivered unto him (after the custome of England) a rod & a turffe of the same soile, entring possession also for him, his heires, and assigns for ever: And signified unto al men, that from that time forward, they should take the same land as a territorie appertaineing to the Queene of England, and himselfe authorised under her Majestie to possesse and 293enjoy it. And to ordaine lawes for the government thereof, agreeable (so neere as conveniently might be) unto the lawes of England: under which all people comming thither66 hereafter, either to inhabit, or by way of traffique, should be subjected and governed.
"And especially at the same time for a beginning, he proposed & delivered three lawes to be in force immediately. That is to say: the first for Religion, which in publique exercise should be according to the Church of England. The 2. for maintenance of her Majesties67 right and possession of those territories, against which if any thing were attempted prejudiciall the parties offending should be adjudged and executed as in case of high treason, according to the lawes of England. The 3. if any person should utter words sounding to the dishonour68 of her Majestie, he should loose his eares, and have his ship and goods confiscate69.
“These contents published, obedience70 was promised by generall voyce and consent of the multitude aswell of Englishmen as strangers, praying for continuance of this possession and government begun. After this, the assembly was dismissed. And afterward71 were erected72 not farre from that place the Armes of England ingraven in lead, and infixed upon a pillar of wood.”
The next step was to grant in fee farms, or parcels of land, lying by the waterside on this and neighbouring harbours, the grantees covenanting74 to pay a certain rent and service to Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, and yearly to maintain possession by themselves or their assigns. Thus the grantees were assured of grounds 294convenient to dress and dry their fish, which had not previously75 been enjoyed, the first comers into these harbours in the fishing season taking possession of the available places.
While this business was going forward by the chiefs the men of the company were divided into groups and each group assigned to a particular work. One group were set at repairing and trimming the ships; another at the collection of supplies and provisions. Others were delegated to search the commodities and “singularities” of the region and report to the general all they could learn either from their own observations or from those who had longest frequented this coast. Another group were to obtain the elevation76 of the pole, and to draw plats of the country “exactly graded.”
Meanwhile Sir Humphrey and his principal men were being right royally entertained by the fishing-ship owners and masters, who, with their crews, constituted the European population of the place during the fishing season. It was the rule to choose the “admirals,” practically the governors of the community, anew each week, or rather they succeeded in orderly course, and to solemnize the change with a weekly “admirals’ feast.” The general and the captains and masters of his fleet were not only guests at this feast, but they were continually invited to other banquets. Even with the “abundance at home” in England, such entertainment as they received would have been delightful77, says the chronicler: but here, in this “desolate corner of the world, where at other times of the yeare wild beasts and 295birds have only the fruition of all those countries,” it was more acceptable to them and of greater “contentation.” Also the supplies furnished them for their ships, for which all the fishermen in the harbours, “strangers” as well as English, were taxed, were unexpectedly rich and abundant. The Portuguese78 fishermen were the most liberal contributors. Wines were received in generous quantity; marmalades, “most fine ruske or biskit, sweet oyles, and sundry delicacies79.” There were, too, brought them daily quantities of salmon80, trout81, lobsters82, and other fish.
The group assigned to inquire into the “singularities” of the region were directed among other things to look for metals, and the mineral man and refiner was particularly charged by Sir Humphrey to be diligent83 in the search for ore. This expert was a “Saxon borne, honest and religious, named Daniel,” upon whose conservative judgment84 Sir Humphrey relied. Daniel first came upon “some sort of Ore seeming rather to be yron than other metall.” The next find was more important and was displayed by him to Sir Humphrey with “no small shew of contentment.” Indeed, so sure was he that his specimens85 were evidences of silver in abundance that he was ready to pledge his life, which was “as deere unto him as the Crowne of England unto her Majesty,” if it should not fall out accordingly. If silver were the thing that would satisfy the general and his associates in England, Daniel advised him to seek no farther. The rich thing was here. Sir Humphrey would have acted upon his advice if his “private humour” only was 296to be satisfied. But the promise to his friends, and the “necessitie to bring the South countreys within compasse of the patent nearly expired, as they had already done in these North parts,” made it imperative for him to continue on his course as originally planned. So he had the samples secretly placed on board of one of the ships, and cautioned those who knew of the find to say nothing about it while they remained at St. John’s lest the “foreigners” there—the “Portugals, Biscanes, and Frenchmen”—should learn of it; when they were again safe at sea the ore should be tested, and if it were then desired he would bring the company back to St. John’s.
By this time disorder86 had appeared among the rougher elements of the company, and some were plotting mischief87. A number were discovered scheming to steal the ships at an opportune88 moment when the general and captains were on shore, and make off with them, perhaps on a buccaneering cruise. But this happily was nipped in the bud. Others banding together seized a fishing bark full laden90 in a neighbouring harbour and set the fishermen ashore91. A larger number hid themselves in the woods, intending to return home by such shipping92 as daily left the coast. Many of the loyal members fell sick and several died. Numbers in ill health were licensed93 by the general to return to England as best they could. Thus by one means and another the company were much diminished, and when it was decided to start for the voyage southward there were scarcely enough sound men to furnish the ships.
In this dilemma94 Sir Humphrey thought it better to 297drop the “Swallow” out of the fleet and send her home to England with the sick members. The captain of the “Delight” was assigned to take charge of her, while her own captain and crew (including the fellows who had indulged in piracy95 on the high seas) were shifted to the “Delight.” The captain of the “Squirrel” was also relieved of his command to return on the “Swallow.”
The remainder of the fleet, the “Delight,” the “Golden Hind,” and the “Squirrel,”—supplied as generously as if they had been in a “countrey or some Citie populous96 and plentiful97 of all things,” besides necessities in fresh and dried fish and rusk, having rich stocks of wines, marmalades, figs98, lemons, and other delicacies, nets and lines for fishing, and pinnaces “fit for discovery,”—set sail for the continuance of the voyage on the twentieth of August, seventeen days after their first arrival in St. John’s harbour: never to return to this port. Sir Humphrey chose to sail in the “Squirrel” instead of in the flagship, the smaller vessel being the more convenient for exploring the coast and searching harbours and creeks99. Accordingly she was supplied from one of the other ships with additional ordnance100 for protection in case of trouble, and so was overweighted, which in the end wrought101 her ruin, as we shall presently see.
The course was taken toward Cape Breton with the intent to reach the mainland of North America. Eight days were spent in this navigation, all the time out of sight of land, the ships being hindered by the current. On the seventh day they fell “into such flats and dangers” 298that all barely escaped wreck102, and two days later the flagship,—the “Delight,”—went down with most of her men and all of her cargo103.
Now the narrative becomes tragic. “The maner how our Admirall was lost” is thus circumstantially described, with due note of “portents” that foreran the disaster.
"Upon Tuesday the 27 of August, toward the evening, our Generall caused them in his frigat [the "Squirrel"] to sound, who found white sande at 35 fadome, being then in latitude104 about 44 degrees.
"Wednesday toward night the wind came South and wee [the "Golden Hind"] bare with the land all that night, Westnorthwest, contrary to the mind of Master Cox [the “Golden Hind’s” master]; nevertheless we followed the Admirall deprived of power to prevent a mischiefe, which by no contradiction could be brought to hold other course, alleaging they could not make the ship to work better nor to lie otherwaies.
"The evening was faire and pleasant, yet not without token of storme to ensue, and most part of this Wednesday night, like the Swanne that singeth before her death, they in the Admirall, or Delight, continued a sounding of Trumpets105, with Drummes, and Fifes; also winding106 the Cornets, Haughtboyes; and in the end of their jolitie, left with the battell and ringing of doleful knels.
"Towards the evening also we caught in the Golden Hinde a mighty107 Porpose, with a harping108 yron, having first striken divers109 of them, and brought away part of 299their flesh, sticking upon the yron, but could recover onely that one. These also passing the Ocean in heardes did portend110 storme. I omit to recite frivilous reportes by them in the Frigat of strange voyces, the same night, which scarred some from the helme.
"Thursday the 29 of August, the wind rose, and blew vehemently111 at South and by East, bringing with all raine, and thick mist, so that we could not see a cable length before us. And betimes in the morning we were altogither runne and folded in amongst flats and sands, amongst which we found shoale and deepe in every three or four shippes length, after we began to sound: but first we were upon them unawares, till master Cox looking out discerned (in his judgement) white cliffes, crying (land) withall, though we could not afterward descrie any land, it being very likely the breaking of the sea white, which seemed to be white cliffes through the haze112 and thicke weather.
"Immediately tokens were given unto the Delight to cast about to seaward, which, being the greater ship and of burden 120 tunnes, was yet foremost upon the beach, keeping so ill watch that they knew not the danger before they felt the same, too late to recover it: for presently the Admirall strooke a ground, and had soone after her sterne and hinder partes beaten in pieces: whereupon the rest (that is to say the Frigat on which was the Generall and the Golden Hinde) cast about Eastnortheast, bearing to the South, even for our lives into the windes eye, because that way caried us to the seaward. Making out from this danger, we sounded one 300while seven fadome, then five fadome, then foure fadome and lesse, againe deeper, immediately foure fadome, then but three fadome, the sea going mightily113 and high.
“At last we recovered (God be thanked) in some despaire, to sea roome enough. In this distresse wee had vigilant114 eye unto the Admirall, whom we saw cast away, without power to give the men succour, neither could we espie of the men that leaped overboord to save themselves, either in the same Pinnesse, or Cocke, or upon rafters, and such like meanes, presenting themselves to men in those extremities115: for we desired to save the men by every possible meanes. But all in vaine, sith God had determined116 their ruine: yet all that day, and part of the next, we beat up and downe as neere unto the wracke as was possible for us, looking out, if by good hap58 we might espie any of them.”
In this wreck perished almost a hundred men. Among them was Stephanus Parmenius, a learned Hungarian, who was to have been the historian of the voyage. He had written a Latin poem, a few years before, extolling117 Sir Humphrey’s achievements, which is preserved in the Principal Navigations. While at St. John’s he wrote a letter to the elder Richard Hakluyt, of the Middle Temple, briefly118 recounting the events of the voyage to that time, which was probably despatched on the returning “Swallow.” This letter Hakluyt gives with the literature of this expedition. Daniel, the Saxon, was another of the lost, and with him perished most of his evidences of “inestimable riches” in 301silver at Newfoundland. Also went down with this ship “cards and plats” that the draughtsmen had drawn119, with the due gradation of the harbours, bays, and capes120. Captain Brown stood by his ship to the last, refusing to take to the pinnace running at her stern. He chose “rather to die then [than] to incurre infamie by forsaking121 his charge, which then might be thought to have perished through his default.” So, when all hope of saving her was passed, exhorting122 his men “not to despair but strive to save what they could,” he “mounted upon the highest decke where hee attended imminent123 death and unavoidable.”
Fourteen escaped in the pinnace, and “committed themselves to God’s mercy amiddest the storme and rage of sea and windes, destitute124 of foode, not so much as a droppe of fresh water.” The little boat was overloaded125 for such foul126 weather, and to lighten her one of her company, Edward Headly, a “valiant soldier,” proposed that they should cast lots, those upon whom the lots fell to be thrown overboard, and offered himself with the first “content to take his adventure gladly.” But Richard Clark, the master of their lost “Delight,” who was of the number, protested, advising them “to abide127 Gods pleasure, who was able to save all as well as a few.” So they held together, and after six days and nights in the open ocean, carried before the wind, they arrived on the coast of Newfoundland, weak and famished128, all save two,—the valiant soldier Headly, and a sailor called “Brazil,” because of his travels in that country. Later they were taken off by some kindly129 302French fishermen, and ultimately reached their homes by way of France.
The “Golden Hind” and the “Squirrel” continued for two days “beating the sea up and downe,” expecting when the weather cleared to bear in with the land which it was judged was not far off, “either the continent or some Island.” But it remained thick and blustering130 with increase of cold, and the men began to lose courage. “The Leeside of us lay full of flats and dangers inevitable131, if the wind blew hard at South. Some againe doubted we were ingulfed in the Bay of S. Lawrence, and coast full of dangers, and unto us unknowen. But above all, provisions waxed scant132, and hope of supply was gone with losse of our Admirall. Those of the Frigat were already pinched with spare allowance, and want of clothes chiefly.” Thereupon the “Squirrel’s” men besought133 the general to head for England before they all perished. “And to them of the Golden Hinde they made signes of their distresse, pointing to their mouthes, and to their clothes thinne and ragged134: then immediately they of the Golden Hinde grew to be of the same opinion and desire to return home.”
Finally the return was agreed upon. Sir Humphrey expressed himself satisfied with what he had seen and knew already, and promised to set them forth again “right royally” the next spring if “God sent them safe home.”
So in the afternoon of Saturday the thirty-first of August they changed their course for the homeward 303run. At that very instant, “even in the winding about,” a wondrous135 thing met their astonished gaze.
Between them and toward the land they were now forsaking there passed along a strange monster of the sea: a “very lion” to their seeming, “in shape, hair, and colour, swimming after the maner of a beast by mooving of his feete, but rather sliding upon the water with his whole body (excepting the legs) in sight, neither yet diving under, and againe rising above the water, as the maner is of Whales, Dolphins, Tunise, Porposes, and all other fish: but confidently shewing himselfe above water without hiding: Notwithstanding we presented ourselves in open view and gesture to amase him, as all creatures will be commonly at a sudden gaze and sight of men. Thus he passed along turning his head to and fro, yawning and gaping136 wide, with ougly demonstration137 of long teeth, and glaring eies, and to bidde us farewell (comming right against the Hinde) he sent forth a horrible voyce, roaring or bellowing138 as doeth a lion, which spectacle wee all beheld139 so farre as we were able to discerne the same, as men prone140 to wonder at every strange thing, as this doubtless was, to see a lion in the Ocean sea, or fish in shape of a lion. What opinion others had thereof, and chiefly the Generall himselfe, I forbeare to deliver; but he took it for Bonum Omen89, rejoycing that he was to warre against such an enemie, if it were the devill.”
The wind was “large” for England at the start but very high, and the sea rough, insomuch that the “Squirrel” 304was almost swallowed up. On Monday the general came aboard the “Golden Hind” to have her surgeon dress his foot, which he had hurt by treading upon a nail on the “Squirrel’s” deck. While here he and the “Hind’s” officers “comforted ech other with hope of hard successe to be all past, and of the good to come.” It was agreed that both ships should show their lights always by night that they might keep together. The general was entreated141 to remain on the “Hind,” where he would be far safer than on the little “Squirrel,” but refused. Immediately after his return to the “Squirrel” a sharp storm arose, but this both ships, though in much peril142, happily “overpassed.”
A morning or two later, the weather having at last become fair, the general again came aboard the “Golden Hind” to “make merie together with the Captaine, Master and company.” This was their last meeting with him. He remained with them throughout the day till nightfall. Their talk fell upon “affaires past and to come.” Sir Humphrey lamented143 much the loss of the “Delight”: "more of the men, but most of all of his bookes and notes," and of something else which he avoided mentioning, but for which he was “out of measure grieved.” This something the narrator gathered “by circumstance” to be the ore specimens which had gone down with Daniel the Saxon. “Whatsoever it was,” the narrator noted144, “the remembrance touched him so deepe as, not able to containe himselfe, he beat his boy [the cabin boy] in great rage even at the same time so long after the miscarying of the great ship, because 305upon a faire day, when wee were becalmed upon the coast of the New found land, ... he [had] sent his boy aboord the Admirall to fetch certaine things: amongst which this [the ore] being chiefe was yet forgotten and left behind. After which time he could never conveniently send againe aboord the great ship, much lesse hee doubted her ruine so neere at hand.” That Daniel the Saxon’s find and the existence of rich mines in Newfoundland, which it seemed to warrant, had wrought a radical145 change in Sir Humphrey’s plans, had become apparent in his actions and in this last talk. Says the narrator, “Whereas the generall had never before good conceit32 of these North parts of the world: now his mind was wholly fixed73 upon the New found land. And as before he refused not to grant assignments liberally to them that required the same into these Northern parts, now he became contrarily affected, refusing to make any so large grants especially in S. Johns.... Also his expression of a determination in the Spring following for disposing of his voyage then to be reattempted: he assigned the captaine and master of the Golden Hind unto the South discovery, and reserved unto himself the North, affirming that this voyage had wonne his heart from the South, and that he was now become a Northerne man altogether.”
Again he was vehemently entreated by the captain, master, and others of his “well willers” to stay on the “Golden Hind” for the remainder of the voyage. They dwelt on the preciousness of his life and the dangerous condition of the “Squirrel” with her decks overcharged 306with guns, small artillery146, nettings “too cumbersome147 for so small a boate that was to pass through the Ocean sea at that season of the yere,” when much foul weather was to be expected. But these entreaties148 were in vain as before. All were swept aside with his final answer, “I will not forsake149 my little company going homeward with whom I have passed so many stormes and perils150.” Since he would not “bend to reason,” such provisions as were wanting on the “Squirrel” were furnished from the “Hind,” and then, committing him to “God’s protection,” he was reluctantly and sorrowfully set aboard his pinnace.
The ships were by this time more than three hundred leagues onward151 of their way home. They had brought the Azores south of them: but were then keeping much to the North to get into “the height and elevation” of England. This attained152 they met with very bad weather and terrible seas breaking short and high, “Pyramid wise.”
Then came the final catastrophe153.
"Munday the ninth of September, in the afternoone, the Frigat was neere cast away, oppressed by waves, yet at that time recovered: and giving forth signes of joy, the Generall sitting abaft154 with a booke in his hand, cried out to us in the Hind (so oft as we did approach within hearing), We are as neere to heaven by sea as by land. Reiterating155 the same speech, well beseeming a souldier, resolute156 in Jesus Christ, as I can testifie he was.
“The same Monday night, about twelve of the clocke, or not long after, the Frigat being ahead of us in the 307Golden Hinde, suddenly her lights were out, whereof as it were in a moment, we lost the sight, and withall our watch cryed, the Generall was cast away, which was too true. For in that moment the Frigat was devoured157 and swallowed up of the Sea.”
All that night the “Golden Hinde” kept up a constant lookout158 hoping to sight her again. But not a fragment of her could be seen or a single survivor159.
Then the “Hind” continued on the course alone, still maintaining the lookout. At length, after “great torment160 of weather and perill of drowning,” she came safely to a home port, with her doleful tale of disaster, arriving at Falmouth on the twenty-second of September—a Sunday.
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coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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3
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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4
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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5
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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6
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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7
jurisdictions
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| 司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 )； 裁判权； 管辖区域； 管辖范围 | |
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8
royalties
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| 特许权使用费 | |
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9
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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10
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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11
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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12
breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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13
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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14
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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15
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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16
impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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17
sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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18
colonize
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| v.建立殖民地，拓殖；定居，居于 | |
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19
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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20
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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21
projectors
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| 电影放映机，幻灯机( projector的名词复数 ) | |
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22
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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23
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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24
refreshing
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| adj.使精神振作的，使人清爽的，使人喜欢的 | |
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25
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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26
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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27
alias
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| n.化名；别名；adv.又名 | |
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28
hind
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| adj.后面的，后部的 | |
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29
shipwrights
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| n.造船者，修船者( shipwright的名词复数 ) | |
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30
allurement
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| n.诱惑物 | |
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31
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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32
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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33
wares
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| n. 货物, 商品 | |
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34
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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35
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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36
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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37
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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38
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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39
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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40
esteemed
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|
| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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41
culminated
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| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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43
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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44
auspiciously
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| adv.吉利； 繁荣昌盛； 前途顺利； 吉祥 | |
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45
emblematical
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| adj.标志的，象征的，典型的 | |
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46
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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47
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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48
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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49
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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50
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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51
accounting
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| n.会计，会计学，借贷对照表 | |
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52
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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53
despoiling
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的现在分词 ) | |
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54
hilarious
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| adj.充满笑声的，欢闹的；[反]depressed | |
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55
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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56
filched
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| v.偷（尤指小的或不贵重的物品）( filch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58
hap
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| n.运气；v.偶然发生 | |
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59
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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60
belched
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| v.打嗝( belch的过去式和过去分词 )；喷出，吐出；打（嗝）；嗳（气） | |
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61
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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62
salutes
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| n.致敬，欢迎，敬礼( salute的名词复数 )v.欢迎，致敬( salute的第三人称单数 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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63
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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64
tangle
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| n.纠缠；缠结；混乱；v.(使)缠绕；变乱 | |
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65
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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66
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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67
majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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68
dishonour
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|
| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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69
confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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70
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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71
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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72
ERECTED
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|
| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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73
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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74
covenanting
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| v.立约，立誓( covenant的现在分词 ) | |
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75
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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76
elevation
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|
| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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77
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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78
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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79
delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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80
salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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81
trout
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| n.鳟鱼；鲑鱼(属) | |
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82
lobsters
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| 龙虾( lobster的名词复数 )； 龙虾肉 | |
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83
diligent
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|
| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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84
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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85
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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86
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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87
mischief
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|
| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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88
opportune
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|
| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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89
omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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90
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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91
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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92
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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93
licensed
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| adj.得到许可的v.许可，颁发执照(license的过去式和过去分词) | |
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94
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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95
piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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96
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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97
plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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98
figs
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| figures 数字，图形，外形 | |
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99
creeks
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| n.小湾( creek的名词复数 )；小港；小河；小溪 | |
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100
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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101
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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102
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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103
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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104
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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105
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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106
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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107
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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108
harping
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| n.反复述说 | |
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109
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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110
portend
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| v.预兆，预示；给…以警告 | |
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111
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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112
haze
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| n.霾，烟雾；懵懂，迷糊；vi.(over)变模糊 | |
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113
mightily
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| ad.强烈地；非常地 | |
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114
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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115
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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116
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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117
extolling
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| v.赞美( extoll的现在分词 )；赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的现在分词 ) | |
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118
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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119
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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120
capes
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| 碎谷； 斗篷( cape的名词复数 )； 披肩； 海角； 岬 | |
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121
forsaking
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| 放弃( forsake的现在分词 )； 弃绝； 抛弃； 摒弃 | |
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122
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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123
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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124
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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125
overloaded
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| a.超载的，超负荷的 | |
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126
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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127
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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128
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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129
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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130
blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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131
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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132
scant
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| adj.不充分的，不足的；v.减缩，限制，忽略 | |
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133
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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134
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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135
wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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136
gaping
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| adj.口的；张口的；敞口的；多洞穴的v.目瞪口呆地凝视( gape的现在分词 )；张开，张大 | |
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137
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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138
bellowing
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| v.发出吼叫声，咆哮（尤指因痛苦）( bellow的现在分词 )；（愤怒地）说出（某事），大叫 | |
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139
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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140
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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141
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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143
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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145
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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146
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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147
cumbersome
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| adj.笨重的，不便携带的 | |
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148
entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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149
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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150
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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151
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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152
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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153
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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154
abaft
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| prep.在…之后；adv.在船尾，向船尾 | |
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155
reiterating
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的现在分词 ) | |
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156
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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157
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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158
lookout
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| n.注意，前途，瞭望台 | |
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159
survivor
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| n.生存者，残存者，幸存者 | |
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160
torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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