Settlement of Florida—Boundaries of Carolina—Enslaving Indians—They flee from their Masters—Africans follow the example—Spanish policy in regard to Fugitive1 Slaves—Carolina demands the surrender of Exiles—Florida refuses—Colony of Georgia established—Its object—Exiles called Seminoles—Slavery Introduced Into Georgia—Seminole Indians separate from Creeks2—Slaves escape from Georgia—Report of Committee of Safety—Report of General Lee—Treaty of Augusta—Treaty of Galphinton—Singular conduct of Georgia—War between Creeks and Georgia—Resolution of Congress—Treaty of Shoulderbone—Hostilities4 continue—Georgia calls on United States for assistance—Commissioners6 sent to negotiate Treaty—Failure—Col. Willett’s mission—Chiefs, head men and Warriors7 repair to New York—Treaty formed—Secret article—Extraordinary covenants8.
Florida was originally settled by Spaniards, in 1558. They were the first people to engage in the African Slave trade, and sought to supply other nations with servants from the coast of Guinea. The Colonists10 held many slaves, expecting to accumulate wealth by the unrequited toil11 of their fellow-man.
1630.
1700.
Carolina by her first and second charters claimed a vast extent of country, embracing St. Augustine and most of Florida. This conflict of jurisdiction12 soon involved the Colonists in hostilities. The Carolinians also held many slaves. Profiting by the labor13 of her servants, the people sought to increase their wealth by enslaving the Indians who resided in their vicinity. Hence in the early slave codes of that colony we find reference to “negro and other slaves.”
When the boundaries of Florida and South Carolina became established, the Colonists found themselves separated by the territory now constituting, the State of Georgia, at that time mostly occupied by the Creek3 Indians.
The efforts of the Carolinians to enslave the Indians, brought with them the natural and appropriate penalties. The Indians soon began to make their escape from service to the Indian country. This example was soon followed by the African slaves, who also fled to the Indian country, and, in order to secure themselves from pursuit, continued their journey into Florida.
We are unable to fix the precise time when the persons thus exiled constituted a separate community. Their numbers had become so great in 1736, that they were formed into companies, and relied on by the Floridians as allies to aid in the defense14 of that territory. They were also permitted to occupy lands upon the same terms that were granted to the citizens of Spain; indeed, they in all respects became free subjects of the Spanish crown. Probably to this early and steady policy of the Spanish Government, we may attribute the establishment and continuance of this community of Exiles in that territory.[1]
1738.
A messenger was sent by the Colonial Government of South Carolina to demand the return of those fugitive slaves who had found an asylum15 in Florida. The demand was made upon the Governor of St. Augustine, but was promptly16 rejected. This was the commencement of a controversy17 which has continued for more than a century, involving our nation in a vast expenditure18 of blood and treasure, and it yet remains19 undetermined.
The constant escape of slaves, and the difficulties resulting therefrom, constituted the principal object for establishing a free colony between South Carolina and Florida, which was called Georgia.[2] It was thought that this colony, being free, would afford the planters of Carolina protection against the further escape of their slaves from service.
These Exiles were by the Creek Indians called “Seminoles,” which in their dialect signifies “runaways,” and the term being frequently used while conversing20 with the Indians, came into almost constant practice among the whites; and although it has now come to be applied21 to a certain tribe of Indians, yet it was originally used in reference to these Exiles long before the Seminole Indians had separated from the Creeks.
Some eight years after the Colony of Georgia was first established, efforts were made to introduce Slavery among its people. The ordinary argument, that it would extend the Christian22 religion, was brought to bear upon Whitfield and Habersham, and the Saltzbergers and Moravians, until they consented to try the experiment, and Georgia became thenceforth a Slaveholding Colony, whose frontier bordered directly upon Florida; bringing the slaves of her planters into the very neighborhood of those Exiles who had long been free under Spanish laws.
1750.
A difficulty arose among the Creek Indians, which eventually becoming irreconcilable24, a chief named Seacoffee, with a large number of followers25, left that tribe—at that time residing within the present limits of Georgia and Alabama—and continuing their journey south entered the Territory of Florida, and, under the Spanish colonial policy, were incorporated with the Spanish population, entitled to lands wherever they could find them unoccupied, and to the protection of Spanish laws.[3]
From the year 1750, Seacoffee and his followers rejected all Creek authority, refused to be represented in Creek councils, held themselves independent of Creek laws, elected their own chiefs, and in all respects became a separate Tribe, embracing the Mickasukies, with whom they united. They settled in the vicinity of the Exiles, associated with them, and a mutual26 sympathy and respect existing, some of their people intermarried, thereby27 strengthening the ties of friendship, and the Indians having fled from oppression and taken refuge under Spanish laws, were also called Seminoles, or “runaways.”
After Georgia became a Slaveholding Colony, we are led to believe the practice of slaves leaving their masters, which existed in South Carolina, became frequent in Georgia. But we have no definite information on this subject until about the commencement of the Revolutionary War (1775), when the Council of Safety for that colony sent to Congress a communication setting forth23, that a large force of Continental28 troops was necessary to prevent their slaves from deserting their masters.[4] It was about the first communication sent to Congress after it met, in 1776, and shows that her people then sought to make the nation bear the burthens of their slavery, by furnishing a military force sufficient to hold her bondmen in fear; and if she adheres to that policy now, it merely illustrates29 the consistency30 of her people in relying upon the freemen of the North to uphold her system of oppression.
1776.
General Lee, commanding the military forces in that colony, called the particular attention of Congress to the fact, that slaves belonging to the planters, fled from servitude and sought freedom among the “Exiles of Florida.”
There also yet remained in Georgia many descendants of those who, at the establishment of that colony and since that time, had opposed the institution of Slavery. These people desired to testify their abhorrence31 of human servitude. They assembled in large numbers, in the district of Darien, and publicly resolved as follows: “To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted or interested motives33, but by a general philanthropy for all mankind, of whatever climate, language or complexion34, we hereby declare our disapprobation and abhorrence of slavery in America.” The public avowal35 of these doctrines36, naturally encouraged slaves to seek their freedom by such means as they possessed37. One day’s travel would place some of them among friends, and in the enjoyment38 of liberty; and they were sure to be kindly39 received and respectfully treated, soon as they could reach their brethren in Florida. Of course many availed themselves of this opportunity to escape from service.
The Exiles remained in the undisturbed enjoyment of liberty during the war of the Revolution. The Creeks were a powerful and warlike people, whose friendship was courted during the sanguinary struggle that secured our National Independence. During those turbulent times it would not have been prudent41 for a master to pursue his slave through the Creek country, or to have brought him back to Georgia if once arrested.
The Exiles being thus free from annoyance42, cultivated the friendship of their savage43 neighbors; rendered themselves useful to the Indians, both as laborers44 and in council. They also manifested much judgment45 in the selection of their lands for cultivation—locating their principal settlements on the rich bottoms lying along the Appalachicola and the Suwanee Rivers. Here they opened plantations46, and many of them became wealthy in flocks and herds47.
1783.
Immediately after the close of the war, the authorities of Georgia are said to have entered into a treaty with the Creek Indians, at Augusta, in which it is alleged48 that the Creeks agreed to grant to that State a large tract32 of land, and to restore such slaves as were then resident among the Creeks. But we find no copy of this treaty in print, or in manuscript. As early as 1789, only six years after it was said to have been negotiated, Hugh Knox, Secretary of War, in a communication to Congress, declared that no copy of this treaty was then in the possession of Congress; and it has not been since reprinted. Indeed, it is believed never to have been printed.
1785.
The difficulty between Georgia and the Creeks becoming more serious, the aid of the Continental Congress was invoked49, for the purpose of securing that State in the enjoyment of what her people declared to be their rights. Congress appointed three commissioners to examine the existing causes of difficulty, and if possible to negotiate a treaty with the Creeks that should secure justice to all the people of the United States.
Communities, like individuals, often exhibit in early life those characteristics which distinguish their mature age, and become ruling passions when senility marks the downhill of life. Thus Georgia, in her very infancy50, exhibited that desire for controlling our National Government which subsequently marked her manhood. Possessing no power under the Constitution to enter into any treaty except by consent of Congress, her Executive appointed three Commissioners to attend and supervise the action of those appointed by the Federal Legislature. The time and place for holding the treaty had been arranged with the Indians by the Governor of Georgia. At Galphinton,[5] the place appointed, the Commissioners of the United States met those of Georgia, who presented them with the form of a treaty fully40 drawn51 out and ready for signatures, and demanded of the Commissioners of the United States its adoption52. This extraordinary proceeding53 was treated by the Federal Commissioners in a dignified54 and appropriate manner, in their report to Congress. One important provision of this inchoate55 treaty stipulated56 for the return to the people of Georgia of such fugitive negroes as were then in the Indian country, and of such as might thereafter flee from bondage57.
The Commissioners appointed by Congress waited at Galphinton several days, and finding only two of the one hundred towns composing the Creek tribe represented in the council about to be held, they refused to regard them as authorized58 to act for the Creek nation, and would not consent to enter upon any negotiation59 with them as representatives of that tribe. This course was not in accordance with the ideas of the Commissioners appointed by Georgia. After those of the United States had left, they proceeded to enter into a treaty with the representatives from the two towns, who professed60 to act for the whole Creek nation.
This pretended treaty gave the State of Georgia a large territory; and the eighth article provided, that “the Indians shall restore all the negroes, horses and other property, that are or may hereafter be among them, belonging to the citizens of this State, or to any other person whatever, to such person as the governor shall appoint.”[6]
This attempt to make a treaty by the State of Georgia, in direct violation62 of the articles of Confederation, and to bind63 the Creek nation by an act of the representatives of only two of their towns, constitutes the first official transaction of which we have documentary evidence, in that long train of events which has for seventy years involved our nation in difficulty, and the Exiles of Florida in persecutions and cruelties unequaled under Republican governments.
The Commissioners of the United States made report of their proceedings64 to Congress; and those of Georgia reported to the governor of that State.[7] Their report was transmitted to the Legislature, and that body, with an arrogance65 that commands our admiration66, passed strong resolutions denouncing the action of the Federal Commissioners, commending the action of those of Georgia, and asserting her State sovereignty in language somewhat bombastic67.
1786.
1787.
Soon after the making of this pretended treaty, the Creeks commenced hostilities, murdering the people on the frontiers of Georgia, and burning their dwellings68. The Spanish authorities of Florida were charged with fomenting69 these difficulties, and the Congress of the United States felt constrained70 to interfere71.[8] The Commissioners previously72 appointed to form a treaty with the Creeks, were, by a resolution of the Continental Congress, adopted Oct. 26, instructed to obtain a treaty with the Indians which would secure a return of all prisoners, of whatever age, sex or complexion, and to restore all fugitive slaves belonging to citizens of the United States.[9]
This resolution was the first act on the part of the Continental Congress in favor of restoring fugitive slaves. It was adopted under the articles of Confederation, before the adoption of our present constitution, and of course constitutes no precedent73 under our present government; yet it introduced a practice that has long agitated75 the nation, and may yet lead to important and even sanguinary results.
1788.
Without awaiting the action of Congress, the authorities of Georgia, by her agents, entered into another treaty, at a place called “Shoulderbone,” by which the Creeks appear to have acknowledged the violation of the Treaty of Galphinton, and again stipulated to observe its covenants.[10]
We have no reliable information as to the number of the Creek towns represented at the making of this third treaty by Georgia. The whole transaction was by the State, in her own name, by her own authority, without consent of Congress, and all papers relating to it, if any exist, would of course be among the manuscript files of that State. It is believed that Georgia never printed any of these treaties; and we can only state their contents from recitals76 which we find among the State papers of the Federal Government. It is however certain, that the Creeks denied that any such treaty had been entered into; and they continued hostilities, as though no such treaty had been thought of by them. This pretended Treaty of Shoulderbone exerted no more moral influence among the Creeks than did that of Galphinton. The war continued between the people of Georgia and the Creeks. The savages77 appeared to be aroused to indignation by what they regarded as palpable frauds. Excited at such efforts to impose upon them stipulations degrading to their character, they prosecuted79 the war with increased bitterness.
1788.
The natural results of such turpitude80, induced Georgia to be one of the first in the sisterhood of States to adopt the Federal Constitution (Aug. 28). Her statesmen expected it to relieve their State from the burthens of the war which then devastated81 her border.
1789.
Soon as the Federal Government was organized under the constitution, the authorities of Georgia invoked its aid, to protect her people from the indignation of the Creek Indians.
General Washington, President of the United States, at once appointed Commissioners to repair to the Indian country, ascertain82 the real difficulty, and if able, they were directed to negotiate a suitable treaty, in the name of the United States. The State of Georgia claimed title to the territory ceded83 by the treaties of Galphinton and Shoulderbone; while the Creeks entirely84 repudiated85 them, declaring them fraudulent, denying their validity, and refusing to abide86 by their stipulations. The governor of Georgia placed in the hands of the Commissioners of the United States, a list of property which had been lost since the close of the Revolution by the people of Georgia, for which they demanded indemnity87 of the Creeks. This list contained the names of one hundred and ten negroes, who were said to have left their masters during the Revolution, and found an asylum among the Creeks. The Treaty of Galphinton contained a stipulation78 on the part of the Creeks, to return all prisoners, of whatever age, sex or color, and all negroes belonging to the citizens of Georgia, “then residing with the Creeks.”
Arrangements had already been made with the chiefs, warriors and principal men of the Creek nation, to meet the Commissioners of the United States at Rock Landing, on the Oconee River. The Commissioners were received by the Indians with great respect and formality; but soon as they learned that the Commissioners were not authorized to restore their lands, they broke off all negotiation, promising88 to remain in peace, however, until an opportunity should be presented for further negotiations89.
The failure of this mission was followed by the appointment of Col. Willett, an intrepid90 officer of the Revolution, who was authorized to proceed to the Creek nation, and, if possible, to induce its chiefs and headmen to repair to New York, where they could negotiate a new treaty, without the interference of the authorities or people of Georgia.
Col. Willett was successful. He induced the principal chief, McGillivray, the son of a distinguished91 Indian trader, together with twenty-eight other chiefs and warriors, to come on to New York, for the purpose of forming a treaty with the United States, and settling all difficulties previously existing between Georgia and their nation. On their way to New York, they were received at Philadelphia, by the authorities of that city, with great ceremony and respect. Their vanity was flattered, and every effort made to induce them to believe peace with the United States would be important to both parties.
At New York they found Congress in session. Here they mingled92 with the great men of our nation. The “Columbian Order,” or “Tammany Society,” was active in its attentions. They escorted the delegation93 to the city, and entertained them with a public dinner; and made McGillivray, the principal chief, a member of their society. In this way, the minds of the Indians were prepared for entering into the treaty which followed.
1790.
There was, among the people of the entire nation, an intense anxiety to render every part of the union satisfied and pleased with the Federal Government, then just formed, as they felt that their only hope of prosperity depended upon a continuance of the federal union. There was also a general sympathy throughout the nation with the slaveholders of the South, who were supposed to have suffered much, by the loss of their servants, during the war of the Revolution; few people at that time realizing the moral guilt94 of holding their fellow-men in bondage.
While the revolutionary contest was going on, many slaves in the Southern States escaped from the service of their masters, and, under the proclamations of various British commanders, enlisted95 into the service of his Britannic Majesty96; and having taken the oath of allegiance to the crown of England, were regarded as British subjects. Others escaped with their families, and getting on board British vessels97, sailed to the West Indies, where they settled as “free persons.” Thus, while one class of masters had sustained great losses by the enlistment98 of their slaves, another class had suffered by the escape of their bondmen, through the aid of British vessels; while a third sustained an equal loss by the escape of their servants to the Seminoles in Florida. These three different interests united in claiming the aid of government to regain99 possession of their slaves, or to obtain indemnity for their loss.
The timely arrival of Mr. Pinckney, secured the insertion of a clause in the Treaty of Paris, providing that his Britannic Majesty should withdraw his troops from all American forts, arsenals100, shipyards, etc., without destroying ordnance101 or military stores, or “carrying away any negroes or other property of the inhabitants.” This provision was regarded by the slaveholders of the South as securing a compensation to all those whose slaves had enlisted in the British army, as well as to those whose slaves had escaped to the British West India Islands by aid of English vessels; while those whose servants were quietly living with the Seminoles, had not been provided for by the treaty of peace.[11] These circumstances rendered the owners of the Exiles more clamorous102 for the interposition of the State Government, inasmuch as the federal authority had entirely omitted to notice their interests, while it was supposed to have secured a compensation to the other two classes of claimants.
It was under these circumstances, that General Washington proceeded to the negotiation of the first treaty, entered into under our present form of government. The chiefs, headmen and warriors of the Creek nation were present at New York: Georgia was also there by her senators and representatives, who carefully watched over her interests; and General Knox, the Secretary of War, was appointed commissioner5 to negotiate a treaty, thus to be formed, under the personal supervision103 of the President.
The object of the President was effected, a treaty was formed, and bears date August 1, 1790. It constitutes the title-page of our diplomatic history. This first exercise of our treaty-making power under the constitution, was put forth for the benefit of the Slave interests of Georgia. It surrendered up to the Creeks certain lands, which the authorities of Georgia claimed to hold under the treaty of Galphinton, but retained substantially the stipulation for the surrender of negroes, which had been inserted in that extraordinary compact.
By the third article of this new treaty, it was stipulated as follows:
“The Creek nation shall deliver, as soon as practicable, to the commanding officer of the troops of the United States stationed at Rock Landing, on the Oconee River, all citizens of the United States, white inhabitants or negroes, who are now prisoners in any part of the said nation. And if any such prisoners or negroes should not be so delivered, on or before the first day of June ensuing, the governor of Georgia may empower three persons to repair to the said nation, in order to claim and receive such prisoners and negroes.”
Historians have referred to this clause as containing merely a stipulation for the surrender of prisoners;[12] but the manner in which the term “negroes” stands connected in the disjunctive form with that of “prisoners,” would appear to justify104, at least to some extent, the subsequent construction put upon it, so far as regarded negroes then resident with the Creeks; but it certainly makes no allusion105 to those who were residing with the Seminoles in Florida.
It is a remarkable106 feature of this treaty, that the Creek chiefs, principal men and warriors should, in its first article, profess61 to act, not only for the Upper and Lower Creek Towns, but for the Seminoles who were in Florida, protected by Spanish laws. They had not been invited to attend the negotiation, had sent no delegate, were wholly unrepresented in the Council; indeed, so far as we are informed, were wholly ignorant of the objects which had called such a council, and of the fact even that a council was held, or a treaty negotiated.
Our fathers had just passed through seven years of war and bloodshed, rather than submit to “taxation without representation;” but this attempt to bind the Seminole Indians to surrender up the Exiles, who were their friends and neighbors, and who now stood connected with them by marriage, and in all the relations of domestic life, without their consent or knowledge, constitutes an inconsistency which can only be accounted for by the desire then prevalent, to gratify and please those who wielded107 the slaveholding influence of our nation.
Another extraordinary feature of this treaty may be found in the secret article, by which the United States stipulated to pay the Creeks fifteen hundred dollars annually108, in all coming time. The reason for making this stipulation secret is not to be learned from any documentary authority before the public, and cannot now be accounted for, except from the delicacy109 which the authorities of our nation then felt in taxing the people of the free States, to pay southern Indians for the return of those Exiles. And it is interesting at this day to look back and reflect, that for nearly seventy years the people of the nation have contributed their funds to sustain the authority of those slaveholders of Georgia over their bondmen, while Northern statesmen have constantly assured their constituents110, they have nothing to do with that institution.
It would be uncharitable to believe, that General Washington was at that time conscious that he was thus precipitating111 our nation upon a policy destined112 to involve its government in difficulties, whose termination would be uncertain.
After the treaty had been agreed to by the parties making it, General Washington met the chiefs, headmen and warriors, assembled in the Hall of Representatives, in the presence of members of Congress and a large concourse of spectators. The treaty was publicly read, and to each article the Indians expressed their assent113, and signed it in the presence of the people, each receiving from the President a string of wampum. The President then shook hands with each, which concluded the ceremonies of the day.
The treaty was transmitted on the following day to the Senate, accompanied by a Message from the President, saying: “I flatter myself that this treaty will be productive of present peace and prosperity to our Southern frontier. It is to be expected, also, that it will be the means of firmly attaching the Creeks and neighboring tribes to the interests of the United States.” The President also alluded114 in his message to the treaty of Galphinton, as containing a stipulation to cede74 to Georgia certain other lands, which it was believed would be detrimental115 to the interests of the Indians, and, therefore, that covenant9 had been disregarded in the “treaty of New York.” In another Message to the Senate, on the eleventh of August, the President says: “This treaty may be regarded as the main foundation of the future peace and prosperity of the Southwestern frontier of the United States.”
On the ninth of August, a motion was made in the Senate to refer the treaty to a select committee, which was rejected by a vote of ten nays116 to eight yeas; and on the twelfth, it was approved by a vote of fifteen yeas to four nays; but we have no report of any discussion upon the subject, nor do we know at this day the objections which dictated117 the votes given against its ratification118.
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1
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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creeks
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| n.小湾( creek的名词复数 )；小港；小河；小溪 | |
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3
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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4
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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5
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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6
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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7
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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8
covenants
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| n.（有法律约束的）协议( covenant的名词复数 )；盟约；公约；（向慈善事业、信托基金会等定期捐款的）契约书 | |
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9
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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10
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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11
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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12
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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13
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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14
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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16
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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18
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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38
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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39
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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40
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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41
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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42
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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43
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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44
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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45
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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46
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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47
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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48
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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49
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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50
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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51
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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52
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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53
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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54
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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55
inchoate
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| adj.才开始的，初期的 | |
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56
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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57
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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58
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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59
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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60
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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61
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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62
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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63
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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66
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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67
bombastic
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| adj.夸夸其谈的，言过其实的 | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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69
fomenting
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的现在分词 ) | |
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constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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74
cede
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| v.割让，放弃 | |
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75
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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76
recitals
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| n.独唱会( recital的名词复数 )；独奏会；小型音乐会、舞蹈表演会等；一系列事件等的详述 | |
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77
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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78
stipulation
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| n.契约，规定，条文；条款说明 | |
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79
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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80
turpitude
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| n.可耻；邪恶 | |
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81
devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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82
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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83
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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84
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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85
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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86
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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87
indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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88
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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89
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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90
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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91
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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92
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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93
delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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94
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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95
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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96
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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97
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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98
enlistment
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| n.应征入伍，获得，取得 | |
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99
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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100
arsenals
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| n.兵工厂，军火库( arsenal的名词复数 )；任何事物的集成 | |
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101
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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102
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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103
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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104
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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105
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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106
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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107
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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108
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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109
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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110
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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111
precipitating
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| adj.急落的，猛冲的v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的现在分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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112
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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113
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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114
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
detrimental
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| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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116
nays
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| n.反对票，投反对票者( nay的名词复数 ) | |
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117
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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118
ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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