I. Nature of the history.—II. Arrangement of the narrative1.— III. Completeness in form.—IV. Incongruities2, contradictions and disagreements from the History of Tacitus.—V. Craftiness3 of the writer.—VI. Subordination of history to biography.—VII. The author of the Annals and Tacitus differently illustrate4 Roman history.—VIII. Characters and events corresponding to characters and events of the XVth century.—IX. Greatness of the Author of the Annals.
I. Before proceeding5 to point out the imitations, and show where, in the efforts to write, and make history after the likeness6 of Tacitus, the author of the Annals fails; and, from the signal nature of his failures, his efforts are seen to be counterfeit7, I may observe that a constant endeavour on his part to escape detection renders his imposture8 difficult to perceive and still more difficult to expose. A man of his penetration9 and power to enter far into subjects was, of course, deep enough to contrive10 every species of artifice11 to conceal12 his fraud; and as we have no record of his having been seen in the act of fabrication, or of his ever having been even suspected of so doing, I must prove the forgery14 by a detail of facts and circumstances. I can do this only by going through the Annals minutely,—examining the matter, manner, treatment, knowledge, views, sentiments, language, style, —in fact, a variety of circumstances,—everything that can be thought of;—for if it really be a forgery, it cannot be exactly like the History of Tacitus in any one thing, whatever that one thing be;—then I shall leave the reader to himself, to take into account the whole of the circumstances, and judge whether such a combination could have existed in a genuine work by Tacitus, and is compatible with such a production.
We are to look, first, what the nature of the history purports15 to be;—whether there is nothing peculiar16 as to its character.
It will be obvious to the least sagacious that the most paramount17 and absolutely necessary thing to be accomplished18 was a vast and comprehensive execution that should correspond to the vast and comprehensive execution of Tacitus. Here was something to be done seemingly insuperable; for how can any one hope to imitate the execution of another, with such marvellous nicety that no distinction can be discerned between the two on the minutest test of microscopic19 investigation20? more especially if the execution to be imitated be that of a man of real genius, consequently unparalleled in its way, of a mighty21 nature, and, in addition to its mightiness22, a thing of the purest individuality. Now, the History of Tacitus is an execution of this description; it is a work of real genius; therefore, it is a distinct essence,—a realization23 of all the special aptitude24 possessed25 by the master-spirit that penned it. But though this cannot be done, yet any one having genius,—and a powerful genius,—by following its bent26 directly, may expect to exhibit in the execution of a work an ability that shall be considered equal to the ability displayed in the execution of another, even though that other be a man of great genius; but it can only be upon this very sage27 precaution,—that he exercises his ability, which must necessarily be of a very different kind, in quite a different manner. The forger13 of the Annals had much too acute a discernment not to know this;—he was also well aware that he had a very strong forte28. We know the department in which he excelled,—dealing29 with despotism, servility and bloodshed. But then, if he was to do this, he would do that, which would be a very strong proof that his work was a forgery; for if he was to do this, he could not take up the continuance of history as Tacitus intended to go on with it namely, with Nerva and Trajan;—that he could not do, because in dealing with those two rulers he would have to deal with men remarkable30 for mildness, generosity31, leniency32 and good- heartedness;—thus he would have to deal with a subject which must be fatal to his attempt; for it would be opposed to the play of his peculiar gifts, which to be brought out properly required that he should write only of Emperors noted33 for cruel, unnatural34, blood-thirsty tyranny. The plan of his undertaking35, to be attended with success, therefore compelled him, whether he liked it or not, to go back to Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero.
II. This must have been greatly against his will as a forger, because this difficulty must have risen up before his mental vision in colossal37 magnitude—that nobody, on careful consideration, could admit that Tacitus would have written the narrative of the half-century from the death of Augustus to the accession of Galba, after what he says at the commencement of his History, that the subject next to engage his attention would be the events that happened in the reigns39 of Nerva and Trajan. This, I repeat, is a point that brings forcibly before us the certainty of the Annals being forged, unless any one can believe with Niebuhr that, if Tacitus completed his History before the death of Trajan, and could not write of that Emperor as long as that Emperor lived, but "feeling a void," and "desiring to produce another work," he resumed History with the rule of Tiberius; but nobody can believe this, because it gets us into this enormous, nay40, inexplicable41 difficulty—Why the writer, who, in the History, had shown an epic42 construction, with an epic opening and an epic story, should observe in the Annals quite another arrangement, and distribute the narrative in a studiously annalistic form? when, too, the disjointed record of the journalist was to be combined with the distinct arrangement of the historian who took the continued transactions of a nation in their multiplicity of details as they occurred at the same time in different places, and related them in clear and due unity43 in the subject.
III. Out of this variance44 in the two works arises another tremendous difficulty which we have to look at:—The Annals and the History are intended, the one to be the complement45 to the other. Then two works, which are necessary to each other, ought to be, when separated, incomplete: if one man wrote them they would be incomplete when separated; but if two men wrote them, they would be complete in themselves. Now, are the History and the Annals incomplete, when separated? or complete in themselves? Everybody acknowledges that they are complete in themselves; each contains everything requisite46 for the full understanding and enjoyment47 of each; each has its peculiar force; each its distinct beauty; and for uniformity to exist in the two many passages in both must be destroyed; and the most ingenious can give no just or adequate cause for the destruction of the passages, even as he can give no just or adequate cause for their existence, except that which I am advancing that it was because two men wrote the two works.
IV. This accounts at once for all the incongruities they owe their existence naturally enough to the following simple causes:—the different kinds of information possessed as well as the different views of things entertained by two different individuals; and, along with these, an occasional failing of the memory; for a man, who forges such a very long work as the Annals, must every now and then forget,—however tenacious48 his memory may be,—what the man, whom he simulates, has said, here and there, in this or that work, upon some minor49 point in Roman history, not associated with nor essential to the principal thing he has always to keep steadily50 in mind,—his main matter. Thus we find no end of little trips in the Annals, many of which we will point out in their proper places as we proceed with this investigation: at present it is sufficient for the illustration of our remark to call the reader's attention to this fact:—In the Annals Augustus is represented having as his successors in the first degree Tiberius and Livia; in the second degree his grandchildren and great-grandchildren, and in the third degree the leading nobles, including even some of those whom he hated, such, we may presume, as Labeo, his detractor, Gallus Asinius, who was thirsting for empire, and Lucius Arruntius, who would have made the attempt to unseat him had the opportunity presented itself:—"Tiberium et Liviam haeredes habuit … in spem secundam, nepotes pronepotesque: tertio gradu primores civitatis scripserat, plerosque invisos sibi, sed jactantia gloriaque ad posteros" (An. I. 8). Such an account of Augustus adopting these relations, and, after them, strangers and enemies, "out of vain-glory and for future renown,"—that is, to be admired by posterity51 for an unexampled display of humanity,—could not have been written by Tacitus, being different in every respect from what he relates,—and what he says, by the way, is also said by Suetonius,—that Augustus, looking for a successor in his own family, placed next to himself in dignity, so as to be prepared to be his successor, his nephew, Marcellus, then his son-in-law, Agrippa, next his grandsons, and lastly, his step-son, Tiberius Nero:—"divi Augusti, qui sororis filium, Marcellum, dein generum, Agrippam, mox nepotes suos, postremo Tiberium Neronem, privignum, in proximo sibi fastigio collocavit" (Hist. I. 15).
Such disagreements, due,—in all probability, more than to anything else,—to the occasional failure of the memory,—are sufficient in themselves to prove that the Annals and the History did not proceed from the same source. Accordingly, the man who forged the Annals, having apparently52, this overwhelming and troublesome difficulty ever uppermost in his mind, seems to have taken measures for guarding against it as well as he could, and with as much care as he could. This taking precautions against the failure of memory must have been one of the main reasons, why he elected writing of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero, when, as Tacitus, he ought to have written of Nerva and Trajan. He was thus enabled to relate a series of events prior to, and entirely53 different from the series of events related by Tacitus; there was thereby54 no possibility of his narrative clashing with that of his archetype; the most trying difficulties were in this way got over with sufficient ease; the only danger was with regard to a few individuals who lived during the two periods, and a few facts, that trailed their circumstances from one period into the other; but his main history would have nothing in common with the main history of Tacitus.
V. To borrow a phrase of Gualterius—he ran the risk of "falling into Scylla in trying to avoid Charybdis":
"Incidit in Scyllam, qui vult vitare Charybdin."
How could he convince the world that Tacitus would act with such twofold inconsistency as to write of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero, when he had said that he would not do so, on account of the number of writers who had recorded the occurrences of their reigns, and that if he resumed the duties of an historian it would be with the reigns of Nerva and Trajan. The world,—and nobody knew it better than the author of the Annals,—is easily convinced; and there is no inconsistency, however monstrous55, that it considers unaccountable. He, therefore, set about the task of convincing the world that Tacitus did this. Acting56 up to his own maxim57, that "the way to get out of disgraceful acts that are evident is by audaciousness": "flagitiis manifestis subsidium ab audacia petendum" (An. XI. 26), he resorted to audacity58 in a trick, which has been hitherto eminently59 successful,—making the world believe from a single remark which he introduced into his narrative as the double of Tacitus, that that noble Roman was really guilty of this twofold inconsistency, so that changeableness, unsteadiness of purpose and self-contradiction should seem to be his leading characteristics. Without ever intending to write the history of Augustus,—or he never would have begun the Annals with an introduction in which he epitomizes principal events in the Roman State from its very foundation, otherwise what had he left to himself in a subsequent historical composition of a prior date for an appropriate exordium,—he says in his third book that he would make the memorable61 events in the reign38 of Augustus the subject of a new history, should his health and life continue:—"cetera illius aetatis memorabo, si plures ad curas vitam produxero" (An. III. 24)—evidently only because Tacitus had said at the commencement of his History, that he had reserved as the employment of his old age, should his life be long enough, the reigns of Nerva and Trajan:—"quod si vita suppeditet, principatum Divi Nervae et imperium Trajani … senectuti seposui" (Hist. I. 1). There was then one and the same man saying in one place:—"I am going to write the History of Augustus when I am an old man;"—(and this being said in the Annals, the author of that book must have wanted the world to presume that the writer would have chosen the form of biography for it):—and in another place: "I am going to write the history of Nerva and Trajan when I am an old man"; (and this being said in the History, the author of the Annals must have supposed that the world might presume that the writer would have chosen the form of history for this continued production).
The author of the Annals having done this, opened out before himself the very widest field for indulging in all sorts of contradictions; for, after this, who would not be, and who is not, prepared for any contradictions? The contradictions come; and they are strange and numerous.
VI. There is a systematic62 subordination of history to biography throughout the Annals, in which imperial events are sacrificed to the prominence63 and effect of individual delineations: in the History there is a general, comprehensive review of the Empire at the time of Nero's death; Rome is the centre, and the subject matter the condition of a people affected64 by the imperial system of government. The History conveys political instruction; the Annals supplies materials for studying the human mind and the motives65 of human conduct: in imparting a knowledge of events respecting the Roman nation, the writer of the History, who is gifted with graphic66 power, places images before us, whereas the writer of the Annals, aware that in picturesqueness67 he was inferior to Tacitus, gives us impressions, while he investigates social phenomena68 and elucidates69 the principles of human nature. One work is historic, the other philosophic70. One man generalizes, the other particularizes. We are presented with one set of interests in the History, with another set in the Annals. In the History we see the struggles of an empire and the convulsions of the world; in the Annals we are shut out from such a prospect71, to have our view limited to the deeds of one or two emperors, and a few renowned72 individuals.
VII. Such differences, so striking and so essential, prove the Annals to be a forged book; for all these differences in the two works can only be ascribed to the entirely different turns of mind peculiar to two writers. Tacitus wrote as he did, from having a profounder knowledge of the springs of action in the political world than the author of the Annals. The author of the Annals, surpassing Tacitus with respect to the moral world, wrote as he did, from knowing better the motives that influence men's minds, and the passions that sway their hearts. The result of two such very different men composing two such very different works, is, that the contrast is almost as great when we turn from the History to the Annals, as when we turn from a general history of England by a Hume or a Lingard where we notice the origin of Englishmen's liberties and privileges, the chivalrous73 scenes of the past and the proud glories of the present, to the local record of some county, as Kent or Lancashire, by a Hasted or a Baines, embodying74 information of boroughs75 and parishes, town councils and corporations, where such things become of substantial importance as the clauses of charters, the collection of market dues, donations of maces and drinking cups to mayors, and gold or silver cradles to their ladies on the birth of babies during the year of office.
If the Annals is really to be considered a forgery, this, instead of being a matter of surprise, ought to be just the thing to be expected; because a clever fabricator, foreseeing that he would be suspected, and eager to foil detection, would know that the curious inquirer into a research of the present description would thus become baffled at every turn from inability, if not to discover it himself, at least, to explain to the satisfaction and conviction of others, the incompatibility76 of the workings of one spirit in one book with the workings of the other spirit in the other book, when the two compositions were so differently contrived77. But if the Annals is to be considered as genuine, then nobody can explain why the same individual should illustrate Roman history in this singular fashion,—both works being designed, as universally admitted, the one to be a complement to the other. What should be the inducement of the author of the Annals if he did not wish the world to deny that it was his handiwork to write his book so very differently from the History of Tacitus? For what was there in the times of Rome under Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian so very different from what the Roman Empire was under their immediate78 predecessors79, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero, that the part which has to do with events in the days of the first-named four emperors should treat of imperial transactions and be deficient80 in many of the memorials which claim notice in the part dealing with Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero; and, that the part which has to do with events in the times of the last-named four emperors should all but avoid what is amply recorded in the part, dealing with Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian, imperial occurrences finding but an occasional and almost accidental notice in the Annals, where the mind is encumbered81 with the minutiae82 of circumstantial details of individual deeds.
VIII. The author of the Annals, who (as I shall convincingly show hereafter) lived in the XVth century, seems, on account of that, to have had a still stronger reason than those just given for selecting as his subject the half century after the death of Augustus: its characters and events corresponded closely to the characters of the princes who ruled, and the nature of the movements that were going on all over Europe in his time; for in forging history, that was to pass as written by Tacitus, it was incumbent83 that he should have the same advantage as the Roman,—be on the same level with him in the occupation of ground. Now, the ground occupied by Tacitus was the time of himself, which enabled him to give a complete and copious84 reflex of a period through which he had lived with thoughtful attention. Thus his colours are bright. Unless antiquity85 supplied the author of the Annals only the framework of his picture, and the events of the time when he lived gave the scenes for the painting, his colours would fail, and his outlines become unsteady. In other words, there could not be the scrupulous86 minuteness and the perfect freedom which make history live and breathe, unless, like Tacitus, he registered facts in which he took the deepest interest, from feeling their influence directly and powerfully exerted over himself, and the living and loved around him. Thus his hand, by being guided as the hand of Tacitus, would throw life into his work. And, truly, there is as much life in the Annals as in the History; but, instead of the air of the first century breathing around it, it is the air of the fifteenth.
This can be tested by many a character; one will suffice, that of Caius Piso in the fifteenth book (48). Pliny and Juvenal tell us that Piso was consul87 suffectus under Claudius: the Tabulae Arvales add that he was a member of the College of Twelve who offered sacrifice when there was increase in the produce of the soil. Writers and records of antiquity say no more of Caius Piso, not even mentioning the name of his father. On such a little known man a forger of Roman history could safely expatiate88; the author of the Annals does so in a portraiture89 that bears the stamp of the fifteenth century: this is particularly observable when Piso is spoken of as "of brilliant repute among the populace for virtues," or, rather, "qualities that wore the form of virtues,"—"species virtutibus similes";—that he was "far from being morosely90 moral, or restrained by moderation in pleasures; mild in temper and soft in manners; given to pompous91 show and occasionally steeping himself in luxurious92 excesses,"—"procul gravitas morum, aut voluptatum parsimonia: lenitati ac magnificentiae et aliquando luxui indulgebat." This does not appear to be at all applicable to the character of any conspicuous93 personage belonging to the Roman Empire in the first century, when Romans were warriors94 still, preserving, amid some effeminacy, much of the hardy95 vigour96 of their Republican predecessors, ever and anon throwing aside the toga for the sagum, and rushing from the Forum97 to the field, to battle with ferocious98 and demi-nude savages99, whom ever subduing100 they carried home captives chained to their triumphal chariots; but it does seem to be uncommonly101 applicable to a time when many a priest, whose writings manifest a lax habit of thinking and betray a levity102, indeed, licentiousness103, ill according with a religious turn of mind, rose to the position of a great dignitary of the Church and a powerful arbiter104 of the destinies of his kind. As that was an age when Alexander VI. was a Pope, and Lucretia Borgia the daughter of a Pontiff and consort105 of a reigning106 Duke of Italy, we can readily credit the author of the Annals, and laud36 him for admirable, life-like portraiture, when he says that a character and conduct, such as Piso's, "met with the approbation107 of a large number of people, who, indulging in vice108 as delightful109, did not want at the head of affairs a strict practiser of the moral duties and an austere110 abstainer111 from vice:"—"pluribus probabatur, qui in tanta vitiorum dulcedine summum imperium non restrictum nec perseverum volunt."
The character is too vague in its outlines to be any particular individual's; but as all its points fit many an Italian priest who became a Cardinal112 or a Bishop113 and a chief minister to a prince, in the time of the Renaissance114, as well as in the period immediately before it, and that immediately after it,—it shows how men reflect the age they live in,—how the principal biographies in any certain time convey a pretty accurate idea of the tone of mind then prevailing115; further, and above all, it shows to what a great degree the books of the Annals reflect the chief features of the period when they were written, and how deeply their author enters into the spirit of his age.
As with characters so with events. Heaps of passages in the Annals read like incidents in the fifteenth century. It is more like a picture in an Italian court at that period than in a Roman Emperor's in the first century, when the arrest is made of Cneius Novius for being found treacherously116 armed with a dagger117 while mixing with the throng118 of courtiers bowing to the prince; and then when he is stretched on the rack, no confession119 being wrung120 from him as to accomplices121; and the doubt that prevailed whether he really had fellow-conspirators. "Cneius Novius, eques Romanus, ferro accinctus reperitur in coetu salutantium principem. Nam, postquam tormentis dilaniabatur, de se non infitiatus conscios non edidit, incertum an occultans." (An. XI. 22.)
IX. In this way do I fancy I perceive the author of the Annals chose his subject and worked his materials, so as to do most justice to his talents, and more easily reach the height attained122 by Tacitus. When he had apparently thus sketched123 the plan of his edifice124, and set about struggling with the difficulties of the elaboration, he encountered these with such eminent60 success that the reality of his literary labour is one of the most surprising facts in the history of the human mind. He seems never to have once deviated125 from his design nor to have ever been perplexed126 by embarrassments127 in the course of his undertaking, notwithstanding the voluminousness of its nature. In such a procedure, where the time he chose to descant128 upon fits in with all he wanted to accomplish, we see the first indication of the vast judgment129 he possessed, as well as the correct notion he had formed of the extent of his superior powers. In detecting in the author of the Annals so much judgment and such an exact estimate of his great mental faculties130, we see the difficulty to be coped with in distinguishing between him and Tacitus, and thus in distinguishing between the spurious and the genuine: but this distinguishing can be accomplished by a minute, and only a most minute examination of the two works.
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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incongruities
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| n.不协调( incongruity的名词复数 )；不一致；不适合；不协调的东西 | |
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craftiness
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| 狡猾，狡诈 | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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counterfeit
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| vt.伪造，仿造；adj.伪造的，假冒的 | |
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imposture
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| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
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penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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forger
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| v.伪造；n.（钱、文件等的）伪造者 | |
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forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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purports
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| v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的第三人称单数 ) | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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microscopic
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| adj.微小的，细微的，极小的，显微的 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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mightiness
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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aptitude
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| n.(学习方面的)才能，资质，天资 | |
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possessed
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bent
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sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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forte
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dealing
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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leniency
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| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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laud
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| n.颂歌；v.赞美 | |
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colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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42
epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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43
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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44
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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45
complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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46
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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47
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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48
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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49
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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50
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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51
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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52
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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53
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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54
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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55
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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56
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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57
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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58
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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59
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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60
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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61
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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62
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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63
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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64
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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65
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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66
graphic
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| adj.生动的，形象的，绘画的，文字的，图表的 | |
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67
picturesqueness
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68
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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69
elucidates
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| v.阐明，解释( elucidate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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70
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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71
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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72
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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73
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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74
embodying
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| v.表现( embody的现在分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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75
boroughs
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| （尤指大伦敦的）行政区( borough的名词复数 )； 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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76
incompatibility
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| n.不兼容 | |
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77
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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78
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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79
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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81
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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minutiae
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| n.微小的细节，细枝末节；（常复数）细节，小事( minutia的名词复数 ) | |
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83
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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84
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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85
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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87
consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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88
expatiate
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| v.细说，详述 | |
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89
portraiture
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| n.肖像画法 | |
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90
morosely
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| adv.愁眉苦脸地，忧郁地 | |
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91
pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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92
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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93
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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94
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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95
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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96
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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97
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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98
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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99
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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100
subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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101
uncommonly
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| adv. 稀罕(极，非常) | |
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102
levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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103
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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104
arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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105
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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106
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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107
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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108
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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109
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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110
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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111
abstainer
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| 节制者，戒酒者，弃权者 | |
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112
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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113
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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114
renaissance
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| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
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115
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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116
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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117
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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118
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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119
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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120
wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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121
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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122
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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123
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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124
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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125
deviated
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| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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127
embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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128
descant
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| v.详论，絮说；n.高音部 | |
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129
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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130
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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