I. His genius and the greatness of his age.—II. His qualifications. —III. His early career.—IV. The character of Niccolo Niccoli, who abetted1 him in the forgery2.—V. Bracciolini's descriptive writing of the Burning of Jerome of Prague compared with the descriptive writing of the Sham4 Sea Fight in the Twelfth Book of the Annals.
Though I have dwelt on the harshness of style and manner, and the occasional inaccuracies in grammar and language of the author of the Annals, it must not be supposed that I fail to appreciate his merit. In some of the qualities that denote a great writer he is superior to Tacitus; nor can anyone, not reading him in his original form, conceive an adequate notion of how his powers culminate5 into true genius,—what a master he is of eloquence6, and how happy in expressing his very beautiful sentiments, which, sometimes having the nature of a proverb or an epigram, please by the placing of a word. His general ideas are scarcely retained in a translation: such a reproduction deprives them of the train of images and impressions which cluster round them in his language of poetry and suggestion, giving them spirit and interest, and imparting to them strength and ornament:—As winter is thrown over a landscape by the hand of nature, so coldness is thrown over his page by the hand of a translator: the student who can familiarize himself with his thoughts as expressed in the tongue in which he wrote, and reads a translation, is in the position of a man who can walk in summer along the bank of a majestic8 river flowing beautifully calm and stately by meadows pranked with flowers and woods waving in varied10 hues11 of green, yet prefers visiting the scene in winter when life and freshness are fled, the river being frozen, the flowers and greenness gone from the fields, and the leaves fallen from the trees.
The question arises,—Who was this wonderful man? If unknown, can he not be discovered?
John Leycester Adolphus, famous for his History of George the Third, discovered the author of the Waverley Novels in Sir Walter Scott, when the Wizard of the North was styled "The Great Unknown," by pointing out coincidences in the pieces and poems, known to be the productions of Scott, in such matters as the correct morals, the refined manners, the Scotch13 words and idioms, the descriptive power, the picturesque14 and dramatic fancy, the neat, colloquial15 turns in dialogue, the quaint16 similes17, the sprinkle of metaphors18, the love of dogs, the eloquent19 touches with regard to the pure and tender relations of father and daughter; and clinched20 the investigation21 by showing the freedom and correctness in the use of law-terms and phrases, which indicated clearly that the author was a lawyer. It being easy when a way has been shown to follow in the track, I turned to the period in question, which, I knew, must be the first half of the fifteenth century, to look for a writer, whose qualities, literary and moral,—or rather immoral,—could win for him the triumphal car of being the Author of the Annals—if triumph can, in any way, be associated with such ingloriousness as forgery,—and, after a little looking about, I found him in one whose compositions display, not to a remote, but in a close degree the energy, the animation23, the feeling, the genius, the true taste, the deep meaning, and glimpses, ever and anon, of that signal power, which, rising into truly awful magnificence, of looking deeply into the darkest recesses24 of the human heart, runs through the Annals like the shining waters of a river in whose rich sands roll grains of gold.
The age of that writer was instinct with mental power: men were giants of intellect: Italy had soared to the highest pinnacle25 in the domain26 of mind, unequalled by preceding ages, except those of Pericles and Augustus: beginning in the fourteenth Century with Dante and Petrarch, and ending at the beginning of the sixteenth with the father of the modern political system, Machiavelli, it rose to the highest point of its altitude, and remained there through the whole of the fifteenth, when such bright lights shone constantly in the meridian27 of mind, as that Prince of the Church, Cardinal28 Sadoleti, great as a poet, equally great as a philosopher, whose poems on Curtius and the Curtian Lake and the Statue of Laocoon would have done honour to Virgil, while in his "De Laudibus Philosophiae" Cicero lives again in style and manner of thinking.
During that long interval29 of splendour, achievements of the intellect are upon record that fully9 establish the existence of the most remarkable30 genius. Poliziano in a letter (Ep. XII. 2) to Prince Pico of Mirandola tells of one of these marvellous feats31 that was done by a youthful prodigy32, only eleven years old, of the great family of Orsini (Fabius Ursinus). First young, Fabio Orsini sang; then recited verses of his own: requested to turn the verse into prose, he repeated the same thoughts unfettered by measure in an unassuming manner, and with an appropriate and choice flow of expression. After that subjects were proposed to him for epistolary correspondence, on which he was to dictate33 ex tempore to five amanuenses at once, the subjects given being "of a nature so novel, various, and withal so ludicrous that he could not have been prepared for them": after a moment's pause he dictated34 a few words to the first amanuensis on one subject; gave his instructions on a different theme to the second; proceeded in like manner with the rest, then returning to the first, "filled up every chasm35 and connected the suspended thread of his argument so that nothing appeared discordant36 or disjointed," and, at the same instant, finished the five letters. "If he lives," concluded Poliziano, "to complete the measure of his days," and "perseveres37 in the path of fame, as he has begun, he will, I venture to predict, prove a person, whom, for admirable qualities and attainments38, mankind must unite to venerate39 as something more than human."
In that age some men had such an enthusiastic predilection40 to antiquity41 that they were animated42 by an ardent43 zeal44 for collecting ancient manuscripts, medals, inscriptions45, statues, monumental fragments, and other ancient and classical remains46. Others, again, were suspected of the intention to impose their own productions on the public as works of antiquity; one man, who never ceased to regret that it had not been his lot to live in the days of Roman splendour, Peter of Calabria, styled himself in his Commentaries on Virgil, Julius Pomponius Sabinus, and in his notes to Columella, Julius Pomponius Fortunatus, his object in both instances being that he should be mistaken for some Roman who had flourished in the purest ages of Latinity; and Foy-Vaillant, the celebrated47 numismatist48 of the seventeenth century, actually places him, in one of his numismatical works, in the list of ancient authors, while Justus Lipsius and Pithaeus both took him to have been a "Grammaticus", or "writer in Latin," of the earlier middle ages, all the time that he was an Italian academician, who flourished in the fifteenth century, having been born in 1425 at a place that has been called "The Garden of Almond Trees,"— Amendolara, in Upper Calabria.
It would be idle to suppose that the author of the Annals was actuated by the simple purpose of Peter of Calabria; there is ground for believing that some deeper, and less pure, motive49 instigated50 him to commit forgery. Though no Peter of Calabria, he was a matured Fabio Orsini; and the only drawback from his fabricated work is that it is not to be looked upon as Roman history, always in the most reliable shape, but rather as a form of the imagination which he selected for expressing his views on humanity;—to paint crime; to castigate51 tyranny; to vindicate52 honesty; to portray53 the abomination of corruption55, the turpitude56 of debauchery and the baseness of servility;—to represent fortitude57 in its strength and grandeur58, innocence59 in its grace and beauty, while standing60 forth61 the sturdy admirer of heroism62 and freedom; the tender friend of virtue63 in misfortune; the austere64 enemy of successful criminality, and the inflexible65 dispenser of good and evil repute.
That a man of such great parts and extensive learning, with such fine thoughts, beautiful sentiments and wise reflections;—such a cool, abstracted philosopher, yet such an over-refined politician;—such a gloomy moralist, yet such an acute, fastidious observer of men and manners, was a cloistered66 monk67 or any obscure individual whatever was an idea to be immediately dispelled68 from the mind, for that the Annals was composed by such a man would have been about as incomprehensible an occurrence, as it would be impossible to conceive that an acrobat69 who exercises gymnastic tricks upon the backs of galloping70 horses in an American circus could discharge the functions of a First Lord of the Treasury71 or a Justice in the High Court of Judicature, or that a pantaloon in a Christmas pantomime could think out the Principia of Sir Isaac Newton or the Novum Organum of Lord Bacon. The fact was, the author was a conspicuous72, shining light of his generation; the associate of princes and ministers; who, from the commanding position of his exalted73 eminence74, cast his eyes over wide views of mankind that stretched into sweeping75 vistas76 of artifice77 and dissimulation78; and who, for close upon half a century, participated prominently in the active business,—the subdolous and knavish79 politics,—of his time.
II. Everybody knows the fable80 of the old man, the boy and the ass22; but not one in a thousand knows that it was written nearly four hundred years ago by a man who for forty years was a member of the Secretariate to nine Popes, from Innocent VII. to Calixtus III. First in the Bugiale of the Vatican, where the officers of the Roman Chancery, when discussing the news of the day, were making merry with sarcasms82, jests, tales and anecdotes83, one of the party having observed that those who craved84 popularity were chained to a miserable85 slavery, it being impossible from the variety of opinions that prevailed to please everybody, some approving one course of conduct, and others another, the fable in question was narrated86 in confirmation87 of that statement.
Poggio Bracciolini was not only the author of that fable, I am now about to bring forward reasons for believing, and with the view of inducing the reader to agree with me, that he,—and nobody else but he,—was the writer of the Annals of Tacitus.
He was in every way qualified88 to undertake, and succeed in, that egregious89 task. He was one of the most profound scholars of his age, more learned than Traversari, the Camaldolese, and if less learned than Andrea Biglia, superior to the Augustinian Hermit90 in a more natural, easy and cultivated style of composition and in a wider knowledge of the world: acquainted somewhat with Greek and slightly with Hebrew, he possessed91 a masterly and critical knowledge of Latin which he had carefully studied in his native city, Florence, with the most accomplished93 Latinist of the day, Petrarch's valued friend, the illustrious Giovanni Malpaghino of Ravenna.
Bracciolini was not of a character to have revolted at the baseness of fabrication;—an inordinate94 love of riches, more devouring95 in his breast than his next strongest passion, love of knowledge, was sufficient to egg him on to it. Throughout life, his moral conduct was unfavourably influenced by the scantiness96 of his means. It was to beguile97 the anxiety occasioned by his narrow circumstances that he devoted98 himself to intense study, from knowing that superior attainments combined with splendid talents would secure for him great offices of trust and profit: he saw how those who were esteemed99 the most learned as well as the most able gained the best lucrative100 posts under the governments of the Popes and Princes of his day: he, therefore, employed himself in the pursuit of knowledge for the sake of attaining101 high rank and great wealth; knowledge was, accordingly, only so far pursued by him as it would be productive of money, and get him through the world in honour and affluence102. Up to the age of twenty-six he had the run of, what was then considered,—when good manuscripts were uncommonly104 costly105 and very scarce,—a magnificent library of 800 volumes, that belonged to his veteran friend, Coluccio Salutati, Chancellor106 of the Republic of Florence; amid those stores of knowledge he courted the Muses107 ardently108, all the while cultivating diligently109 the acquaintance of the leaders of society, uniting the character of the scholar with that of the man of the world, and becoming as accomplished in politeness and as profound in mastery of the human heart as in scholarship and learning;—qualities conspicuous in his acknowledged writings, no less than in that extraordinary masterpiece, the Annals of Tacitus.
Notwithstanding that the period in which he flourished was remarkable for its number of men, who, by their genius and learning revived the golden ages of ancient literature, he was admitted by all to be without his equal, be it in erudition or intellect, power of writing or intimacy110 with Latin. Guarino of Verona, in spite of the severity with which he was treated by him in his controversies111, likens him, in one of his Epistles (Ep. Egreg. Viro Poggio Flor. 26 Maji 1455), to "the purest models of antiquity," and commends him for his "vigorous eloquence and encyclopaedic stores of information": "pristini socculi floret, et viget eloquentia, virtutisque thesaurus." Another of the best spirits of that age, Benedotto Accolti of Arezzo, in his work on the Eminent112 Men of his Time, puts him on a level with, if not superior to any of the ancient historians, Livy and Sallust alone excepted; for he says, "some of whom" (he is speaking, along with Bracciolini, of Bruni, Marsuppini, Guarino, Rossi, Manetti, and Traversari) "so wrote history, that, with the exception of Livy and Sallust, there were none of the ancients to whom they might not justly be considered as equal or superior"—"quorum aliqui ita historias conscripserunt, ut Livio et Sallustio exceptis, nulli veterum sint, quibus illi non pares aut superiores fuisse recte existimentur" (Benedict. Accoltus Arez. in Dial. de Praest. Viris sui aevi. Muratori. t. XX. p. 179). L'Enfant does not make this exception, for, speaking of Bracciolini's History of Florence, he says, that in "reading it one is reminded of Livy, Sallust and the best historians of antiquity":—"A légard de son Histoire, on ne sauroit le lire sans y reconno?tre Tite Live, Salluste, et les meilleurs historiens de l'antiquité" (Poggiana, Vol. II. p. 83). Sismondi, too, in the opening pages of the 8th volume of his "Histoire des Républiques Italiennes du Moyen Age," says in a footnote (p. 5) that Bracciolini, in common with Leonardo Bruni and Coluccio Salutati carried off the palm as a Latin writer from all his predecessors113 in the fourteenth century:—"à la fin12 du siècle on vit paroitre Leonardo Bruni, dit d'Arétin, Poggio Bracciolini, et Coluccio Salutati, qui devoient l'emporter, comme écrivains Latins, sur tous leurs prédecesseurs." Although Sismondi is quite right as to the date when Bruni and Salutati flourished, he is altogether wrong in supposing that Bracciolini made an appearance before the public at any time in the fourteenth century; quite at the end of it he was only in his twentieth year: the next century had well advanced towards the close of its first quarter before (with the exception of some Epistles) he began to write, which was not until after he had passed his fortieth year.
Along with these superior merits of an intellectual writer thus freely accorded to him by some of his more distinguished115 contemporaries and by illustrious historians, Bracciolini possessed the plastic power that makes the forger3. He wrote in a great variety of styles and manners; sometimes treating subjects with condensation116, and sometimes with diffusiveness. His language is elevated and his sentences are rounded and smooth in his Funeral Orations117, in which there is no inflation, nothing declamatory, a perfect absence of straining after effect, yet a rising with ease into veins119 of sublime120 rhetoric121, while he is close, severe and antique:—hence the principal position that is given to him as an orator122 by Porcellio in a poem where Marsuppini is called upon to chaunt the praises of Ciriano of Ancona (see Tiraboschi, VI. 286): in ascribing to Marsuppini the place of honour, Porcellio leaves others who are inferior in verse-making to follow; such as, he says, "the Orator Poggio, the sublime Vegio, and Flavio, the Historian":—
Tuque, Aretine, prior, qui cantas laude poetam,
Karole, sic jubeo, sit tibi primus honos.
Post alii subeant: Orator Poggius ille,
Vegius altiloquus, Flavius Historicus.
Then it would seem that, as Vegio and Biondo Flavio were, in the opinion of Porcellio, unsurpassed, the first, for the sublimity123 of his diction, and the second, by his historical writing, so Bracciolini was lifted by his oratory124 above all his contemporaries. Wit, polish, and keen sarcasm81, with abundance of acute observations on the human character, distinguish his Essay on Hypocrisy125, published at Cologne in 1535 by Orthuinus Gratius Daventriensis in his "Fasciculus Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum." His Letters are written in an easy, agreeable style, with constant sportiveness and endless felicity of expression. In his Dialogues he is delicate, lively, and careful. Facility and happiness of diction are conspicuous in his "Description of the Ruins of the City of Rome," along with accuracy and picturesqueness126 in representation of objects. But whatever he did, all his writings (including the Annals), bear the stamp of one mind: they indicate alike the predominance of three powers exercised in an equal and uncommon103 degree, and without which no one can stand, as he does, on the loftiest pedestal of literary merit,—sensibility, imagination and judgment127, working together like one compact, indivisible faculty128.
In addition to this versatility129 in composition, which enabled him to imitate any writer, his career fitted him for the production of the Annals by instilling130 into his mind the peculiar131 principles of morals and behaviour which find apt illustration in that work. No one could have written that book who had not been admitted within the veil which hides the daily transactions of the great from the profane132 eyes of the vulgar; and who had not come into frequent personal contact with courts that were corrupt54, and with princes, ministers and leading men of society who were objects of unqualified abhorrence133.
III. Young Bracciolini who as the son of a notary134 of Florence in embarrassed circumstances, inherited no advantages of rank or fortune, when he had attained135, at the age of 23, a competent knowledge of the learned languages under the instruction of Malpaghino, Chrysolaras [Endnote 136] and a Jewish Rabbi, made his first entry into life by receiving admission, perhaps,—it being the common custom in the fifteenth century,—by purchase, into the Pontifical136 Chancery as a writer of the Apostolic Letters. At that early age the scene that opened itself to his eyes was calculated to destroy all faith in the goodness of human nature. He found in the occupant of St. Peter's Chair, in Boniface IX., a man, ambitious, avaricious137, insincere in his dealings, and guilty of the most flagrant simony, bestowing138 all Church preferments upon the best bidder139, without regard to merit or learning, and making it his study to enrich his family and relations.
Bracciolini did not come into the closest communion with the Popes till he became their Principal Secretary, which was when he was between forty and fifty years of age, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, afterwards Pius II., stating in the 54th chapter of his History of Europe that he "dictated" (or caused to be written) "the Pontifical Letters during the time of three Popes";-"Poggium … qui Secretarius Apostolicas tribus quondam Romanis Pontificibus dictarat Epistolas";—and though Aeneas Sylvius does not mention the names of the Pontiffs, he must have meant Martin V. (1417), Eugenius IV. (1431) and Nicholas V. (1447). Nevertheless, as one of the writers of the Apostolic Letters, Bracciolini was in a position to have seen a great deal that left a lasting140 impression on his mind of the wickedness of a corrupt court, the Papal one at this period being thus described by Leonardo Bruni, to Francis, Lord of Cortona:—"full of ill-designing people, too apt to suspect others of crimes, which they themselves would not scruple141 to commit, and some, out of love for calumny142, taking delight in spreading reports, which they themselves did not credit"; so that when Innocent VII. died suddenly of apoplexy, the rumour143 gained belief that he had been poisoned, a violent death seeming quite a natural end to a life of leniency144 to murder.
Not one star of light shone across the long and dreary145 gloom of the papal court experiences of Bracciolini. On the deposition146 of Gregory XII. for that Pope's duplicity and share in the intrigues147 and dissensions which disgraced the Pontifical palace for three years, Bracciolini seems to have retired148 from Rome, and to have remained a resident in Florence during the greater part of the ten months' reign149 of the mild, pious150 and philosophical151 Alexander V., the only able and virtuous152 divine, who sat in those dark times on St. Peter's throne.
IV. For losing that one glimpse of light in public life, Bracciolini was more than compensated153 by a beam of beneficent Fortune in his private career, which threw such lustre154 on his path, that it rescued him from what must have been his inevitable155 fate, morbid156 cynicism: it was one of the happiest incidents that ever occurred to him:—he formed the acquaintance of a man, seventeen years his senior—who, in the lapse157 of a very short time, became to him a father and adviser158, to whom present or absent he imparted every one of his schemes, thoughts, cares, sayings and doings; who was the unfailing allayer of his anxieties, alleviator159 of his sorrows, and most constant support of all his undertakings,—Niccolo Niccoli,—of whom I must take notice, as he was one of the most active stimulators of the forgery of the Annals.
Though by no means affluent160, and frequently straitened in circumstances ("homo nequaquam opulens, et rerum persaepe inops," says Bracciolini of him, Or. Fun. III.), nevertheless, he made enough money, as well as possessed the munificent161 spirit to build at his own expense, and present to the Convent of the Holy Spirit in Florence an edifice162 in which to deposit the books bequeathed to the Brothers by Boccaccio; and, at his death, he left to the public in the same City his own manuscripts, which he had accumulated at great cost and with much pains. He was one of the few laymen163, not to be found out of Italy, who had learning and a knowledge of Latin, which he had acquired with that eminent scholar, philosopher and theologian, about half a dozen of whose works have come down to us, Ludovicus Marsilius; but learning and Latin were essential to the carrying on of his very pleasant and most lucrative occupation;—that of amending164 and collating165 manuscripts previous to their disposal for coin; a business, in which, we are told by Bracciolini, that he surpassed everybody in excessive expertness ("solertissimus omnium fuit in emendis ac comparandis libris fructuosissima ac pulcherrima omnium negotiatione," Or. in Fun. Nic. Nic.); we can, consequently, conceive what immense sums he must have received for manuscripts of the best ancient Greek and Roman classics, when properly spelt, correctly punctuated166, and freed from errors.
His qualities, as enumerated167 by his friend, Bracciolini, in a most enthusiastic Funeral Oration118 over his remains (Pog. Op. 273-4), were such as to show, if there be no exaggeration in the description of him, that he was as much a wonder as any of the great Oracles168 of his age. His attainments were varied; his information extensive; his judgment sound, and to be relied upon, being given not for the mere169 sake of assent170 nor for flattery, but for what he believed to be true; "he got into a considerable sweat," says Bracciolini, "when he read Greek," ("in Graecis literis plurimum insudavit"), but was enabled to range over every department of literature in Latin, of which his knowledge was critical and most masterly, for the same authority assures us "not a word could be mentioned, the force and etymology171 of which he did not know"—"nullum proferebatur verbum cujus vim172 et originem ignoraret" in geography he stood without a rival; for, his memory, being like a vice173, retaining everything he read, even to names, he knew the minutiae174, of every country better than those who had been residents in them; though he rarely practised the art, he was a master of rhetoric; as a conversationist he held his company in entranced silence from the wisdom of his remarks, the dulcet175 flow of his words, and his transcendent memory bringing together from all quarters, with appropriateness to every subject under discussion, the valuable stock of his miscellaneous reading. Nothing could be more natural than that such a wonderful instance of the human intellect should court the congenial society of lovers of learning; he made his house the resort for them; and he placed at the disposal of the studious his library, which was the best in Florence, now that Salutati's, after his death, had been disposed of by his sons at auction176.
Bracciolini was so struck by the attainments and captivated by the character of this man, that an acquaintance casually177 formed speedily ripened178 into an intimacy of the most confidential179, cordial and communicative kind. Bracciolini, during his stay in Florence, was a guest in the house of Niccoli; and there, for nearly a year, he resumed and pursued his studies with ardour amid the rich stores of the large and select assortment180 of manuscripts, amounting to not far from a thousand in number. He was thus adding to the treasures of his lore92 with daily assiduity, when the news reached Florence that Cardinal Cossa had (notwithstanding the well-known virtues181 of Alexander V.) poisoned his predecessor114, and had been elected to the pontifical chair by the title of John XXIII.
Behold182 Bracciolini once more in the palace of the Pontiffs of Rome; and now acting183, in the capacity of Secretary, or, more properly, writer of the Apostolic Letters, to a Pope who was a poisoner. John XXIII. was even worse than that: he was a most atrocious violator of laws, human and divine; and some crimes he committed were so heinous184 that it would be indecent to place them before the public. One can imagine how agreeable must have been the occupation to that Pope of a military rather than an ecclesiastic185 turn, and fonder of deeds of violence and bloodshed than of acts of meekness186 and Christianity, when he was presiding at Constance over that General Council, which sent to the stake those Bohemian followers187 of the Morning Star of the Reformation, Huss and Jerome of Prague, to be burnt alive, according to general belief, with their clothes and everything about them, even to their purses and the money in them, and their ashes to be thrown into the Rhine; but, as will be immediately seen, from the account of an eye-witness, in a state of perfect nudity.
V. Bracciolini, who witnessed the burning of Jerome of Prague, gives a description of it in one of his Epistles, in a manner equal to anything that may be found in the Annals;—indeed, many of his contemporaries thought that his Epistles reflected the style and spirit of antiquity,—Beccadelli of Bologna, for example, who says, writing to Bracciolini: "Your Epistles, which, in my opinion, reflect the very spirit of the ancients, and, especially, the antique style of Roman expression":—"Epistolae tuae, quae veterum sane188, et antiquum illum eloquentiae Romanae morem, prae ceteris, mea sententia exprimunt" (at the end of Lusus ad Vencrem, p. 47). The style is simpler, more unambitious, and more flowing and smooth than is usually found in the Annals; but, (as in the descriptive passages in that work), free play is given to the fancy which works unclogged by verboseness; and judgment marks the circumstances in a description which progresses, apparently189 without art, to the close of the beautiful climax190, and strongly moves the compassion191 of the reader:—"When he persisted with increased contumacy in his errors, he was condemned192 of heresy193 by the Council, and sentenced to be burnt alive. With an unruffled brow and cheerful countenance194 he went to his end; he was unawed by fire, or any kind of torture, or death. Never did any Stoic195 suffer death with a soul of so much fortitude and courage, as he seemed to meet it. When he came to the place of death, he stripped himself of his clothes, then dropping on his bended knees clasped the stake to which he was to be fastened: he was first bound naked to the stake with wet ropes, and then with a chain, after which not small, but large logs of wood with sticks thrown in among them were piled around him up to his breast; then when they were being set on fire he began to sing a sort of hymn196, which the smoke and the flames hardly put a stop to. This was the greatest mark of his soul of fortitude: when the executioner wanted to light the fire behind his back, so that he should not see it, he called out, 'Come here, and set fire to it before my eyes; for if I had been afraid of it, I never should have come to this place, which it was in my power to have avoided.' Thus did this man, perish, who was excellent in everything but faith. I saw the end of him; I watched every scene of it. Whether he acted from conviction or contumacy, you would have pronounced his the death of a man who belonged to the school of philosophy. I have laid before you a long narrative197 for the sake of occupation; having nothing to do I wanted to do something, and give an account of things very different, indeed, from the stories of the ancients; for the famous Mutius did not suffer his arm to be burnt with a soul so bold, as this man his whole body; nor Socrates drink poison half so willingly as he endured burning."
I shall now place the passage before the reader in the Latin, as it was written by Bracciolini, with some words in Italics, upon which I shall afterwards comment:—
"Cum pertinacius in erroribus perseveraret, per Concilium haeresis damnatus est, et igni combustus. Jucunda fronte et alacri vultu ad exitum suum accessit, non ignem expavit, non tormenti genus, non mortis. Nullus unquam Stoicorum fuit tam constanti animo, tam forti mortem perpessus, quam iste oppetiisse videtur. Cum venisset ad locum mortis, se ipsum exuit vestimentis, tum procumbens, flexis genibus, veneratus est palum, ad quem ligatus fuit: primum funibus manentibus, tum catena undus ad palum constrictus fuit; ligna deinde circumposita pectore tenus non minuscula, sed grossa palaeis interjectis, tum flamma adhibita canere coepit hymnum quendam, quem fumus et ignis vix interrupit. Hoc maximum constantis animi signum: cum lector ignem post tergum, ne id videret, injicere vellet: —'huc,' inquit, 'accede198, atque in conspectu accende ignem; si enim illum timuissem, nunquam ad hunc locum quem effugiendi facultus erat, accessissem.' Hoc modo vir, praeter fidem, egregius, consumptus est. Vidi hunc exitum, singulos actus inspexi. Sive perfidia, sive pertinacia id egerit, certe philosophiae schola interitum viri descripsisses. Longam tibi cantilenam narravi ocii causa, nihil agens aliquid agere volui, et res tibi narrare paulum similes histories priscorum. Nam neque Mutius ille tam fidenti animo passus est membrum uri, quam iste universum corpus; neque Socrates tam sponte venenum bibit, quam iste ignem suscepit." [Endnote 145]
It will be seen, as a peculiarity199 in composition, that, in this not very long sentence, several words are re-introduced, and sometimes over and over again, when the repetition could have been avoided, as: "accedere," "agere," "videre," "narrare," "pertinacia," "constans," "animus," "mors," "exitus," "ignis," "vir," "locus," "palus," "cum," "tum," "tam," &c. As this runs through the whole of Bracciolini's compositions with much frequency, it is to be expected that it would be found to some extent in the Annals; because a man who so writes, writes thus unconsciously and unavoidably, and even when engaged in a forgery, striving to imitate the style and manner of another, he could not escape from so marked and distinctive200 a mannerism201. Bracciolini, accordingly, is found adhering in the Annals to this uniformity of manner: many passages more forcibly illustrative of this peculiarity might be quoted; but I select the sham sea-fight in the XIIth book, for two reasons, because it is pretty much of the same length as the burning of Jerome of Prague, and because it is of a similar nature,—descriptive:—
"Sub idem tempus, inter7 lacum Fucinum amnemque Lirin perrupto monte, quo magnificentia operis a pluribus viseretur, lacu in ipso navale proelium adornatur; ut quondam Augustus, structo cis Tiberim stagno, sed levibus navigiis et minore copia ediderat. Claudius triremes quadriremesque et undeviginti hominum millia armavit, cincto ratibus ambitu, ne vaga effugia forent; ac tamen spatium amplexus, ad vim remigii, gubernantium artes, impetus202 navium, et proelio solita. In ratibus praetoriarum cohortium manipuli turmaeque adstiterant, antepositis propugnaculis, ex quis catapultae ballistaeque tenderentur: reliqua lacus classiarii tectis navibus obtinebant. Ripas et colles, ac montium edita, in modum theatri multitudo innumera complevit proximis e municipiis, et alii urbe ex ipsa, visendi cupidine aut officio in principem. Ipse insigni paludamento, neque procul Agrippina chlamyde aurata, praesedere. Pugnatum, quamquam inter sontes, fortium virorum animo; ac, post multum vulnerum, occidioni exempti sunt. Sed perfecto spectaculo apertum aquarum iter. Incuria operis manifesta fuit, haud satis depressi ad lacus ima vel media. Eoque, tempore interjecto, altius effossi specus, et contrahendae rursus multitudini gladiatorum spectaculum editur, inditis pontibus pedestrem ad pugnam. Quin et convivium effluvio lacus adpositum, magna formidine cunctos adfecit; quia vis aquarum prorumpens proxima trahebat, convulsis ulterioribus, aut fragore et sonitu exterritis. Simul Agrippina, trepidatione principis usa, ministrum operis Narcissum incusat Cupidinis ac praedarum. Nec ille reticet, impotentiam muliebrem nimiasque spes ejus arguens." (An. XII. 56-7).
In this passage it will be observed that the same thing takes place in the repetition of words:—"lacus," "ratis," "vis," "navis," "ac," "multitudo," "Cupido," "princeps," "tempus," "spectaculum," "edere," "proelium," "visere," "proximus," "aqua," "opus" and "pugna." The conjunctive particle "ac," is more particularly to be noted203 as an out of the way word for the ordinary copulative "et": "ac tamen spatium amplexus"; "ac montium edita"; "ac post multum vulnerum," occurring so frequently in such a brief sentence is just like the monotony of composition in the extract from Bracciolini with respect to "cum": "cum pertinacius in erroribus perseveraret"; "cum venisset ad locum mortis"; "cum lictor ignem post tergum," &c.
But this is not all as to the resemblance which the passage from Bracciolini bears to the writing in the Annals. The expression "quam iste oppetiise," i.e. mortem, "videtur," has its exact counterpart in the Second Book of the Annals in the phrase: "vix cohibuere amici, quo minus eodem mari oppeteret," i.e. mortem (II. 24). When, too, Bracciolini says of Jerome of Prague, "se ipsum exuit vestimentis," "strips himself of his clothes," instead of simply, "takes off his clothes,"—"exuit vestimenta,"— we have an expression precisely204 like that in the Annals, "neutrum datis a se praemiis exuit," that is, "strips neither of the rewards which he had given him" (XIV. 55), instead of "takes away the rewards,"—"praemia exuit."
But I will go by-and-bye more fully into matters of this kind. At present it is necessary that I should still pursue the career of Bracciolini,—or rather so much of it as is absolutely needed, in order that the reader may see how curiously205 it prepared and formed him to be the author of such a peculiar work as the Annals, which in its characteristic singularity, could have proceeded from him only, and by no manner of means from Tacitus.
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1
abetted
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| v.教唆（犯罪）( abet的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；怂恿；支持 | |
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2
forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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forger
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| v.伪造；n.（钱、文件等的）伪造者 | |
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4
sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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5
culminate
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| v.到绝顶，达于极点，达到高潮 | |
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6
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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7
inter
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| v.埋葬 | |
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8
majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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9
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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10
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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11
hues
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| 色彩( hue的名词复数 )； 色调； 信仰； 观点 | |
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12
fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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13
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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14
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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15
colloquial
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| adj.口语的，会话的 | |
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16
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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17
similes
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| （使用like或as等词语的）明喻( simile的名词复数 ) | |
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18
metaphors
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| 隐喻( metaphor的名词复数 ) | |
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19
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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20
clinched
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| v.（尤指两人）互相紧紧抱[扭]住( clinch的过去式和过去分词 )；解决（争端、交易），达成（协议） | |
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21
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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22
ass
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| n.驴；傻瓜，蠢笨的人 | |
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23
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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24
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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25
pinnacle
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| n.尖塔，尖顶，山峰；(喻)顶峰 | |
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26
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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27
meridian
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| adj.子午线的；全盛期的 | |
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28
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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30
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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32
prodigy
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| n.惊人的事物，奇迹，神童，天才，预兆 | |
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33
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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34
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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35
chasm
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| n.深坑，断层，裂口，大分岐，利害冲突 | |
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36
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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perseveres
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的第三人称单数 ) | |
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38
attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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39
venerate
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| v.尊敬，崇敬，崇拜 | |
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40
predilection
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| n.偏好 | |
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41
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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42
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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43
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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44
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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45
inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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46
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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47
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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48
numismatist
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| n.钱币收藏家 | |
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49
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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50
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
castigate
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| v.谴责；惩治 | |
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52
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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53
portray
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| v.描写，描述；画(人物、景象等) | |
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54
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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55
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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56
turpitude
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| n.可耻；邪恶 | |
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57
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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58
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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59
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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60
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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61
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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62
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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63
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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64
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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65
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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66
cloistered
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| adj.隐居的，躲开尘世纷争的v.隐退，使与世隔绝( cloister的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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68
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
acrobat
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| n.特技演员，杂技演员 | |
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70
galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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71
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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72
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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73
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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74
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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75
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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76
vistas
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| 长条形景色( vista的名词复数 )； 回顾； 展望； （未来可能发生的）一系列情景 | |
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77
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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78
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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79
knavish
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| adj.无赖（似）的，不正的；刁诈 | |
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80
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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81
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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82
sarcasms
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，挖苦( sarcasm的名词复数 ) | |
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83
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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84
craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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85
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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86
narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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88
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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89
egregious
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| adj.非常的，过分的 | |
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90
hermit
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| n.隐士，修道者；隐居 | |
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91
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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92
lore
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| n.传说；学问，经验，知识 | |
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93
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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94
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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95
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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96
scantiness
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| n.缺乏 | |
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97
beguile
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| vt.欺骗，消遣 | |
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98
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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99
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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100
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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101
attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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102
affluence
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| n.充裕，富足 | |
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103
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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104
uncommonly
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| adv. 稀罕(极，非常) | |
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105
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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106
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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107
muses
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| v.沉思，冥想( muse的第三人称单数 )；沉思自语说（某事） | |
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108
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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109
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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110
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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111
controversies
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| 争论 | |
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112
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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113
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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114
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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115
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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116
condensation
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| n.压缩，浓缩；凝结的水珠 | |
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117
orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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118
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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119
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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120
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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121
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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122
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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123
sublimity
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| 崇高，庄严，气质高尚 | |
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124
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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125
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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126
picturesqueness
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127
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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128
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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129
versatility
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| n.多才多艺，多样性，多功能 | |
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130
instilling
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| v.逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instil的现在分词 )；逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instill的现在分词 ) | |
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131
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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132
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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133
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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134
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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135
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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136
pontifical
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| adj.自以为是的，武断的 | |
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137
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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138
bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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139
bidder
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| n.(拍卖时的)出价人，报价人，投标人 | |
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140
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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141
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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142
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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143
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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144
leniency
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| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
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145
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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148
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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149
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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150
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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151
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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152
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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153
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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154
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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155
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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156
morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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157
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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158
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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159
alleviator
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| 减轻者 | |
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160
affluent
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| adj.富裕的，富有的，丰富的，富饶的 | |
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161
munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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162
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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163
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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164
amending
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| 改良，修改，修订( amend的现在分词 )； 改良，修改，修订( amend的第三人称单数 )( amends的现在分词 ) | |
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165
collating
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| v.校对( collate的现在分词 )；整理；核对；整理（文件或书等） | |
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166
punctuated
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| v.（在文字中）加标点符号，加标点( punctuate的过去式和过去分词 )；不时打断某事物 | |
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167
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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168
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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169
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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170
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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171
etymology
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| n.语源；字源学 | |
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172
vim
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| n.精力，活力 | |
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173
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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174
minutiae
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| n.微小的细节，细枝末节；（常复数）细节，小事( minutia的名词复数 ) | |
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175
dulcet
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| adj.悦耳的 | |
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176
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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177
casually
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| adv.漠不关心地，无动于衷地，不负责任地 | |
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178
ripened
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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180
assortment
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| n.分类，各色俱备之物，聚集 | |
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181
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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182
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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183
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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184
heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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185
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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186
meekness
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| n.温顺，柔和 | |
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187
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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188
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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189
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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190
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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191
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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192
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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193
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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194
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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195
stoic
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| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
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196
hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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197
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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198
accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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199
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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200
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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201
mannerism
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| n.特殊习惯，怪癖 | |
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202
impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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203
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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204
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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205
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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