Civil government is necessary to the preservation2, prosperity and safety of society. In some important sense, “the powers that be, are ordained3 of God.” It does not appear that[Pg 196] the Creator has established any specific form of government, but the genius of christianity is evidently democratic. The leading objects of government are defined to be “the punishment of evil doers and the praise of them that do well.” When a government fails to protect and encourage the good and to punish evil doers,—when it becomes a mighty5 engine of oppression, the object of its institution is frustrated6.
In the United States the voters are responsible for the character of the government. The people are the sovereign rulers. The ballot7 box controls legislation. If our country is badly governed it is the people’s fault.
The free white people of America are responsible for the existence of American slavery. They could at the ballot box break every yoke8. They have the power to release more than three millions of slaves and thereby9 make heaven and earth rejoice!
A weighty responsibility, therefore, rests upon voters in relation to slavery. If it continue, it will be because they shall will it, and express that will at the ballot box. He who votes for a representative that is pledged to sustain slavery, becomes responsible for that representative’s acts on the slavery question. The responsibility cannot be shifted or dodged10.[Pg 197] Representatives consult the will of their constituents11 and act as they wish them to act. They are only the people’s agents, the echo of the people’s voice.
In the light of these facts how can a christian4 vote for a slaveholder or a friend of slavery? How can he, by his vote, say that slavery shall be perpetual? Every pulsation12 of a christian’s heart beats in harmony with liberty; he could not have slaves in his own hands. How then can he, how dare he, by his vote, chain them and deliver them over to the slave driver? It is mean and wicked for a strong man to beat a weak one, but it is equally as mean and wicked to hold the weak man so that the strong one may beat him at his leisure and with ease. So it is bad to own a slave and tax his sinews, sweat and blood, to beat and bruise13 him, but it is equally wrong to hold the slave while the southern slaveholder does the same thing. Hence, he who votes for pro-slavery representatives, votes for slavery and all its swarms14 of evils, and is indirectly15 a slaveholder himself.
Let it be distinctly understood, then, that political power has been entrusted16 to the christian people of America by the God of nations, who holds them responsible for its proper exercise; and that acting17 politically is a serious[Pg 198] business, affecting the interests directly, in this country, of twenty millions of freemen, and more than three millions of slaves; and also affecting indirectly, the interests of the whole human family.
If the supporters of slavery continue to control the policy of the American government; to trample18 under foot the “higher law;” to render the Declaration of Independence a nullity; to denationalize liberty; to nationalize slavery and perpetuate19 and extend it; and thus to belie20 all our professions of Democracy, and render this government a Godless tyrant21, delighting in crushed hopes and hearts—then the whole human race may weep. That our government has been progressing toward this terrible consummation for the last thirty years is but too evident.
The Declaration of Independence is a sound anti-slavery document. It does not regard the right of all men to liberty as an unsettled opinion or a question to be proved by abstruse22 argument, but pronounces it a “SELF EVIDENT TRUTH.”
The Constitution in form if not in fact, pretty fully23 embodies24 the sentiments of the Declaration. The word slave is not found in it, and it was kept out not accidentally, but purposely. The framers of the Constitution[Pg 199] carefully guarded that instrument against any endorsement25 of slavery. In the convention which formed the Constitution, Gov. Morris of Pennsylvania said, “He never would concur26 in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious27 institution.” Mr. Getry, of Massachusetts, in the same convention said, “we had nothing to do with the conduct of the States as to slavery, but we ought to be very careful not to give any sanction to it.” The idea that there could be property in man was carefully excluded from the Constitution. It was about to be foisted28 into that instrument by the adoption29 of a report of a committee fixing a tax on importations. But Mr. Sherman was against “acknowledging men to be property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves.” Madison “thought it wrong to admit in the constitution the idea that there could be property in man.” But if the idea of property in man was carefully excluded from the Constitution, then it is clear that chattel30 slavery is not in form recognized, much less established by that instrument.
It is evident that the framers of the Constitution expected the speedy abolition31 of slavery; and hence, while providing in fact though not in form, for its continuance under the constitution, by virtue32 of local State laws, they so[Pg 200] framed that instrument that it would not countenance33 slavery or deny the glorious doctrines34 of the immortal35 Declaration, which contained what Mr. Sumner calls “the national heart, the national soul, the national will, and the national voice.”[23]
Washington said “That it was among his first wishes to see some plan adopted, by which slavery may be abolished by law.”
Adams regarded slavery as “a sacrilegious breach36 of trust.”
Hamilton considered slaves, “though free by the law of God, held in slavery by the laws of men.”
Jefferson said that the “abolition of domestic slavery was the greatest object of desire.”
Patrick Henry said—“I will not, I cannot justify37 it.”
Benj. Franklin, when 84 years of age, came up before Congress with a petition from the “Abolition Society of Pennsylvania, praying that body to countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom are degraded into perpetual bondage38, and who, amidst the general joy[Pg 201] of surrounding freemen are groaning39 in servile subjection.” This petition besought40 Congress to “step to the VERY VERGE41 of the power vested in them for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow men.”
These facts afford conclusive42 evidence, that the founders43 of the American Republic did not intend to fasten upon the object of their toils44, perils45 and sacrifices, a monster which would speedily eat out its virtue, destroy its vitality46 and overthrow47 it forever.
But the policy of the government has been reversed. Millions of acres of territory have been purchased and annexed48 to make room for slavery, which has become a great national pet—the god before whom aspiring49 politicians must kneel and worship as a condition of political elevation50.
The President of the United States and his Cabinet, the Supreme51 Court, and both Houses of Congress are all under the control of the Slaveocracy. No man can be a President of the United States unless he bows the knee and swears upon the altar of this modern Baal. Zeal52 for the infamous53 Fugitive54 Slave Law is now a particular test of political orthodoxy. A Congressman55 who advocates the principles of Washington, Franklin and Jefferson is considered as standing56 outside of any “healthy[Pg 202] organization” and is not deemed worthy57 of a place on the most insignificant58 Congressional committee. Our government has been thoroughly59 changed from an anti-slavery to a pro-slavery government.
In view of these facts how important that the concentrated moral and political power of every American christian be brought to the rescue of our great Republic from the sin and shame of its present position.
Christians60, in the States where slavery exists, are under obligations to use their whole political and moral power to bring about the speedy repeal61 of the entire slave code. That code is a miserable62 barbarism and should be swept away forever from the statutes63 of Christian States. My christian brethren in Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri, are you prepared to use all the power, moral and political, with which you are entrusted, as you shall answer to God, for the emancipation64 of your suffering fellow citizens? Your political influence must tell somewhere! Remember that.
Christians in the free States are obliged to do what is in their power for the repeal of all laws which bear upon the colored man because he is a colored man. The word “white” ought to be erased65 from the statutes of all christian States. All “black laws” are anti-democratic,[Pg 203] anti-christian, and not only insult and annoy, but discourage the colored man and obstruct66 his progress in the path of improvement.—Christian brethren of the free States, you have not done your duty toward your colored brother. You have sustained laws which gall67 his neck as a heavy yoke. You have treated him as an alien and an enemy. Will you henceforth do him justice, as you shall answer to God?
Christian citizens of all the States are directly responsible for the existence of slavery in the District of Columbia, and they should not be content until that foul68 pollution is wiped away from the Capital of our country. Slavery at Washington is especially a national disgrace, a blistering69 shame, a satire70 upon our professions.
When the foreign minister or visitor comes to our country, and goes to Washington, he sees in the streets, at the hotels, and everywhere, a poor, stupid, oppressed people, whose very speech and looks betray their ignorance and servility. Ah! Is this American freedom? Equality? Republicanism? Upon inquiry71, he finds that one-seventh of all the people are in this state of servile wretchedness.
And when a member of Congress from a free State goes to the proud Capital of his[Pg 204] country, he beholds72 passing by the tall and splendid buildings of the government, droves of men, women and children, chained together,—some sullenly73 indifferent to their fate—others weeping as if their hearts would break.—Who are these? American citizens!
Men, as white as some members of Congress, and women as fair as their wives and as virtuous74 as their daughters, are cried off at auction75 to the highest bidder76, in Washington!
There our senators and representatives sit and legislate77, in sight of the slave prison, and slave market—in hearing of the clanking of chains, and coffles,—and of the wail78 of slave mothers, weeping for their children, because they are
“Gone, gone, sold and gone.”
They are also responsible for the extension of slavery into territory now free. If they go not to the utmost verge of their power to save the Lord’s free earth from the overspreading and blighting79 curse of slavery, they cannot but be execrated80 by an enlightened posterity81.
But more than all this. A christian is a citizen of the world, and hence is required to employ the whole force of his moral and political power for the extirpation of slavery from every State in the union, and from every country on the globe. The influence of an[Pg 205] intelligent, active christian citizen is worldwide. He cannot be the dupe or tool of any party; he is never shackled82 by party organizations; he does not commit the keeping of his conscience to political leaders. He sincerely loves God, believes the Bible, and loves his fellow-men, because they are men. Prejudice, caste, and all other relics83 of barbarism, he has thrown away. He talks, votes and prays for universal liberty and righteousness. In the pulpit, in the shop, on the farm, anywhere, everywhere the whole weight of his influence is thrown against slavery in the territories, in the District of Columbia, in the States, and against it wherever it exists in the world. As he seeks for the physical, intellectual and moral improvement and happiness of all men, he must desire intensely the speedy extirpation of slavery from the earth.
Christian voter, when you approach the ballot box, think of the three millions of bondmen who are holding up their hands “all manacled and bleeding,” pleading to you for deliverance!
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1
extirpation
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| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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9
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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dodged
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| v.闪躲( dodge的过去式和过去分词 )；回避 | |
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constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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pulsation
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| n.脉搏，悸动，脉动；搏动性 | |
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13
bruise
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| n.青肿，挫伤；伤痕；vt.打青；挫伤 | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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belie
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| v.掩饰，证明为假 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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abstruse
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| adj.深奥的，难解的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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embodies
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| v.表现( embody的第三人称单数 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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endorsement
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| n.背书；赞成，认可，担保；签(注)，批注 | |
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concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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nefarious
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| adj.恶毒的，极坏的 | |
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foisted
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| 强迫接受，把…强加于( foist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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chattel
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| n.动产；奴隶 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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35
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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39
groaning
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| adj. 呜咽的, 呻吟的 动词groan的现在分词形式 | |
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40
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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41
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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44
toils
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| 网 | |
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45
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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46
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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47
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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48
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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49
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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50
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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51
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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52
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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53
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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54
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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Congressman
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| n.（美）国会议员 | |
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56
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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57
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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58
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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61
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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65
erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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67
gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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68
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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69
blistering
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| adj.酷热的；猛烈的；使起疱的；可恶的v.起水疱；起气泡；使受暴晒n.[涂料] 起泡 | |
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70
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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71
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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72
beholds
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| v.看，注视( behold的第三人称单数 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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73
sullenly
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| 不高兴地，绷着脸，忧郁地 | |
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74
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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75
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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76
bidder
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| n.(拍卖时的)出价人，报价人，投标人 | |
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legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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wail
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| vt./vi.大声哀号，恸哭；呼啸，尖啸 | |
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blighting
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| 使凋萎( blight的现在分词 )； 使颓丧； 损害； 妨害 | |
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80
execrated
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| v.憎恶( execrate的过去式和过去分词 )；厌恶；诅咒；咒骂 | |
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81
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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82
shackled
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| 给（某人）带上手铐或脚镣( shackle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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