The Catholic Church, as we have seen, was consistent in withdrawing the office of song from the laity9 and assigning it to a separate company who were at first taken from the minor10 clergy11, and who even in later periods were conceived as exercising a semi-clerical function. Congregational singing, although not officially [224] and without exception discountenanced by the Catholic Church, has never been encouraged, and song, like prayer, is looked upon as essentially12 a liturgic office.
In the Protestant Church the barrier of an intermediary priesthood between the believer and his God is broken down. The entire membership of the Christian13 body is recognized as a universal priesthood, with access to the Father through one mediator14, Jesus Christ. This conception restores the offices of worship to the body of believers, and they in turn delegate their administration to certain officials, who, together with certain independent privileges attached to the office, share with the laity in the determination of matters of faith and polity.
It was a perfectly17 natural result of this principle that congregational song should hold a place in the Protestant cultus which the Catholic Church has never sanctioned. The one has promoted and tenaciously18 maintained it; the other as consistently repressed it,—not on aesthetic20 grounds, nor primarily on grounds of devotional effect, but really through a more or less distinct perception of its significance in respect to the theoretical relationship of the individual to the Church. The struggles over popular song in public worship which appear throughout the early history of Protestantism are thus to be explained. The emancipated21 layman23 found in the general hymn a symbol as well as an agent of the assertion of his new rights and privileges in the Gospel. The people’s song of early Protestantism has therefore a militant24 ring. It marks its epoch25 [225] no less significantly than Luther’s ninety-five theses and the Augsburg Confession8. It was a sort of spiritual Triumphlied, proclaiming to the universe that the day of spiritual emancipation26 had dawned.
The second radical27 distinction between the music of the Protestant Church and that of the Catholic is that the vernacular28 language takes the place of the Latin. The natural desire of a people is that they may worship in their native idiom; and since the secession from the ancient Church inevitably29 resulted in the formation of national or independent churches, the necessities which maintained in the Catholic Church a common liturgic language no longer obtained, and the people fell back upon their national speech.
Among the historic groups of hymns30 that have appeared since Clement31 of Alexandria and Ephra?m the Syrian set in motion the tide of Christian song, the Lutheran hymnody has the greatest interest to the student of church history. In sheer literary excellence32 it is undoubtedly33 surpassed by the Latin hymns of the mediaeval Church and the English-American group; in musical merit it no more than equals these; but in historic importance the Lutheran song takes the foremost place. The Latin and the English hymns belong only to the history of poetry and of inward spiritual experience; the Lutheran have a place in the annals of politics and doctrinal strifes as well. German Protestant hymnody dates from Martin Luther; his lyrics35 were the models of the hymns of the reformed Church in Germany for a century or more. The principle that lay at the basis of his movement gave them their characteristic [226] tone; they were among the most efficient agencies in carrying this principle to the mind of the common people, and they also contributed powerfully to the enthusiasm which enabled the new faith to maintain itself in the conflicts by which it was tested. The melodies to which the hymns of Luther and his followers37 were set became the foundation of a musical style which is the one school worthy38 to be placed beside the Italian Catholic music of the sixteenth century. This hymnody and its music afforded the first adequate outlet39 for the poetic40 and musical genius of the German people, and established the pregnant democratic traditions of German art as against the aristocratic traditions of Italy and France. As we cannot overestimate41 the spiritual and intellectual force which entered the European arena42 with Luther and his disciples44, so we must also recognize the analogous45 elements which asserted themselves at the same moment and under the same inspiration in the field of art expression, and gave to this movement a language which helps us in a peculiar46 way to understand its real import.
The first questions which present themselves in tracing the historic connections of the early Lutheran hymnody are: What was its origin? Had it models, and if so, what and where were they? In giving a store of congregational songs to the German people was Luther original, or only an imitator? In this department of his work does he deserve the honor which Protestants have awarded him?
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Protestant writers have, as a rule, bestowed48 unstinted praise upon Luther as the man who first gave the people a voice with which to utter their religious emotions in song. Most of these writers are undoubtedly aware that a national poesy is never the creation of a single man, and that a brilliant epoch of national literature or art must always be preceded by a period of experiment and fermentation; yet they are disposed to make little account of the existence of a popular religious song in Germany before the Reformation, and represent Luther almost as performing the miracle of making the dumb to speak. Even those who recognize the fact of a pre?xisting school of hymnody usually seek to give the impression that pure evangelical religion was almost, if not quite, unknown in the popular religious poetry of the centuries before the Reformation, and that the Lutheran hymnody was composed of altogether novel elements. They also ascribe to Luther creative work in music as well as in poetry. Catholic writers, on the other hand, will allow Luther no originality49 whatever; they find, or pretend to find, every essential feature of his work in the Catholic hymns and tunes51 of the previous centuries, or in those of the Bohemian sectaries. They admit the great influence of Luther’s hymns in disseminating52 the new doctrines53, but give him credit only for cleverness in dressing54 up his borrowed ideas and forms in a taking popular guise55. As is usually the case in controversy56, the truth lies between the two extremes. Luther’s originality has been overrated by Protestants, and the true nature of the germinal force which he imparted to German congregational song has been misconceived by Catholics. It was not new forms, but a new spirit, which Luther gave to his Church. He did [228] not break with the past, but found in the past a new standing57-ground. He sought truth in the Scriptures58, in the writings of the fathers and the mediaeval theologians; he rejected what he deemed false or barren in the mother Church, adopted and developed what was true and fruitful, and moulded it into forms whose style was already familiar to the people. In poetry, music, and the several details of church worship Luther recast the old models, and gave them to his followers with contents purified and adapted to those needs which he himself had made them to realize. He understood the character of his people; he knew where to find the nourishment60 suited to their wants; he knew how to turn their enthusiasms into practical and progressive directions. This was Luther’s achievement in the sphere of church art, and if, in recognizing the precise nature of his work, we seem to question his reputation for creative genius, we do him better justice by honoring his practical wisdom.
The singing of religious songs by the common people in their own language in connection with public worship did not begin in Germany with the Reformation. The German popular song is of ancient date, and the religious lyric36 always had a prominent place in it. The Teutonic tribes before their conversion61 to Christianity had a large store of hymns to their deities62, and afterward63 their musical fervor64 turned itself no less ardently65 to the service of their new allegiance. Wackernagel, in the second volume of his monumental collection of German hymns from the earliest time to the beginning of the seventeenth century, includes fourteen [229] hundred and forty-eight religious lyrics in the German tongue composed between the year 868 and 1518.[68] This collection, he says, is as complete as possible, but we must suppose that a very large number written before the invention of printing have been lost. About half the hymns in this volume are of unknown authorship. Among the writers whose names are given we find such notable poets as Walther von der Vogelweide, Gottfried von Strassburg, Hartmann von Aue, Frauenlob, Reinmar der Zweter, Kunrad der Marner, Heinrich von Loufenberg, Michel Behem, and Hans Sachs, besides famous churchmen like Eckart and Tauler, who are not otherwise known as poets. A great number of these poems are hymns only in a qualified66 sense, having been written, not for public use, but for private satisfaction; but many others are true hymns, and have often resounded67 from the mouths of the people in social religious functions.
Down to the tenth century the only practice among the Germans that could be called a popular church song was the ejaculation of the words Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison. These phrases, which are among the most ancient in the Mass and the litanies, and which came originally from the Eastern Church, were sung or shouted by the German Christians68 on all possible occasions. In processions, on pilgrimages, at burials, greeting of distinguished69 visitors, consecration70 of a church or prelate, in many subordinate liturgic offices, invocations of supernatural aid in times of distress71, [230] on the march, going into battle,—in almost every social action in which religious sanctions were involved the people were in duty bound to utter this phrase, often several hundred times in succession. The words were often abbreviated72 into Kyrieles, Kyrie eleis, Kyrielle, Kerleis, and Kles, and sometimes became mere73 inarticulate cries.
When the phrase was formally sung, the Gregorian tones proper to it in the church service were employed. Some of these were florid successions of notes, many to a syllable74, as in the Alleluia from which the Sequences sprung,—a free, impassioned form of emotional utterance75 which had extensive use in the service of the earlier Church, both East and West, and which is still employed, sometimes to extravagant76 length, in the Orient. The custom at last arose of setting words to these exuberant77 strains. This usage took two forms, giving rise in the ritual service to the “farced Kyries” or Tropes, and in the freer song of the people producing a more regular kind of hymn, in which the Kyrie eleison became at last a mere refrain at the end of each stanza78. These songs came to be called Kirleisen, or Leisen, and sometimes Leiche, and they exhibit the German congregational hymn in its first estate.
Religious songs multiplied in the centuries following the tenth almost by geometrical progression. The tide reached a high mark in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries under that extraordinary intellectual awakening79 which distinguished the epoch of the Crusades, the Stauffen emperors, the Minnesingers, and the court epic80 poets. Under the stimulus81 of the ideals of chivalric82 [231] honor and knightly83 devotion to woman, the adoration84 of the Virgin85 Mother, long cherished in the bosom86 of the Church, burst forth87 in a multitude of ecstatic lyrics in her praise. Poetic and musical inspiration was communicated by the courtly poets to the clergy and common people, and the love of singing at religious observances grew apace. Certain heretics, who made much stir in this period, also wrote hymns and put them into the mouths of the populace, thus following the early example of the Arians and the disciples of Bardasanes. To resist this perversion88 of the divine art, orthodox songs were composed, and, as in the Reformation days, schismatics and Romanists vied with each other in wielding89 this powerful proselyting agent.
Mystics of the fourteenth century—Eckart, Tauler, and others—wrote hymns of a new tone, an inward spiritual quality, less objective, more individual, voicing a yearning90 for an immediate91 union of the soul with God, and the joy of personal love to the Redeemer. Poetry of this nature especially appealed to the religious sisters, and from many a convent came echoes of these chastened raptures92, in which are heard accents of longing93 for the comforting presence of the Heavenly Bridegroom.
Those half-insane fanatics94, the Flagellants, and other enthusiasts95 of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, also contributed to the store of pre-Reformation hymnody. Hoffmann von Fallersleben has given a vivid account of the barbaric doings of these bands of self-tormentors, and it is evident that their singing [232] was not the least uncanny feature of their performances.[69]
In the fourteenth century appeared the device which played so large a part in the production of the Reformation hymns—that of adapting secular96 tunes to religious poems, and also making religious paraphrases97 of secular ditties. Praises of love, of out-door sport, even of wine, by a few simple alterations99 were made to express devotional sentiments. A good illustration of this practice is the recasting of the favorite folk-song, “Den15 liepsten Bulen den ich han,” into “Den liepsten Herren den ich han.” Much more common, however, was the transfer of melodies from profane100 poems to religious, a method which afterward became an important reliance for supplying the reformed congregations with hymn-tunes.
Mixed songs, part Latin and part German, were at one time much in vogue101. A celebrated102 example is the
“In dulce jubilo
Nu singet und seyt fro”
of the fourteenth century, which has often been heard in the reformed churches down to a recent period.
In the fifteenth century the popular religious song flourished with an affluence103 hardly surpassed even in the first two centuries of Protestantism. Still under the control of the Catholic doctrine and discipline, it nevertheless betokens104 a certain restlessness of mind; the native individualism of the German spirit is preparing [233] to assert itself. The fifteenth was a century of stir and inquiry105, full of premonitions of the upheaval106 soon to follow. The Revival107 of Learning began to shake Germany, as well as Southern and Western Europe, out of its superstition108 and intellectual subjection. The religious and political movements in Bohemia and Moravia, set in motion by the preaching and martyrdom of Hus, produced strong effect in Germany. Hus struck at some of the same abuses that aroused the wrath109 of Luther, notably110 the traffic in indulgences. The demand for the use of the vernacular in church worship was even more fundamental than the similar desire in Germany, and preceded rather than followed the movement toward reform. Hus was also a prototype of Luther in that he was virtually the founder111 of the Bohemian hymnody. He wrote hymns both in Latin and in Czech, and earnestly encouraged the use of vernacular songs by the people. The Utraquists published a song-book in the Czech language in 1501, and the Unitas Fratrum one, containing four hundred hymns, in 1505. These two antedated112 the first Lutheran hymn-book by about twenty years. The Bohemian reformers, like Luther after them, based their poetry upon the psalms114, the ancient Latin hymns, and the old vernacular religious songs; they improved existing texts, and set new hymns in place of those that contained objectionable doctrinal features. Their tunes also were derived115, like those of the German reformers, from older religious and secular melodies.
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These achievements of the Bohemians, answering popular needs that exist at all times, could not remain without influence upon the Germans. Encouragement to religious expression in the vernacular was also exerted by certain religious communities known as Brethren of the Common Life, which originated in Holland in the latter part of the fourteenth century, and extended into North and Middle Germany in the fifteenth. Thomas à Kempis was a member of this order. The purpose of these Brethren was to inculcate a purer religious life among the people, especially the young; and they made it a ground principle that the national language should be used so far as possible in prayer and song. Particularly effective in the culture of sacred poetry and music among the artisan class were the schools of the Mastersingers, which flourished all over Germany in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries.
Standing upon the threshold of the Reformation, and looking back over the period that elapsed since the pagan myths and heroic lays of the North began to yield to the metrical gospel narrative116 of the “Heliand” and the poems of Otfried, we can trace the same union of pious117 desire and poetic instinct which, in a more enlightened age, produced the one hundred thousand evangelical hymns of Germany. The pre-Reformation hymns are of the highest importance as casting light upon the condition of religious belief among the German laity. We find in them a great variety of elements,—much that is pure, noble, and strictly evangelical, mixed with crudity118, superstition, and crass119 realism. In the nature of the case they do not, on the [235] whole, rise to the poetic and spiritual level of the contemporary Latin hymns of the Church. There is nothing in them comparable with the Dies Irae, the Stabat Mater, the Hora Novissima, the Veni Sancte Spiritus, the Ad Perennis Vitae Fontem, the Passion Hymns of St. Bernard, or scores that might be named which make up the golden chaplet of Latin religious verse from Hilary to Xavier. The latter is the poetry of the cloister120, the work of men separated from the world, upon whom asceticism121 and scholastic122 philosophizing had worked to refine and subtilize their conceptions. It is the poetry, not of laymen123, but of priests and monks124, the special and peculiar utterance of a sacerdotal class, wrapt in intercessory functions, straining ever for glimpses of the Beatific126 Vision, whose one absorbing effort was to emancipate22 the soul from time and discipline it for eternity127. It is poetry of and for the temple, the sacramental mysteries, the hours of prayer, for seasons of solitary128 meditation129; it blends with the dim light sifted130 through stained cathedral windows, with incense131, with majestic132 music. The simple layman was not at home in such an atmosphere as this, and the Latin hymn was not a familiar expression of his thought. His mental training was of a coarser, more commonplace order. He must particularize, his religious feeling must lay hold of something more tangible133, something that could serve his childish views of things, and enter into some practical relation with the needs of his ordinary mechanical existence.
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The religious folk-song, therefore, shows many traits similar to those found in the secular folk-song, and we can easily perceive the influence of one upon the other. In both we can see how receptive the common people were to anything that savored134 of the marvellous, and how their minds dwelt more upon the external wonder than upon the lesson that it brings. The connection of these poems with the ecclesiastical dramas, which form such a remarkable135 chapter in the history of religious instruction in the Middle Age, is also apparent, and scores of them are simply narratives136 of the Nativity, the Crucifixion, the Resurrection, and the Ascension, told over and over in almost identical language. These German hymns show in what manner the dogmas and usages of the Church took root in the popular heart, and affected137 the spirit of the time. In all other mediaeval literature we have the testimony138 of the higher class of minds, the men of education, who were saved by their reflective intelligence from falling into the grosser superstitions139, or at least from dwelling140 in them. But in the folk poetry the great middle class throws back the ideas imposed by its religious teachers, tinged141 by its own crude mental operations. The result is that we have in these poems the doctrinal perversions142 and the mythology143 of the Middle Age set forth in their baldest form. Beliefs that are the farthest removed from the teaching of the Scriptures, are carried to lengths which the Catholic Church has never authoritatively145 sanctioned, but which are natural consequences of the action of her dogmas upon untrained, superstitious146 minds. There are hymns which teach the pre?xistence of Mary with God before the creation; that in and through her all things were created. Others, not [237] content with the church doctrine of her intercessory office in heaven, represent her as commanding and controlling her Son, and even as forgiving sins in her own right. Hagiolatry, also, is carried to its most dubious147 extremity148. Power is ascribed to the saints to save from the pains of hell. In one hymn they are implored150 to intercede151 with God for the sinner, because, the writer says, God will not deny their prayer. It is curious to see in some of these poems that the attributes of love and compassion152, which have been removed from the Father to the Son, and from the Son to the Virgin Mother, are again transferred to St. Ann, who is implored to intercede with her daughter in behalf of the suppliant153.
All this, and much more of a similar sort, the product of vulgar error and distorted thinking, cannot be gainsaid154. But let us, with equal candor155, acknowledge that there is a bright side to this subject. Corruption156 and falsehood are not altogether typical of the German religious poetry of the Middle Age. Many Protestant writers represent the mediaeval German hymns as chiefly given over to mariolatry and much debasing superstition, and as therefore indicative of the religious state of the nation. This, however, is very far from being the case, as a candid157 examination of such a collection as Wackernagel’s will show. Take out everything that a severe Protestant would reject, and there remains158 a large body of poetry which flows from the pure, undefiled springs of Christian faith, which from the evangelical standpoint is true and edifying159, gems160 of expression not to be matched by the poetry of [238] Luther and his friends in simplicity161 and refinement162 of language. Ideas common to the hymnody of all ages are to be found there. One comes to mind in which there is carried out in the most touching163 way the thought of John Newton in his most famous hymn, where in vision the look of the crucified Christ seems to charge the arrested sinner with his death. Another lovely poem expresses the shrinking of the disciple43 in consciousness of mortal frailty164 when summoned by Christ to take up the cross, and the comfort that he receives from the Saviour165’s assurance of his own sufficient grace. A celebrated hymn by Tauler describes a ship sent from heaven by the Father, containing Jesus, who comes as our Redeemer, and who asks personal devotion to himself and a willingness to live and die with and for him. Others set forth the atoning166 work of Christ’s death, without mention of any other condition of salvation167. Others implore149 the direct guidance and protection of Christ, as in the exquisite168 cradle hymn of Heinrich von Loufenberg, which is not surpassed in tenderness and beauty by anything in Keble’s Lyra Innocentium, or the child verses of Blake.
This mass of hymns covers a wide range of topics: God in his various attributes, including mercy and a desire to pardon,—a conception which many suppose to have been absent from the thought of the Middle Age; the Trinity; Christ in the various scenes of his life, and as head of the Church; admonitions, confessions, translations of psalms, poems to be sung on pilgrimages, funeral songs, political songs, and many more which touch upon true relations between man and [239] the divine. There is a wonderful pathos169 in this great body of national poetry, for it makes us see the dim but honest striving of the heart of the noble German people after that which is sure and eternal, and which could offer assurance of compensation amid the doubt and turmoil170 of that age of strife34 and tyranny. The true and the false in this poetry were alike the outcome of the conditions of the time and the authoritative144 religious teaching. The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, in spite of the abuses which made the Reformation necessary, contained many saintly lives, beneficent institutions, much philanthropy, and inspired love of God. All these have their witness in many products of that era, and we need look no further than the mediaeval religious poetry to find elements which show that on the spiritual side the Reformation was not strictly a moral revolution, restoring a lost religious feeling, but rather an intellectual process, establishing a hereditary171 piety172 upon reasonable and Scriptural foundations.
We see, therefore, how far Luther was from being the founder of German hymnody. In trying to discover what his great service to religious song really was, we must go on to the next question that is involved, and ask, What was the status and employment of the folk-hymn before the Reformation? Was it in a true sense a church song? Had it a recognized place in the public service? Was it at all liturgic, as the Lutheran hymn certainly was? This brings us to a definitive173 distinction between the two schools of hymnody.
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The attitude of the Catholic Church to congregational singing has often been discussed, and is at present the object of a great deal of misconception. The fact of the matter is, that she ostensibly encourages the people to share in some of the subordinate Latin offices, but the very spirit of the liturgy174 and the development of musical practice have in course of time, with now and then an exception, reduced the congregation to silence. Before the invention of harmony all church music had more of the quality of popular music, and the priesthood encouraged the worshipers to join their voices in those parts of the service which were not confined by the rubrics to the ministers. But the Gregorian chant was never really adopted by the people,—its practical difficulties, and especially the inflexible175 insistence176 upon the use of Latin in all the offices of worship, virtually confined it to the priests and a small body of trained singers. The very conception and spirit of the liturgy, also, has by a law of historic development gradually excluded the people from active participation177. Whatever may have been the thought of the fathers of the liturgy, the eucharistic service has come to be simply the vehicle of a sacrifice offered by and through the priesthood for the people, not a tribute of praise and supplication178 emanating179 from the congregation itself. The attitude of the worshiper is one of obedient faith, both in the supernatural efficacy of the sacrifice and the mediating180 authority of the celebrant. The liturgy is inseparably bound up with the central act of consecration and oblation181, and is conceived as itself possessing a divine sanction. The liturgy is not in any sense the creation of the people, but comes [241] down to them from a higher source, the gradual production of men believed to have been inspired by the Holy Spirit, and is accepted by the laity as a divinely authorized183 means in the accomplishment184 of the supreme185 sacerdotal function. The sacrifice of the Mass is performed for the people, but not through the people, nor even necessarily in their presence. And so it has come to pass that, although the Catholic Church has never officially recognized the existence of the modern mixed choir186, and does not in its rubrics authorize182 any manner of singing except the unison187 Gregorian chant, nevertheless, by reason of the expansion and specialization of musical art, and the increasing veneration188 of the liturgy as the very channel of descending189 sacramental grace, the people are reduced to a position of passive receptivity.
As regards the singing of hymns in the national languages, the conditions are somewhat different. The laws of the Catholic Church forbid the vernacular in any part of the eucharistic service, but permit vernacular hymns in certain subordinate offices, as, for instance, Vespers. But even in these services the restrictions190 are more emphasized than the permissions. Here also the tacit recognition of a separation of function between the clergy and the laity still persists; there can never be a really sympathetic co?peration between the church language and the vernacular; there is a constant attitude of suspicion on the part of the authorities, lest the people’s hymn should afford a rift191 for the subtle intrusion of heretical or unchurchly ideas.
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The whole spirit and implied theory of the Catholic Church is therefore unfavorable to popular hymnody. This was especially the case in the latter Middle Age. The people could put no heart into the singing of Latin. The priests and monks, especially in such convent schools as St. Gall192, Fulda, Metz, and Reichenau, made heroic efforts to drill their rough disciples in the Gregorian chant, but their attempts were ludicrously futile193. Vernacular hymns were simply tolerated on certain prescribed occasions. In the century or more following the Reformation, the Catholic musicians and clergy, taught by the astonishing popular success of the Lutheran songs, tried to inaugurate a similar movement in their own ranks, and the publication and use of Catholic German hymn-books attained194 large dimensions; but this enthusiasm finally died out. Both in mediaeval and in modern times there has practically remained a chasm195 between the musical practice of the common people and that of the Church, and in spite of isolated196 attempts to encourage popular hymnody, the restrictions have always had a depressing effect, and the free, hearty197 union of clergy and congregation in choral praise and prayer is virtually unknown.
The new conceptions of the relationship of man to God, which so altered the fundamental principle and the external forms of worship under the Lutheran movement, manifested themselves most strikingly in the mighty198 impetus199 given to congregational song. Luther set the national impulse free, and taught the people that in singing praise they were performing a service that was well pleasing to God and a necessary part of public communion with him. It was not simply that Luther charged the popular hymnody with the energy of his [243] world-transforming doctrine,—he also gave it a dignity which it had never possessed200 before, certainly not since the apostolic age, as a part of the official liturgic song of the Church. Both these facts gave the folk-hymn its wonderful proselyting power in the sixteenth century,—the latter gives it its importance in the history of church music.
Luther’s work for the people’s song was in substance a detail of his liturgic reform. His knowledge of human nature taught him the value of set forms and ceremonies, and his appreciation201 of what was universally true and edifying in the liturgy of the mother Church led him to retain many of her prayers, hymns, responses, etc., along with new provisions of his own. But in his view the service is constituted through the activity of the believing subject; the forms and expressions of worship are not in themselves indispensable—the one thing necessary is faith, and the forms of worship have their value simply in defining, inculcating, stimulating202 and directing this faith, and enforcing the proper attitude of the soul toward God in the public social act of devotion. The congregational song both symbolized203 and realized the principle of direct access of the believer to the Father, and thus exemplified in itself alone the whole spirit of the worship of the new Church. That this act of worship should be in the native language of the nation was a matter of course, and hence the popular hymn, set to familiar and appropriate melody, became at once the characteristic, official, and liturgic expression of the emotion of the people in direct communion with God.
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The immense consequence of this principle was seen in the outburst of song that followed the founding of the new Church by Luther at Wittenberg. It was not that the nation was electrified205 by a poetic genius, or by any new form of musical excitement; it was simply that the old restraints upon self-expression were removed, and that the people could celebrate their new-found freedom in Christ Jesus by means of the most intense agency known to man, which they had been prepared by inherited musical temperament206 and ancient habit to use to the full. No wonder that they received this privilege with thanksgiving, and that the land resounded with the lyrics of faith and hope.
Luther felt his mission to be that of a purifier, not a destroyer. He would repudiate207, not the good and evil alike in the ancient Church, but only that which he considered false and pernicious. This judicious208 conservatism was strikingly shown in his attitude toward the liturgy and form of worship, which he would alter only so far as was necessary in view of changes in doctrine and in the whole relation of the Church as a body toward the individual. The altered conception of the nature of the eucharist, the abolition209 of homage210 to the Virgin and saints, the prominence211 given to the sermon as the central feature of the service, the substitution of the vernacular for Latin, the intimate participation of the congregation in the service by means of hymn-singing,—all these changes required a recasting of the order of worship; but everything in the old ritual that was consistent with these changes was retained. Luther, like the founders212 of the reformed Church of England, was profoundly conscious of the truth and beauty of many of the prayers and hymns of the mother Church. Especially was he attached to her music, and would preserve the compositions of the learned masters alongside of the revived congregational hymn.
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As regards the form and manner of service, Luther’s improvements were directed (1) to the revision of the liturgy, (2) the introduction of new hymns, and (3) the arrangement of suitable melodies for congregational use. Luther’s program of liturgic reform is chiefly embodied213 in two orders of worship drawn214 up for the churches of Wittenberg, viz., the Formula Missae of 1523 and the Deutsche Messe of 1526.
Luther rejected absolutely the Catholic conception of the act of worship as in itself possessed of objective efficacy. The terms of salvation are found only in the Gospel; the worship acceptable to God exists only in the contrite215 attitude of the heart, and the acceptance through faith of the plan of redemption as provided in the vicarious atonement of Christ. The external act of worship in prayer, praise, Scripture59 recitation, etc., is designed as a testimony of faith, an evidence of thankfulness to God for his infinite grace, and as a means of edification and of kindling216 the devotional spirit through the reactive influence of its audible expression. The correct performance of a ceremony was to Luther of little account; the essential was the prayerful disposition217 of the heart and the devout218 acceptance of the word of Scripture. The substance of worship, said Luther, is “that our dear Lord speaks with us through his Holy Word, and we in return speak with him through prayer and song of [246] praise.” The sermon is of the greatest importance as an ally of the reading of the Word. The office of worship must be viewed as a means of instruction as well as a rite47 contrived219 as the promoter and expression of religious emotion; the believer is in no wise to be considered as having attained to complete ripeness and maturity220, since if it were so religious worship would be unnecessary. Such a goal is not to be attained on earth. The Christian, said Luther, “needs baptism, the Word, and the sacrament, not as a perfected Christian, but as a sinner.”
The Formula Missae of 1523 was only a provisional office, and may be called an expurgated edition of the Catholic Mass. It is in Latin, and follows the order of the Roman liturgy with certain omissions221, viz., all the preliminary action at the altar as far as the Introit, the Offertory, the Oblation and accompanying prayers as far as the Preface, the Consecration, the Commemoration of the Dead, and everything following the Agnus Dei except the prayer of thanksgiving and benediction222. That is to say, everything is removed which characterizes the Mass as a priestly, sacrificial act, or which recognizes the intercessory office of the saints. The musical factors correspond to the usage in the Catholic Mass; Luther’s hymns with accompanying melodies were not yet prepared, and no trace of the Protestant choral appears in the Formula Missae.
Although this order of 1523 was conceived only as a partial or temporary expedient223, it was by no means set entirely224 aside by its author, even after the composition of a form more adapted to the needs of the people. In [247] the preface to the Deutsche Messe of 1526, Luther cites the Latin Formula Missae as possessing a special value. “This I will not abandon or have altered; but as we have kept it with us heretofore, so must we still be free to use the same where and when it pleases us or occasion requires. I will by no means permit the Latin speech to be dropped out of divine worship, since it is important for the youth. And if I were able, and the Greek and Hebrew languages were as common with us as the Latin, and had as much music and song as the Latin has, we should hold Masses, sing and read every Sunday in all four languages, German, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew.” It is important, he goes on to say, that the youth should be familiar with more languages than their own, in order that they may be able to give instruction in the true doctrine to those not of their own nation, Latin especially approving itself for this purpose as the common dialect of cultivated men.
The Deutsche Messe of 1526, Luther explains, was drawn up for the use of the mass of the people, who needed a medium of worship and instruction which was already familiar and native to them. This form is a still further simplification, as compared with the Formula Missae, and consists almost entirely of offices in the German tongue. Congregational chorals also have a prominent place, since the publication of collections of vernacular religious songs had begun two years before. This liturgy consists of (1) a people’s hymn or a German psalm113, (2) Kyrie eleison, (3) Collect, (4) the Epistle, (5) congregational hymn, (6) the Gospel, (7) the German paraphrase98 of the Creed225, “Wie glauben all’ [248] an einen Gott,” sung by the people; next follows the sermon; (8) the Lord’s Prayer and exhortation226 preliminary to the Sacrament, (9) the words of institution and elevation227, (10) distribution of the bread, (11) singing of the German Sanctus or the hymn “Jesus Christus unser Heiland,” (12) distribution of the wine, (13) Agnus Dei, a German hymn, or the German Sanctus, (14) Collect of thanksgiving, (15) Benediction.
It was far from Luther’s purpose to impose these or any particular forms of worship upon his followers through a personal assumption of authority. He reiterates228, in his preface to the Deutsche Messe, that he has no thought of assuming any right of dictation in the matter, emphasizing his desire that the churches should enjoy entire freedom in their forms and manner of worship. At the same time he realizes the benefits of uniformity as creating a sense of unity229 and solidarity230 in faith, practice, and interests among the various districts, cities, and congregations, and offers these two forms as in his opinion conservative and efficient. He warns his people against the injury that may result from the multiplication231 of liturgies232 at the instigation of indiscreet or vain leaders, who have in view the perpetuation233 of certain notions of their own, rather than the honor of God and the spiritual welfare of their neighbors.
In connection with this work of reconstructing the ancient liturgy for use in the Wittenberg churches, Luther turned his attention to the need of suitable hymns and tunes. He took up this work not only out of his love of song, but also from necessity. He wrote [249] to Nicholas Haussmann, pastor234 at Zwickau: “I would that we had many German songs which the people could sing during the Mass. But we lack German poets and musicians, or they are unknown to us, who are able to make Christian and spiritual songs, as Paul calls them, which are of such value that they can be used daily in the house of God. One can find but few that have the appropriate spirit.” The reason for this complaint was short-lived; a crowd of hymnists sprang up as if by magic, and among them Luther was, as in all things, chief. His work as a hymn writer began soon after the completion of his translation of the New Testament235, while he was engaged in translating the psalms. Then, as Koch says, “the spirit of the psalmists and prophets came over him.” Several allusions236 in his letters show that he took the psalms as his model; that is to say, he did not think of a hymn as designed for the teaching of dogma, but as the sincere, spontaneous outburst of love and reverence237 to God for his goodness.
The first hymn-book of evangelical Germany was published in 1524 by Luther’s friend and coadjutor, Johann Walther. It contained four hymns by Luther, three by Paul Speratus, and one by an unknown author. Another book appeared in the same year containing fourteen more hymns by Luther, in addition to the eight of the first book. Six more from Luther’s pen appeared in a song-book edited by Walther in 1525. The remaining hymns of Luther (twelve in number) were printed in five song-books of different dates, ending with Klug’s in 1643. Four hymn-books contain prefaces by Luther, [250] the first written for Walther’s book of 1525, and the last for one published by Papst in 1545. Luther’s example was contagious238. Other hymn writers at once sprang up, who were filled with Luther’s spirit, and who took his songs as models. Printing presses were kept busy, song-books were multiplied, until at the time of Luther’s death no less than sixty collections, counting the various editions, had been issued. There was reason for the sneering239 remark of a Catholic that the people were singing themselves into the Lutheran doctrine. The principles of worship promulgated240 by Luther and implied in his liturgic arrangements were adopted by all the Protestant communities; whatever variations there might be in the external forms of worship, in all of them the congregational hymn held a prominent place, and it is to be noticed that almost without exception the chief hymn writers of the Lutheran time were theologians and preachers.
Luther certainly wrote thirty-six hymns. A few others have been ascribed to him without conclusive241 evidence. By far the greater part of these thirty-six are not entirely original. Many of them are translations or adaptations of psalms, some of which are nearly literal transfers. Other selections from Scripture were used in a similar way, among which are the Ten Commandments, the Ter Sanctus, the song of Simeon, and the Lord’s Prayer. Similar use, viz., close translation or free paraphrase, was made of certain Latin hymns by Ambrose, Gregory, Hus, and others, and also of certain religious folk-songs of the pre-Reformation period. Five hymns only are completely original, not drawn in any way from [251] older compositions. Besides these five many of the transcriptions of psalms and older hymns owe but little to their models. The chief of these, and the most celebrated of all Luther’s hymns, “Ein’ feste Burg,” was suggested by the forty-sixth Psalm, but nothing could be more original in spirit and phraseology, more completely characteristic of the great reformer. The beautiful poems, “Aus tiefer Noth” (Ps. cxxx.), and “Ach Gott, vom Himmel sieh’ darein” (Ps. xii.), are less bold paraphrases, but still Luther’s own in the sense that their expression is a natural outgrowth of the more tender and humble242 side of his nature.
No other poems of their class by any single man have ever exerted so great an influence, or have received so great admiration243, as these few short lyrics of Martin Luther. And yet at the first reading it is not easy to understand the reason for their celebrity244. As poetry they disappoint us; there is no artfully modulated245 diction, no subtle and far-reaching imagination. Neither do they seem to chime with our devotional needs; there is a jarring note of fanaticism246 in them. We even find expressions that give positive offence, as when he speaks of the “Lamb roasted in hot love upon the cross.” We say that they are not universal, that they seem the outcome of a temper that belongs to an exceptional condition. This is really the fact; here is the clue to their proper study. They do belong to a time, and not to all time. We must consider that they are the utterance of a mind engaged in conflict, and often tormented247 with doubt of the outcome. They reveal the motive248 of the great pivotal figure in modern religious history. More than that—they [252] have behind them the great impelling249 force of the Reformation. Perhaps the world has shown a correct instinct in fixing upon “Ein’ feste Burg” as the typical hymn of Luther and of the Reformation. Heine, who called it “the Marseillaise of the Reformation;” Frederick the Great, who called its melody (not without reverence) “God Almighty’s grenadier march;” Mendelssohn and Meyerbeer, who chose the same tune50 to symbolize204 aggressive Protestantism; and Wagner, who wove its strains into the grand march which celebrates the military triumphs of united Germany,—all these men had an accurate feeling for the patriotic250 and moral fire which burns in this mighty song. The same spirit is found in other of Luther’s hymns, but often combined with a tenderer music, in which emphasis is laid more upon the inward peace that comes from trust in God, than upon the fact of outward conflict. A still more exalted251 mood is disclosed in such hymns as “Nun freut euch, lieben Christen g’mein,” and “Von Himmel hoch da komm ich her”—the latter a Christmas song said to have been written for his little son Hans. The first of these is notable for the directness with which it sets forth the Lutheran doctrine of justification252 by faith alone. It is in this same directness and homely253 vigor254 and adaptation to the pressing needs of the time that we must find the cause of the popular success of Luther’s hymns. He knew what the dumb, blindly yearning German people had been groping for during so many years, and the power of his sermons and poems lay in the fact that they offered a welcome spiritual gift in phrases that went straight to the popular heart. His speech was that of the [253] people—idiomatic, nervous, and penetrating255. He had learned how to talk to them in his early peasant home, and in his study of the folk-songs. Coarse, almost brutal256 at times, we may call him, as in his controversies257 with Henry VIII., Erasmus, and others; but it was the coarseness of a rugged258 nature, of a son of the soil, a man tremendously in earnest, blending religious zeal259 with patriotism260, never doubting that the enemies of his faith were confederates of the devil, who was as real to him as Duke George or Dr. Eck. No English translation can quite do justice to the homely vigor of his verse. Carlyle has succeeded as well as possible in his translation of “Ein’ feste Burg,” but even this masterly achievement does not quite reproduce the jolting261 abruptness262 of the metre, the swing and fire of the movement. The greater number of Luther’s hymns are set to a less strident pitch, but all alike speak a language which reveals in every line the ominous263 spiritual tension of this historic moment.
In philological264 history these hymns have a significance equal to that of Luther’s translation of the Bible, in which scholars agree in finding the virtual creation of the modern German language. And the elements that should give new life to the national speech were to be found among the commonalty. “No one before Luther,” says Bayard Taylor, “saw that the German tongue must be sought for in the mouths of the people—that the exhausted265 expression of the earlier ages could not be revived, but that the newer, fuller, and richer speech, then in its childhood, must at once be acknowledged and adopted. With all his [254] scholarship Luther dropped the theological style, and sought among the people for phrases as artless and simple as those of the Hebrew writers.” “The influence of Luther on German literature cannot be explained until we have seen how sound and vigorous and many-sided was the new spirit which he infused into the language.”[70] All this will apply to the hymns as well as to the Bible translation. Here was one great element in the popular effect which these hymns produced. Their simple, home-bred, domestic form of expression caught the public ear in an instant. Those who have at all studied the history of popular eloquence266 in prose and verse are aware of the electrical effect that may be produced when ideas of pith and moment are sent home to the masses in forms of speech that are their own. Luther’s hymns may not be poetry in the high sense; but they are certainly eloquence, they are popular oratory267 in verse, put into the mouths of the people by one of their own number.
In spite of the fact that these songs were the natural outcome of a period of spiritual and political conflict, and give evidence of this fact in almost every instance, yet they are less dogmatic and controversial than might be expected, for Luther, bitter and intolerant as he often was, understood the requirements of church song well enough to know that theological and political polemic268 should be kept out of it. Nevertheless these hymns are a powerful witness to the great truths which were the corner-stone of the doctrines of the reformed church. They constantly emphasize the principle that [255] salvation comes not through works or sacraments or any human mediation269, but only through the merits of Christ and faith in his atoning blood. The whole machinery270 of mariolatry, hagiolatry, priestly absolution, and personal merit, which had so long stood between the individual soul and Christ, was broken down. Christ is no longer a stern, hardly appeasable Judge, but a loving Saviour, yearning over mankind, stretching out hands of invitation, asking, not a slavish submission271 to formal observances, but a free, spontaneous offering of the heart. This was the message that thrilled Germany. And it was through the hymns of Luther and those modelled upon them that the new evangel was most widely and quickly disseminated272. The friends as well as the enemies of the Reformation asserted that the spread of the new doctrines was due more to Luther’s hymns than to his sermons. The editor of a German hymn-book published in 1565 says: “I do not doubt that through that one song of Luther, ‘Nun freut euch, lieben Christen g’mein,’ many hundred Christians have been brought to the faith who otherwise would not have heard of Luther.” An indignant Jesuit declared that “Luther’s songs have damned more souls than all his books and speeches.” We read marvellous stories of the effect of these hymns; of Lutheran missionaries273 entering Catholic churches during service and drawing away the whole congregation by their singing; of wandering evangelists standing at street corners and in the market places, singing to excited crowds, then distributing the hymns upon leaflets so that the populace might join in the [256] paean274, and so winning entire cities to the new faith almost in a day. This is easily to be believed when we consider that the progress of events and the drift of ideas for a century and more had been preparing the German mind for Luther’s message; that as a people the Germans are extremely susceptible275 to the enthusiasms that utter themselves in song; and that these hymns carried the truths for which their souls had been thirsting, in language of extraordinary force, clothed in melodies which they had long known and loved.
We lay especial stress upon the hymns of Luther, not simply on account of their inherent power and historic importance, but also because they are representative of a school. Luther was one of a group of lyrists which included bards276 hardly less trenchant277 than he. Koch gives the names of fifty-one writers who endowed the new German hymnody between 1517 and 1560.[71] He finds in them all one common feature,—the ground character of objectivity. “They are genuine church hymns, in which the common faith is expressed in its universality, without the subjective278 feeling of personality.” “It is always we, not I, which is the prevailing279 word in these songs. The poets of this period did not, like those of later times, paint their own individual emotions with all kinds of figurative expressions, but, powerfully moved by the truth, they sang the work of redemption and extolled280 the faith in the free, undeserved grace of God in Jesus [257] Christ, or gave thanks for the newly given pure word of God in strains of joyful281 victory, and defied their foes282 in firm, godly trust in the divinity of the doctrine which was so new and yet so old. Therefore they speak the truths of salvation, not in dry doctrinal tone and sober reflection, but in the form of testimony or confession, and although in some of these songs are contained plain statements of belief, the reason therefor is simply in the hunger and thirst after the pure doctrine. Hence the speech of these poets is the Bible speech, and the expression forcible and simple. It is not art, but faith, which gives these songs their imperishable value.”
The hymns of Luther and the other early Reformation hymnists of Germany are not to be classed with sacred lyrics like those of Vaughan and Keble and Newman which, however beautiful, are not of that universality which alone adapts a hymn for use in the public assembly. In writing their songs Luther and his compeers identified themselves with the congregation of believers; they produced them solely283 for common praise in the sanctuary284, and they are therefore in the strict sense impersonal285, surcharged not with special isolated experiences, but with the vital spirit of the Reformation. No other body of hymns was ever produced under similar conditions; for the Reformation was born and cradled in conflict, and in these songs, amid their protestations of confidence and joy, there may often be heard cries of alarm before powerful adversaries286, appeals for help in material as well as spiritual exigencies287, and sometimes also tones of wrath and defiance288. Strains [258] such as the latter are most frequent perhaps in the paraphrases of the psalms, which the authors apply to the situation of an infant church encompassed289 with enemies. Yet there is no sign of doubt of the justice of the cause, or of the safety of the flock in the divine hands.
Along with the production of hymns must go the composition or arrangement of tunes, and this was a less direct and simple process. The conditions and methods of musical art forbade the ready invention of melodies. We have seen in our previous examination of the music of the mediaeval Church that the invention of themes for musical works was no part of the composer’s business. Down to about the year 1600 the scientific musician always borrowed his themes from older sources—the liturgic chant or popular songs—and worked them up into choral movements according to the laws of counterpoint. He was, therefore, a tune-setter, not a tune-maker290. The same custom prevailed among the German musicians of Luther’s day, and it would have been too much to expect that they should go outside their strict habits, and violate all the traditions of their craft, so far as to evolve from their own heads a great number of singable melodies for the people’s use. The task of Luther and his musical assistants, therefore, was to take melodies from music of all sorts with which they were familiar, alter them to fit the metre of the new hymns, and add the harmonies. In course of time the enormous multiplication of hymns, each demanding a musical setting, and the requirements of simplicity in popular song, brought about a union of the functions of the tune-maker [259] and the tune-setter, and in the latter part of the sixteenth century the modern method of inventing melodies took the place of the mediaeval custom of borrowing and adapting, both in the people’s song and in larger works.
Down to a very recent period it has been universally believed that Luther was a musician of the latter order i.e., a tune-maker, and that the melodies of many of his hymns were of his own production. Among writers on this period no statement is more frequently made than that Luther wrote tunes as well as hymns. This belief is as tenacious19 as the myth of the rescue of church music by Palestrina. Dr. L. W. Bacon, in the preface to his edition of the hymns of Luther with their original melodies, assumes, as an undisputed fact, that many of these tunes are Luther’s own invention.[72] Even Julian’s Dictionary of Hymnology, which is supposed to be the embodiment of the most advanced scholarship in this department of learning, makes similar statements. But this is altogether an error. Luther composed no tunes. Under the patient investigation291 of a half-century, the melodies originally associated with Luther’s hymns have all been traced to their sources. The tune of “Ein’ feste Burg” was the last to yield; B?umker finds the germ of it in a Gregorian melody. Such proof as this is, of course, decisive and final. The hymn-tunes, called chorals, which Luther, Walther, and others provided for the reformed churches, were drawn from three sources, viz., the Latin song of the Catholic Church, the tunes of German hymns before the Reformation, and the secular folk-song.
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1. If Luther was willing to take many of the prayers of the Catholic liturgy for use in his German Mass, still more ready was he to adopt the melodies of the ancient Church. In his preface to the Funeral Hymns (1542), after speaking of the forms of the Catholic Church which in themselves he did not disapprove292, he says: “In the same way have they much noble music, especially in the abbeys and parish churches, used to adorn293 most vile16, idolatrous words. Therefore have we undressed these lifeless, idolatrous, crazy words, stripping off the noble music, and putting it upon the living and holy word of God, wherewith to sing, praise, and honor the same, that so the beautiful ornament294 of music, brought back to its right use, may serve its blessed Maker, and his Christian people.” A few of Luther’s hymns were translations of old Latin hymns and Sequences, and these were set to the original melodies. Luther’s labor295 in this field was not confined to the choral, but, like the founders of the musical service of the Anglican Church, he established a system of chanting, taking the Roman use as a model, and transferring many of the Gregorian tunes. Johann, Walther, Luther’s co-laborer, relates the extreme pains which Luther took in setting notes to the Epistle, Gospel, and other offices of the service. He intended to institute a threefold division of church song,—the choir anthem296, the unison chant, and the congregational hymn. Only the first and third forms have been retained. The use of chants derived from the Catholic service was continued in some churches as late as the end of the [261] seventeenth century. But, as Helmore says, “the rage for turning creeds297, commandments, psalms, and everything to be sung, into metre, gradually banished298 the chant from Protestant communities on the Continent.”
2. In cases in which pre-Reformation vernacular hymns were adopted into the song-books of the new Church the original melodies were often retained, and thus some very ancient German tunes, although in modern guise, are still preserved the hymn-books of modern Germany. Melodies of the Bohemian Brethren were in this manner transferred to the German songbooks.
3. The secular folk-song of the sixteenth century and earlier was a very prolific299 source of the German choral. This was after Luther’s day, however, for it does not appear that any of his tunes were of this class. Centuries before the age of artistic300 German music began, the common people possessed a large store of simple songs which they delighted to use on festal occasions, at the fireside, at their labor, in love-making, at weddings, christenings, and in every circumstance of social and domestic life. Here was a rich mine of simple and expressive301 melodies from which choral tunes might be fashioned. In some cases this transfer involved considerable modification302, in others but little, for at that time there was far less difference between the religious and the secular musical styles than there is now. The associations of these tunes were not always of the most edifying kind, and some of them were so identified with unsanctified ideas that the strictest theologians protested against them, and some [262] were weeded out. In course of time the old secular associations were forgotten, and few devout Germans are now reminded that some of the grand melodies in which faith and hope find such appropriate utterance are variations of old love songs and drinking songs. There is nothing exceptional in this borrowing of the world’s tunes for ecclesiastical uses. We find the same practice among the French, Dutch, English, and Scotch303 Calvinists, the English Wesleyans, and the hymn-book makers304 of America. This method is often necessary when a young and vigorously expanding Church must be quickly provided with a store of songs, but in its nature it is only a temporary recourse.
The choral tunes sung by the congregation were at first not harmonized. Then, as they began to be set in the strict contrapuntal style of the day, it became the custom for the people to sing the melody while the choir sustained the other parts. The melody was at first in the tenor305, according to time-honored usage in artistic music, but as composers found that they must consider the vocal306 limitations of a mass of untrained singers a simpler form of harmony was introduced, and the custom arose of putting the melody in the upper voice, and the harmony below. This method prepared the development of a harmony that was more in the nature of modern chord progressions, and when the choir and congregation severed307 their incompatible308 union, the complex counterpoint in which the age delighted was allowed free range in the motet, while the harmonized choral became more simple and compact. The partnership309 of choir and congregation was dissolved about 1600, and the organ took the place of the trained singers in accompanying the unison song of the people.
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One who studies the German chorals as they appear in the hymn-books of the present day (many of which hold honored places in English and American hymnals) must not suppose that he is acquainted with the religious tunes of the Reformation in their pristine310 form. As they are now sung in the German churches they have been greatly modified in harmony and rhythm, and even in many instances in melody also. The only scale and harmonic system then in vogue was the Gregorian. In respect to rhythm also, the alterations have been equally striking. The present choral is usually written in notes of equal length, one note to a syllable. The metre is in most cases double, rarely triple. This manner of writing gives the choral a singularly grave, solid and stately character, encouraging likewise a performance that is often dull and monotonous311. There was far more variety and life in the primitive312 choral, the movement was more flexible, and the frequent groups of notes to a single syllable imparted a buoyancy and warmth that are unknown to the rigid313 modern form. The transformation314 of the choral into its present shape was completed in the eighteenth century, a result, some say, of the relaxation315 of spiritual energy in the period of rationalism. A party has been formed among German churchmen and musicians which labors316 for the restoration of the primitive rhythmic317 choral. Certain congregations have adopted the reform, but there is as yet no sign that it will ultimately prevail.
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In spite of the mischievous318 influence ascribed to Luther’s hymns by his opponents, they could appreciate their value as aids to devotion, and in return for Luther’s compliment to their hymns they occasionally borrowed some of his. Strange as it may seem, even “Ein’ feste Burg” was one of these. Neither were the Catholics slow to imitate the Protestants in providing, songs for the people, and as in the old strifes of Arians and orthodox in the East, so Catholics and Lutherans strove to sing each other down. The Catholics also translated Latin hymns into German, and transformed secular folk-songs into edifying religious rhymes. The first German Catholic song—book was published in 1537 by Michael Vehe, a preaching monk125 of Halle. This book contained fifty-two hymns, four of which were alterations of hymns by Luther. It is a rather notable fact that throughout the sixteenth century eminent319 musicians of both confessions contributed to the musical services of their opponents. Protestants composed masses and motets for the Catholic churches, and Catholics arranged choral melodies for the Protestants. This friendly interchange of good offices was heartily320 encouraged by Luther. Next to Johann Walther, his most cherished musical friend and helper was Ludwig Senfl, a devout Catholic. This era of relative peace and good-will, of which this musical sympathy was a beautiful token, did not long endure. The Catholic Counter-Reformation cut sharply whatever there might have been of mutual321 understanding and tolerance322, and the frightful323 Thirty Years’ War overwhelmed art and the spirit of humanity together.
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The multiplication of hymns and chorals went on throughout the sixteenth century and into the seventeenth with unabated vigor. A large number of writers of widely differing degrees of poetic ability contributed to the hymn-books, which multiplied to prodigious324 numbers in the generations next succeeding that of Luther. These songs harmonized in general with the tone struck by Luther and his friends, setting forth the doctrine of justification by faith alone, and the joy that springs from the consciousness of a freer approach to God, mingled325, however, with more sombre accents called forth by the apprehension326 of the dark clouds in the political firmament327 which seemed to bode328 disaster to the Protestant cause. The tempest broke in 1618. Again and again during the thirty years’ struggle the reformed cause seemed on the verge329 of annihilation. When the exhaustion330 of both parties brought the savage331 conflict to an end, the enthusiasm of the Reformation was gone. Religious poetry and music indeed survived, and here and there burned with a pure flame amid the darkness of an almost primitive barbarism. In times of deepest distress these two arts often afford the only outlet for grief, and the only testimony of hope amid national calamities332. There were unconquerable spirits in Germany, notably among the hymnists, cantors, and organists, who maintained the sacred fire of religious art amid the moral devastations of the Thirty Years’ War, whose miseries333 they felt only as a deepening of their faith in a power that overrules the wrath of man. Their trust fastened itself unfalteringly upon those assurances of divine sympathy which had been the inspiration of their cause from the beginning. This [266] pious confidence, this unabated poetic glow, found in Paul Gerhardt (1607-1676) the most fervent334 and refined expression that has been reached in German hymnody.
The production of melodies kept pace with the hymns throughout the sixteenth century, and in the first half of the seventeenth a large number of the most beautiful songs of the German Church were contributed by such men as Andreas Hammerschmidt, Johann Crüger, J. R. Ahle, Johann Schop, Melchior Frank, Michael Altenburg, and scores of others not less notable. After the middle of the seventeenth century, however, the fountain began to show signs of exhaustion. The powerful movement in the direction of secular music which emanated335 from Italy began to turn the minds of composers toward experiments which promised greater artistic satisfaction than could be found in the plain congregational choral. The rationalism of the eighteenth century, accompanying a period of doctrinal strife and lifeless formalism in the Church, repressed those unquestioning enthusiasms which are the only source of a genuinely expressive popular hymnody. Pietism, while a more or less effective protest against cold ceremonialism and theological intolerance, and a potent336 influence in substituting a warmer heart service in place of dogmatic pedantry337, failed to contribute any new stimulus to the church song; for the Pietists either endeavored to discourage church music altogether, or else imparted to hymn and melody a quality of effeminacy and sentimentality. False tastes crept into the. Church. The homely vigor and forthrightness338 of the Lutheran hymn seemed to the shallow critical spirits of [267] the day rough, prosaic339, and repellant, and they began to smooth out and polish the old rhymes, and supplant340 the choral melodies and harmonies with the prettinesses and languishing341 graces of the Italian cantilena. As the sturdy inventive power of conservative church musicians was no longer available or desired, recourse was had, as in old times, to secular material, but not as formerly342 to the song of the people,—honest, sincere, redolent of the soil,—but rather to the light, artificial strains of the fashionable world, the modish343 Italian opera, and the affected pastoral poesy. It is the old story of the people’s song declining as the art-song flourishes. As the stern temper of the Lutheran era grew soft in an age of security and indifference344, so the grand old choral was neglected, and its performance grew perfunctory and cold. An effort has been made here and there in recent years to restore the old ideals and practice, but until a revival of spirituality strong enough to stir the popular heart breaks out in Germany, we may not look for any worthy successor to the sonorous345 proselyting song of the Reformation age.
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schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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4
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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5
hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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6
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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7
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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8
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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9
laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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10
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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11
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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12
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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13
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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14
mediator
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| n.调解人，中介人 | |
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15
den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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16
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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17
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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18
tenaciously
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| 坚持地 | |
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19
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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20
aesthetic
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| adj.美学的，审美的，有美感 | |
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21
emancipated
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|
| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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22
emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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23
layman
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| n.俗人，门外汉，凡人 | |
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24
militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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25
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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26
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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27
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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28
vernacular
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| adj.地方的，用地方语写成的；n.白话；行话；本国语；动植物的俗名 | |
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29
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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30
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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31
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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32
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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33
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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34
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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35
lyrics
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| n.歌词 | |
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36
lyric
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| n.抒情诗，歌词；adj.抒情的 | |
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37
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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38
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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39
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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40
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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41
overestimate
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| v.估计过高，过高评价 | |
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42
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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43
disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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44
disciples
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|
| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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45
analogous
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|
| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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46
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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47
rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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48
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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50
tune
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| n.调子；和谐，协调；v.调音，调节，调整 | |
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51
tunes
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| n.曲调，曲子( tune的名词复数 )v.调音( tune的第三人称单数 )；调整；（给收音机、电视等）调谐；使协调 | |
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52
disseminating
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的现在分词 ) | |
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53
doctrines
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|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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54
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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55
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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56
controversy
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|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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57
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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58
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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59
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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60
nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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61
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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62
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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63
afterward
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|
| adv.后来；以后 | |
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64
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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65
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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66
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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67
resounded
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|
| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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68
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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69
distinguished
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|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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70
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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71
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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72
abbreviated
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|
| adj. 简短的，省略的 动词abbreviate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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73
mere
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|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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74
syllable
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|
| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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75
utterance
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|
| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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76
extravagant
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|
| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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77
exuberant
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| adj.充满活力的；（植物）繁茂的 | |
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78
stanza
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| n.（诗）节，段 | |
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79
awakening
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|
| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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80
epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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81
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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82
chivalric
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| 有武士气概的，有武士风范的 | |
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83
knightly
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|
| adj. 骑士般的 adv. 骑士般地 | |
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84
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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85
virgin
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|
| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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86
bosom
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|
| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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87
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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88
perversion
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|
| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
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89
wielding
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的现在分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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90
yearning
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| a.渴望的；向往的；怀念的 | |
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91
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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92
raptures
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| 极度欢喜( rapture的名词复数 ) | |
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93
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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94
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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95
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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96
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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97
paraphrases
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| n.释义，意译( paraphrase的名词复数 )v.释义，意译( paraphrase的第三人称单数 ) | |
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98
paraphrase
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| vt.将…释义，改写；n.释义，意义 | |
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99
alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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100
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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101
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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102
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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103
affluence
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| n.充裕，富足 | |
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104
betokens
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| v.预示，表示( betoken的第三人称单数 ) | |
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105
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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106
upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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107
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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108
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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109
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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110
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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111
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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112
antedated
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| v.（在历史上）比…为早( antedate的过去式和过去分词 )；先于；早于；（在信、支票等上）填写比实际日期早的日期 | |
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113
psalm
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| n.赞美诗，圣诗 | |
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114
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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115
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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116
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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117
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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118
crudity
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| n.粗糙，生硬；adj.粗略的 | |
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119
crass
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| adj.愚钝的，粗糙的；彻底的 | |
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120
cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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121
asceticism
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| n.禁欲主义 | |
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122
scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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123
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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124
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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125
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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126
beatific
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| adj.快乐的，有福的 | |
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127
eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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128
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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129
meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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130
sifted
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| v.筛( sift的过去式和过去分词 )；筛滤；细查；详审 | |
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131
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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132
majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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133
tangible
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| adj.有形的，可触摸的，确凿的，实际的 | |
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134
savored
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| v.意味，带有…的性质( savor的过去式和过去分词 )；给…加调味品；使有风味；品尝 | |
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135
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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136
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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137
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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138
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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139
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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140
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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141
tinged
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| v.（使）发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
perversions
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| n.歪曲( perversion的名词复数 )；变坏；变态心理 | |
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143
mythology
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| n.神话，神话学，神话集 | |
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144
authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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145
authoritatively
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| 命令式地，有权威地，可信地 | |
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146
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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147
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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148
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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149
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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150
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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151
intercede
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| vi.仲裁，说情 | |
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152
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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153
suppliant
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| adj.哀恳的；n.恳求者，哀求者 | |
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154
gainsaid
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| v.否认，反驳( gainsay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
candor
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| n.坦白，率真 | |
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156
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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157
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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158
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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159
edifying
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|
| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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160
gems
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| growth； economy； management； and customer satisfaction 增长 | |
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161
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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162
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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163
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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164
frailty
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| n.脆弱；意志薄弱 | |
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165
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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166
atoning
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| v.补偿，赎（罪）( atone的现在分词 )；补偿，弥补，赎回 | |
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167
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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168
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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169
pathos
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| n.哀婉，悲怆 | |
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170
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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171
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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172
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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173
definitive
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| adj.确切的，权威性的；最后的，决定性的 | |
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174
liturgy
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| n.礼拜仪式 | |
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175
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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176
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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177
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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178
supplication
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| n.恳求，祈愿，哀求 | |
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179
emanating
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的现在分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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180
mediating
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| 调停，调解，斡旋( mediate的现在分词 )； 居间促成； 影响…的发生； 使…可能发生 | |
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181
oblation
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| n.圣餐式；祭品 | |
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182
authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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183
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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184
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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185
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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186
choir
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|
| n.唱诗班，唱诗班的席位，合唱团，舞蹈团；v.合唱 | |
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187
unison
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| n.步调一致，行动一致 | |
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188
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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189
descending
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|
| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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190
restrictions
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|
| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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191
rift
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| n.裂口，隙缝，切口；v.裂开，割开，渗入 | |
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192
gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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193
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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194
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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195
chasm
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| n.深坑，断层，裂口，大分岐，利害冲突 | |
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196
isolated
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|
| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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197
hearty
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|
| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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198
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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199
impetus
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|
| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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200
possessed
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|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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201
appreciation
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|
| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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202
stimulating
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|
| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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203
symbolized
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|
| v.象征，作为…的象征( symbolize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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204
symbolize
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| vt.作为...的象征，用符号代表 | |
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205
electrified
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| v.使电气化( electrify的过去式和过去分词 )；使兴奋 | |
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206
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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207
repudiate
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|
| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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208
judicious
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|
| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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209
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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210
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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211
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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212
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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213
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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214
drawn
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|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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215
contrite
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|
| adj.悔悟了的，后悔的，痛悔的 | |
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216
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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217
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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218
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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219
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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220
maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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221
omissions
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|
| n.省略( omission的名词复数 )；删节；遗漏；略去或漏掉的事（或人） | |
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222
benediction
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| n.祝福；恩赐 | |
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223
expedient
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|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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224
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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225
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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226
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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227
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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228
reiterates
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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229
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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230
solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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231
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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232
liturgies
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| n.礼拜仪式( liturgy的名词复数 )；（英国国教的）祈祷书 | |
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233
perpetuation
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| n.永存，不朽 | |
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234
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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235
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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236
allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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237
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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238
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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239
sneering
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| 嘲笑的，轻蔑的 | |
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240
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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241
conclusive
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|
| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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242
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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243
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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244
celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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245
modulated
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| 已调整[制]的，被调的 | |
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246
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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247
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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248
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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249
impelling
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| adj.迫使性的，强有力的v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的现在分词 ) | |
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250
patriotic
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|
| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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251
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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252
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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253
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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254
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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255
penetrating
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|
| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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256
brutal
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|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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257
controversies
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| 争论 | |
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258
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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259
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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260
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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261
jolting
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| adj.令人震惊的 | |
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262
abruptness
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| n. 突然，唐突 | |
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263
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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264
philological
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| adj.语言学的，文献学的 | |
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265
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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266
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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267
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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268
polemic
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| n.争论，论战 | |
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269
mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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270
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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271
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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272
disseminated
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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273
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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274
paean
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| n.赞美歌，欢乐歌 | |
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275
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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276
bards
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| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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277
trenchant
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| adj.尖刻的，清晰的 | |
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278
subjective
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| a.主观(上)的，个人的 | |
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279
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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280
extolled
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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281
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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282
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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283
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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284
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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285
impersonal
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| adj.无个人感情的，与个人无关的，非人称的 | |
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286
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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287
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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288
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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289
encompassed
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| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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290
maker
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| n.制造者，制造商 | |
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291
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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292
disapprove
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| v.不赞成，不同意，不批准 | |
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293
adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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294
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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295
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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296
anthem
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| n.圣歌，赞美诗，颂歌 | |
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297
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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298
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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299
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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301
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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302
modification
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| n.修改，改进，缓和，减轻 | |
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303
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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304
makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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305
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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306
vocal
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| adj.直言不讳的；嗓音的；n.[pl.]声乐节目 | |
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307
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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308
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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309
partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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310
pristine
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| adj.原来的，古时的，原始的，纯净的，无垢的 | |
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311
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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312
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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313
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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314
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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315
relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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316
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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317
rhythmic
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| adj.有节奏的，有韵律的 | |
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318
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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319
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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320
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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321
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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322
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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323
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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324
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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325
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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326
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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327
firmament
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| n.苍穹；最高层 | |
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328
bode
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| v.预示 | |
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329
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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330
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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331
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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332
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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333
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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334
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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335
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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336
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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337
pedantry
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| n.迂腐，卖弄学问 | |
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338
forthrightness
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| 正直 | |
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339
prosaic
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| adj.单调的，无趣的 | |
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340
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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341
languishing
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| a. 衰弱下去的 | |
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342
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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343
modish
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| adj.流行的，时髦的 | |
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344
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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345
sonorous
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| adj.响亮的，回响的；adv.圆润低沉地；感人地；n.感人，堂皇 | |
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