The antipathy11 of the Puritan party to everything formal, ceremonial, and artistic12 in worship was powerfully promoted, if not originally instigated13 by John Calvin, the chief fountain-head of the Puritan doctrine14 and polity. The extraordinary personal ascendency of Calvin was shown not only in the adoption15 of his theological system by so large a section of the Protestant world, but also in the fact that his opinions concerning the [359] ideal and method of public worship were treated with almost equal reverence17, and in many localities have held sway down to the present time. Conscious, perhaps to excess, of certain harmful tendencies in ritualism, he proclaimed that everything formal and artistic in worship was an offence to God; he clung to this belief with characteristic tenacity18 and enforced it upon all the congregations under his rule. Instruments of music and trained choirs20 were to him abomination, and the only musical observance permitted in the sanctuary21 was the singing by the congregation of metrical translations of the psalms23.
The Geneva psalter had a very singular origin. In 1538 Clement24 Marot, a notable poet at the court of Francis I. of France, began for his amusement to make translations of the psalms into French verse, and had them set to popular tunes26. Marot was not exactly in the odor of sanctity. The popularization of the Hebrew lyrics27 was a somewhat remarkable29 whim30 on the part of a writer in whose poetry is reflected the levity31 of his time much more than its virtues32. As Van Laun says, he was “at once a pedant33 and a vagabond, a scholar and a merry-andrew. He translated the penitential psalms and Ovid’s Metamorphoses; he wrote the praises of St. Christina and sang the triumphs of Cupid.” His psalms attained34 extraordinary favor at the dissolute court. Each of the royal family and the courtiers chose a psalm22. Prince Henry, who was fond of hunting, selected “Like as the hart desireth the water brooks35.” The king’s mistress, Diana of Poitiers, chose the 130th psalm, “Out of the depths have I cried to thee, O Lord.” This [360] fashion was, however, short-lived, for the theological doctors of the Sorbonne, those keen heresy36 hunters, became suspicious that there was some mysterious connection between Marot’s psalms and the detestable Protestant doctrines37, and in 1543 the unfortunate poet fled for safety to Calvin’s religious commonwealth38 at Geneva. Calvin had already the year before adopted thirty-five of Marot’s psalms for the use of his congregation. Marot, after his arrival at Geneva, translated twenty more, which were characteristically dedicated39 to the ladies of France. Marot died in 1544, and the task of translating the remaining psalms was committed by Calvin to Theodore de Beza (or Bèze), a man of a different stamp from Marot, who had become a convert to the reformed doctrines and had been appointed professor of Greek in the new university at Lusanne. In the year 1552 Beza’s work was finished, and the Geneva psalter, now complete, was set to old French tunes which were taken, like many of the German chorals, from popular secular40 songs. The attribution of certain of these melodies, adopted into modern hymn41-books, to Guillaume Franc and Louis Bourgeois42 is entirely43 unauthorized. The most celebrated45 of these anonymous46 tunes is the doxology in long metre, known in England and America as the Old Hundredth, although it is set in the Marot-Beza psalter not to the 100th psalm but to the 134th. These psalms were at first sung in unison47, unharmonized, but between 1562 and 1565 the melodies were set in four-part counterpoint, the melody in the tenor48 according to the custom of the day. This was the work of Claude Goudimel, a Netherlander, one of the foremost musicians [361] of his time, who, coming under suspicion of sympathy with the Huguenot party, perished in the massacre49 on St. Bartholomew’s night in 1572.
A visitor to Geneva in 1557 wrote as follows: “A most interesting sight is offered in the city on the week days, when the hour for the sermon approaches. As soon as the first sound of the bell is heard all shops are closed, all conversation ceases, all business is broken off, and from all sides the people hasten into the nearest meeting-house. There each one draws from his pocket a small book which contains the psalms with notes, and out of full hearts, in the native speech, the congregation sings before and after the sermon. Everyone testifies to me how great consolation50 and edification is derived51 from this custom.”
Such was the origin of the Calvinistic psalmody, which holds so prominent a place in the history of religious culture, not from any artistic value in its products, but as the chosen and exclusive form of praise employed for the greater part of two centuries by the Reformed Churches of Switzerland, France, and the Netherlands, and the Puritan congregations of England, Scotland, and America. On the poetic52 side it sufficed for Calvin, for he said that the psalms are the anatomy53 of the human heart, a mirror in which every pious54 mood of the soul is reflected.
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It is a somewhat singular anomaly that the large liberty given to the Lutheran Christians56 to express their religious convictions and impulses in hymns57 of their own spontaneous production or choosing was denied to the followers58 of Calvin. Our magnificent heritage of English hymns was not founded amid the Reformation struggles, and thus we have no lyrics freighted with the priceless historic associations which consecrate59 in the mind of a German the songs of a Luther and a Gerhardt. Efficacious as the Calvinistic psalmody has been in many respects, the repression60 of a free poetic impulse in the Protestant Churches of Great Britain and America for so long a period undoubtedly61 tended to narrow the religious sympathies, and must be given a certain share of responsibility for the hardness of temper fostered by the Calvinistic system. The reason given for the prohibition62, viz., that only “inspired” words should be used in the service of praise, betrayed a strange obtuseness63 to the most urgent demands of the Christian55 heart in forbidding the very mention of Christ and the Gospel message in the song of his Church. In spite of this almost unaccountable self-denial, if such it was, we may, in the light of subsequent history, ascribe an appropriateness to the metrical versions of the psalms of which even Calvin could hardly have been aware. It was given to Calvinism to furnish a militia64 which, actuated by a different principle than the Lutheran repugnance65 to physical resistance, could meet political Catholicism in the open field and maintain its rights amid the shock of arms. In this fleshly warfare66 it doubtless drew much of its martial67 courage from those psalms which were ascribed to a bard68 who was himself a military chieftain and an avenger69 of blood upon his enemies.
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The unemotional unison tunes to which these rhymed psalms were set also satisfied the stern demands of those rigid70 zealots, who looked upon every appeal to the aesthetic72 sensibility in worship as an enticement73 to compromise with popery. Before condemning74 such a position as this we should take into account the natural effect upon a conscientious75 and high-spirited people of the fierce persecution76 to which they were subjected, and the hatred77 which they would inevitably78 feel toward everything associated with what was to them corruption79 and tyranny.
We must, therefore, recognize certain conditions of the time working in alliance with the authority of Calvin to bring into vogue80 a conception and method of public worship absolutely in contradiction to the almost universal usage of mankind, and nullifying the general conviction, we might almost say the instinct, in favor of the employment in devotion of those artistic agencies by which the religious emotion is ordinarily so strongly moved. For the first time in the history of the Christian Church, at any rate for the first time upon a conspicuous81 or extensive scale, we find a party of religionists abjuring82 on conscientious grounds all employment of art in the sanctuary. Beginning in an inevitable83 and salutary reaction against the excessive development of the sensuous84 and formal, the hostility85 to everything that may excite the spirit to a spontaneous joy in beautiful shape and color and sound was exalted86 into a universally binding87 principle. With no reverence for the conception of historic development and Christian tradition, the supposed simplicity of the apostolic practice was assumed to be a constraining88 law upon all later generations. The Scriptures90 were taken not only as a [364] rule of faith and conduct, but also as a law of universal obligation in the matter of church government and discipline. The expulsion of organs and the prohibition of choirs was in no way due to a hostility to music in itself, but was simply a detail of that sweeping91 revolution which, in the attempt to level all artificial distinctions and restore the offices of worship to a simplicity such that they could be understood and administered by the common people, abolished the good of the ancient system together with the bad, and stripped religion of those fair adornments which have been found in the long run efficient to bring her into sympathy with the inherent human demand for beauty and order.
With regard to the matter of art and established form in public worship Calvinism was at one with itself, whether in Geneva or Great Britain. A large number of active Protestants had fled from England at the beginning of the persecution of Mary, and had taken refuge at Geneva. Here they came under the direct influence of Calvin, and imbibed92 his principles in fullest measure. At the death of Mary these exiles returned, many of them to become leaders in that section of the Protestant party which clamored for a complete eradication93 of ancient habits and observances. No inspiration was really needed from Calvin, for his democratic and anti-ritualistic views were in complete accord with the temper of English Puritanism. The attack was delivered all along the line, and not the least violent was the outcry against the liturgic music of the established Church. The notion held by the Puritans concerning a proper worship music was that of plain unison psalmody. [365] They vigorously denounced what was known as “curious music,” by which was meant scientific, artistic music, and also the practice of antiphonal chanting and the use of organs. Just why organs were looked upon with especial detestation is not obvious. They had played but a very incidental part in the Catholic service, and it would seem that their efficiency as an aid to psalm singing should have commended them to Puritan favor. But such was not the case. Even early in Elizabeth’s reign94, among certain articles tending to the further alteration95 of the liturgy which were presented to the lower house of Convocation, was one requiring the removal of organs from the churches, which was lost by only a single vote. It was a considerable time, however, before the opposition96 again mustered97 such force. Elizabeth never wavered in her determination to maintain the solemn musical service of her Church. Even this was severe enough as compared with its later expansion, for the multiplication98 of harmonized chants and florid anthems99 belongs to a later date, and the ancient Plain Song still included a large part of the service. Neither was Puritanism in the early stages of the movement by any means an uncompromising enemy to the graces of art and culture. The Renaissance100 delight in what is fair and joyous101, its satisfaction in the good things of this world, lingered long even in Puritan households. The young John Milton, gallant103, accomplished104, keenly alive to the charms of poetry and music, was no less a representative Puritan than when in later years, “fallen on evil days,” he fulminated against the levities105 of the time. It was the stress of party [366] strife106, the hardening of the mental and moral fibre that often follows the denial of the reasonable demands of the conscience, that drove the Puritan into bigotry107 and intolerance. Gradually episcopacy and ritualism became to his mind the mark of the beast. Intent upon knowing the divine will, he exalted his conception of the dictates108 of that will above all human ordinances110, until at last his own interpretations111 of Scripture89, which he made his sole guide in every public and private relation of life, seemed to him guaranteed by the highest of all sanctions. He thus became capable of trampling113 with a serene114 conscience upon the rights of those who maintained opinions different from his own. Fair and just in matters in which questions of doctrine or polity were not involved, in affairs of religion the Puritan became the type and embodiment of all that is unyielding and fanatical. Opposition to the use of the surplice, the sign of the cross in baptism, the posture115 of kneeling at the Lord’s Supper, and antiphonal chanting, expanded into uncompromising condemnation116 of the whole ritual. Puritanism and Presbyterianism became amalgamated117, and it only wanted the time and opportunity to pull down episcopacy and liturgy in a common overthrow. The antipathy of the Puritans to artistic music and official choirs was, therefore, less a matter of personal feeling than it was with Calvin. His thought was more that of the purely119 religious effect upon the individual heart; with the Puritan, hatred of cultured church music was simply a detail in the general animosity which he felt toward an offensive institution.
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The most conspicuous of the agitators120 during the reign of Elizabeth was Thomas Cartwright, Margaret Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge, who first gained notoriety by means of public lectures read in 1570 against the doctrine and discipline of the established Church. The coarseness and violence of this man drew upon him the royal censure121, and he was deprived of his fellowship and expelled from the University. His antipathy was especially aroused by the musical practice of the established Church, particularly the antiphonal chanting, “tossing the psalms from one side to the other,” to use one of his favorite expressions. “The devil hath gone about to get it authority,” said Cartwright. “As for organs and curious singing, though they be proper to popish dens122, I mean to cathedral churches, yet some others also must have them. The queen’s chapel123 and these churches (which should be spectacles of Christian reformation) are rather patterns to the people of all superstition124.”
The attack of Cartwright upon the rites125 and discipline of the Church of England, since it expressed the feeling of a strong section of the Puritan party, could not be left unanswered. The defence was undertaken by Whitgift and afterward126 by Richard Hooker, the latter bringing to the debate such learning, dignity, eloquence127, and logic16 that we may be truly grateful to the unlovely Cartwright that his diatribe128 was the occasion of the enrichment of English literature with so masterly an exposition of the principles of the Anglican system as the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity.
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As regards artistic and liturgic music Hooker’s argument is so clear, persuasive129, and complete that all later contestants130 upon the ritualistic side have derived their weapons, more or less consciously, from his armory131. After an eloquent132 eulogy133 of the power of music over the heart, Hooker passes on to prove the antiquity134 of antiphonal chanting by means of citations135 from the early Christian fathers, and then proceeds: “But whosoever were the author, whatsoever136 the time, whencesoever the example of beginning this custom in the Church of Christ; sith we are wont137 to suspect things only before trial, and afterward either to approve them as good, or if we find them evil, accordingly to judge of them; their counsel must needs seem very unseasonable, who advise men now to suspect that wherewith the world hath had by their own account twelve hundred years’ acquaintance and upwards139, enough to take away suspicion and jealousy140. Men know by this time, if ever they will know, whether it be good or evil which hath been so long retained.” The argument of Cartwright, that all the people have the right to praise God in the singing of psalms, Hooker does not find a sufficient reason for the abolition141 of the choir19; he denies the assertion that the people cannot understand what is being sung, after the antiphonal manner, and then concludes: “Shall this enforce us to banish142 a thing which all Christian churches in the world have received; a thing, which so many ages have held; a thing which always heretofore the best men and wisest governors of God’s people did think they could never commend enough; a thing which filleth the mind with comfort and heavenly delight, stirreth up flagrant desires and affections correspondent unto that which the words [369] contain, allayeth all kind of base and earthly cogitations, banisheth and driveth away those evil secret suggestions which our invisible enemy is always apt to minister, watereth the heart to the end it may fructify143, maketh the virtuous144 in trouble full of magnanimity and courage, serveth as a most approved remedy against all doleful and heavy accidents which befall men in this present life; to conclude, so fitly accordeth with the apostle’s own exhortation145, ‘Speak to yourselves in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs, making melody, and singing to the Lord in your hearts,’ that surely there is more cause to fear lest the want thereof be a maim146, than the use a blemish147 to the service of God.”[80]
The just arguments and fervent148 appeals of Hooker produced no effect upon the fanatical opponents of the established Church. Under the exasperating149 conditions which produced the Great Rebellion and the substitution of the Commonwealth for the monarchy150, the hatred against everything identified with ecclesiastical and political oppression became tenfold confirmed; and upon the triumph of the most extreme democratic and non-conformist faction102, as represented by the army of Cromwell and the “Rump” Parliament, nothing stood in the way of carrying the iconoclastic151 purpose into effect. In 1644 the House of Lords, under the pressure of the already triumphant152 opposition, passed an ordinance109 that the Prayer Book should no longer be used in any place of public worship. In lieu of the liturgy a new form of worship was decreed, in which the congregational singing of metrical psalms was all the [370] music allowed. “It is the duty of Christians,” so the new rule declares, “to praise God publicly by singing of psalms, together in the congregation and also privately153 in the family. In singing of psalms the voice is to be tunably and gravely ordered; but the chief care is to sing with understanding and with grace in the heart, making melody unto the Lord. That the whole congregation may join herein, every one that can read is to have a psalm-book, and all others not disabled by age or otherwise are to be exhorted154 to learn to read. But for the present, where many in the congregation cannot read, it is convenient that the minister, or some fit person appointed by him and the other ruling officers, do read the psalm line by line before the singing thereof.”[81]
The rules framed by the commission left the matter of instrumental music untouched. Perhaps it was considered a work of supererogation to proscribe155 it, for if there was anything which the Puritan conscience supremely156 abhorred157 it was an organ. Sir Edward Deering, in his bill for the abolition of episcopacy, expressed the opinion of the zealots of his party in the assertion that “one groan158 in the Spirit is worth the diapason of all the church music in the world.”
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As far back as 1586 a pamphlet which had a wide circulation prays that “all cathedral churches may be put down, where the service of God is grievously abused by piping with organs, singing, ringing, and trowling of psalms from one side of the choir to the other, with the squeaking159 of chanting choristers, disguised in white surplices; some in corner caps and silly copes, imitating the fashion and manner of Antichrist the Pope, that man of sin and child of perdition, with his other rabble160 of miscreants161 and shavelings.”
Such diatribes162 as this were no mere163 idle vaporing164. As soon as the Puritan army felt its victory secure, these threats were carried out with a ruthless violence which reminds one of the havoc165 of the image breakers of Antwerp in 1566, who, with striking coincidence of temper, preluded166 their ravages167 by the singing of psalms. All reverence for sacred association, all respect for works of skill and beauty, were lost in the indiscriminate rage of bigotry. The ancient sanctuaries168 were invaded by a vulgar horde169, the stained glass windows were broken, ornaments170 torn down, sepulchral171 monuments defaced, libraries were ransacked172 for ancient service-books which, when found, were mutilated or burned, organs were demolished173 and their fragments scattered174. These barbarous excesses had in fact been directly enjoined175 by act of Parliament in 1644, and it is not surprising that the rude soldiery carried out the desires of their superiors with wantonness and indignity176. A few organs, however, escaped the general destruction, one being rescued by Cromwell, who was a lover of religious music, and not at all in sympathy with the vandalism of his followers. Choirs were likewise dispersed177, organists, singers, and composers of the highest ability were deprived of their means of livelihood178, and in many cases reduced to the extreme of [372] destitution179. The beautiful service of the Anglican Church, thus swept away in a single day, found no successor but the dull droning psalmody of the Puritan congregations, and only in a private circle in Oxford180, indirectly181 protected by Cromwell, was the feeble spark of artistic religious music kept alive.
The re?stablishment of the liturgy and the musical service of the Church of England upon the restoration of the Stuarts in 1660 has already been described. The Puritan congregations clung with tenacity to their peculiar182 tenets and usages, prominent among which was their invincible183 repugnance to artistic music. Although such opinions could probably not prevail so extensively among a really musical people, yet this was not the first nor the last time in history that the art which seems peculiarly adapted to the promotion184 of pure devotional feeling has been disowned as a temptation and a distraction185. We find similar instances among some of the more zealous186 German Protestants of Luther’s time, and the German Pietists of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. At many periods of the Middle Age there were protests against the lengths to which artistic music had gone in the Church and a demand for the reduction of the musical service to the simplest elements. Still further back, among the early Christians, the horror at the abominations of paganism issued in denunciation of all artistic tendencies in the worship of the Church. St. Jerome may not inaccurately187 be called the first great Puritan. Even St. Augustine was at one time inclined to believe that his love for the moving songs of the Church was a snare188, [373] until, by analysis, he persuaded himself that it was the sacred words, and not merely the musical tones, which softened189 his heart and filled his eyes with tears. As in all these cases, including that of the Puritans, the sacrifice of aesthetic pleasure in worship was not merely a reactionary190 protest against the excess of ceremonialism and artistic enjoyment191. The Puritan was a precisian. The love of a highly developed and sensuously192 beautiful music in worship always implies a certain infusion193 of mysticism. The Puritan was no mystic. He demanded hard distinct definition in his pious expression as he did in his argumentation. The vagueness of musical utterance194, its appeal to indefinable emotion, its effect of submerging the mind and bearing it away upon a tide of ecstasy195 were all in exact contradiction to the Puritan’s conviction as to the nature of genuine edification. These raptures196 could not harmonize with his gloomy views of sin, righteousness, and judgment198 to come. And so we find the most spiritual of the arts denied admittance to the sanctuary by those who actually cherished music as a beloved social and domestic companion.
More difficult to understand is the Puritan prohibition of all hymns except rhymed paraphrases199 of the psalms. Metrical versions were substituted for chanted prose versions for the reason, no doubt, that a congregation, as a rule, cannot sing in perfect unity118 of co?peration except in metre and in musical forms in which one note is set to one syllable200. But why the psalms alone? Why suppress the free utterance of the believers in hymns of faith and hope? In the view of that day the [374] psalms were directly inspired by the Holy Spirit and contemporary hymns could not be. We know that a characteristic of the Puritan mind was an intense, an impassioned reverence for the Holy Scripture, so that all other forms of human speech seemed trivial and unworthy in comparison. The fact that the psalms, as the product of the ante-Christian dispensation, could have no reference to the Christian scheme except by far-fetched interpretation112 as symbolic202 and prophetic, did not escape the Puritans, but they consoled themselves for the loss in the thought that the earliest churches, in which they found, or thought they found their ideal and standard, were confined to a poetic expression similar to their own. And how far did they feel this to be a loss? Was not the temper of the typical Puritan, after all, thoroughly203 impregnated with Hebraism? The real nature of the spiritual deprivation204 which this restriction205 involved is apparent enough now, for it barred out a gracious influence which might have corrected some grave faults in the Puritan character, faults from which their religious descendants to this day continue to suffer.
The rise of an English hymnody corresponding to that of Germany was, therefore, delayed for more than one hundred and fifty years. English religious song-books were exclusively psalm-books down to the eighteenth century. Poetic activity among the non-conformists consisted in translations of the psalms in metre, or rather versions of the existing translations in the English Bible, for these sectaries, as a rule, were not strong in Hebrew. The singular passion in that period [375] for putting everything into rhyme and metre, which produced such grotesque206 results as turning an act of Parliament into couplets, and paraphrasing207 “Paradise Lost” in rhymed stanzas208 in order, as the writer said, “to make Mr. Milton plain,” gave aid and comfort to the peculiar Puritan views. The first complete metrical version of the psalms was the celebrated edition of Sternhold and Hopkins, the former a gentleman of the privy209 chamber210 to Edward VI., the latter a clergyman and schoolmaster in Suffolk. This version, published in 1562, was received with universal satisfaction and adopted into all the Puritan congregations, maintaining its credit for full two hundred and thirty years, until it came at last to be considered as almost equally inspired with the original Hebrew text. So far as poetic merit is concerned, the term is hardly applicable to the lucubrations of these honest and prosaic men. As Fuller said, “their piety211 was better than their poetry, and they had drunk more of Jordan than of Helicon.” In fact the same comment would apply to all the subsequent versifiers of the psalms. It would seem that the very nature of such work precludes212 all real literary success. The sublime213 thought and irregular, vivid diction of the Hebrew poets do not permit themselves to be parcelled out in the cut and dried patterns of conventional metres. Once only does Sternhold rise into grandeur—in the two stanzas which James Russell Lowell so much admired:
The Lord descended214 from above,
And bowed the heavens most high,
And underneath215 his feet he cast
The darkness of the sky.
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On cherub216 and on cherubim
Full royally he rode;
And on the wings of all the winds
Came flying all abroad.
The graces of style, however, were not greatly prized by the Puritan mind. Sternhold and Hopkins held the suffrages217 of their co-religionists so long on account of their strict fidelity218 to the thought of the original, the ruggedness219 and genuine force of their expression, and their employment of the simple homely220 phraseology of the common people. The enlightened criticism of the present day sees worth in these qualities, and assigns to the work of Sternhold and Hopkins higher credit than to many smoother and more finished versions.
Sternhold and Hopkins partially221 yielded to Tate and Brady in 1696, and were still more urgently pushed aside by the version of Watts222 in 1719. The numerous versions which have since appeared from time to time were written purely for literary purposes, or else in a few cases (as, for example, the psalms of Ainsworth, brought to America by the Pilgrim Fathers) were granted a temporary and local use in the churches. Glass, in his Story of the Psalter, enumerates223 one hundred and twenty-three complete versions, the last being that of Wrangham in 1885. This long list includes but one author—John Keble—who has attained fame as a poet outside the annals of hymnology. No other version ever approached in popularity that of Sternhold and Hopkins, whose work passed through six hundred and one editions.
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Social hymn singing, unlike liturgic choir music, is entirely independent of contemporary art movements. It flourishes only in periods of popular religious awakening224, and declines when religious enthusiasm ebbs225, no matter what may be going on in professional musical circles. Psalm singing in the English Reformation period, whatever its aesthetic shortcomings, was a powerful promoter of zeal71 in moments of triumph, and an unfailing source of consolation in adversity. As in the case of the Lutheran choral, each psalm had its “proper” tune25. Many of the melodies were already associated with tender experiences of home life, and they became doubly endeared through religious suggestion. “The metrical psalms,” says Curwen, “were Protestant in their origin, and in their use they exemplified the Protestant principle of allowing every worshiper to understand and participate in the service. As years went on, the rude numbers of Sternhold and Hopkins passed into the language of spiritual experience in a degree only less than the authorized44 version of the Bible. They were a liturgy to those who rejected liturgies226.”[82] It was their one outlet227 of poetic religious feeling, and dry and prosaic as both words and music seem to us now, we must believe, since human nature is everywhere moved by much the same impulses, that these psalms and tunes were not to those who used them barren and formal things, and that in the singing of them there was an undercurrent of rapture197 which to our minds it seems almost impossible that they could produce. In every form of popular expression there is always this invisible aura, like the supposed imperceptible fluid around an [378] electrified228 body. There are what we may call emotionalized reactions, stimulated229 by social, domestic, or ancestral associations, producing effects for which the unsympathetic critic cannot otherwise account.
Even this inspiration at last seemed to fade away. When the one hundred years’ conflict, of alternate ascendency and persecution, came to an end with the Restoration in 1660, zeal abated230 with the fires of conflict, and apathy231, formalism, and dulness, the counterparts of lukewarmness and Pharisaical routine in the established Church, settled down over the dissenting232 sects233. In the eighteenth century the psalmody of the Presbyterians, Independents, and Separatists, which had also been adopted long before in the parochial services of the established Church, declined into the most contracted and unemotional routine that can be found in the history of religious song. The practice of “lining out” destroyed every vestige234 of musical charm that might otherwise have remained; the number of tunes in common use grew less and less, in some congregations being reduced to a bare half-dozen. The conception of individualism, which was the source of congregational singing in the first place, was carried to such absurd extremes that the notion extensively prevailed that every person was privileged to sing the melody in any key or tempo10 and with any grotesque embellishment that might be pleasing to himself. These fantastic abuses especially prevailed in the New England congregations in the last half of the seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth centuries, but they were only the ultimate consequences of ideas and practices which prevailed [379] in the mother country. The early Baptists forbade singing altogether. The Brownists tried for a short time to act upon the notion that singing in worship, like prayer, should be extempore. The practical results may easily be imagined. About the year 1700 it seemed as though the fair genius of sacred song had abandoned the English and American non-liturgic sects in despair.
Like a sun-burst, opening a brighter era, came the Wesleyan movement, and in the same period the hymns of Dr. Isaac Watts. Whatever the effect of the exuberant235 singing of the Methodist assemblies may have had upon a cultivated ear, it is certain that the enthusiastic welcome accorded by the Wesleys to popular music as a proselyting agent, and the latitude236 permitted to free invention and adoption of hymns and tunes, gave an impulse to a purer and nobler style of congregational song which has never been lost. The sweet and fervent lyrics of Charles and John Wesley struck a staggering blow at the prestige of the “inspired” psalmody. Historians of this movement remind us that hymns, heartily237 sung by a whole congregation, were unknown as an element in public worship at the time when the work of the Wesleys and Whitefield began. Watts’s hymns were already written, but had as yet taken no hold upon either dissenters238 or churchmen. The example of the Methodists was a revelation of the power that lies in popular song when inspired by conviction, and as was said of the early Lutheran choral, so it might be said of the Methodist hymns, that they won more souls than even the preaching of the evangelists. John Wesley, in [380] his published directions concerning congregational singing, enjoined accuracy in notes and time, heartiness239, moderation, unanimity240, and spirituality as with the aim of pleasing God rather than one’s self. He strove to bring the new hymns and tunes within the means of the poor, and yet took pains that the music should be of high quality, and that nothing vulgar or sensational241 should obtain currency.
The truly beneficent achievement of the Wesleys in summoning the aid of the unconfined spirit of poesy in the revival242 of spiritual life found a worthy201 reinforcement in the songs of Isaac Watts (1674-1748). Although his deficiencies in the matter of poetical243 technic and his frequent dry, scholastic244, and dogmatic treatment have rendered much the greater part of his work obsolete245, yet a true spiritual and poetic fire burns in many of his lyrics, and with all necessary abatement246 his fame seems secure. Such poems as “High in the Heavens, eternal God,” “Before Jehovah’s awful throne,” and “When I survey the wondrous247 cross” are pearls which can never lose their place in the chaplet of English evangelical hymnody. The relaxing prejudice against “uninspired” hymns in church worship yielded to the fervent zeal, the loving faith, the forceful natural utterance of the lyrics of Watts. In his psalms also, uniting as they did the characteristic modes of feeling of both the Hebrew and the Christian conceptions, he made the transition easy, and in both he showed the true path along which the reviving poetic inspiration of the time must proceed.
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What has come of the impulse imparted by Watts and the Wesleys every student of Christian literature knows. To give any adequate account of the movement which has enriched the multitude of modern hymn-books and sacred anthologies would require a large volume.[83] No more profitable task could be suggested to one who deems it his highest duty to expand and deepen his spiritual nature, than to possess his mind of the jewels of devotional insight and chastened expression which are scattered through the writings of such poets as Charles Wesley, Cowper, Newton, Faber, Newman, Lyte, Heber, Bonar, Milman, Keble, Ellerton, Montgomery, Ray Palmer, Coxe, Whittier, Holmes, the Cary sisters, and others equal or hardly inferior to these, who have performed immortal248 service to the divine cause which they revered249 by disclosing to the world the infinite beauty and consolation of the Christian faith. No other nation, not even the German, can show any parallel to the treasure embedded250 in English and American popular religious poetry. This fact is certainly not known to the majority of church members. The average church-goer never looks into a hymn-book except when he stands up to sing in the congregation, and this performance, whatever else it may do for the worshiper, gives him very little information in regard to the artistic, or even the spiritual value of the book which he holds in his hand. Let him read his hymn-book in private, as he reads his Tennyson; and although he will not be inclined to compare it in point of literary quality with Palgrave’s Golden Treasury251 or Stedman’s [382] Victorian Anthology, yet he will probably be surprised at the number of lyrics whose delicacy252, fervor253, and pathos254 will be to him a revelation of the gracious elements that pervade255 the minor256 religious poetry of the English tongue.
Parallel with the progress of hymnody, and undoubtedly stimulated by it, has been the development of the hymn-tune and the gradual rise of public taste in this branch of religious art. The history of the English and American hymn-tune may easily be traced, for its line is unbroken. Its sources also are well known, except that the origins of the first settings of the psalms of Sternhold and Hopkins are in many cases obscure. Those who first fitted tunes to the metrical psalms borrowed some of their melodies (the “Old Hundredth” is a conspicuous instance) from the Huguenot psalter of Marot and Beza, and others probably from English folk-songs. There were eminent257 composers in England in the Reformation period, many of whom lent their services in harmonizing the tunes found in the early psalters, and also contributed original melodies. All these ancient tunes were syllabic and diatonic, dignified258 and stately in movement, often sombre in coloring, in all these particulars bearing a striking resemblance to the German choral. Some of the strongest tunes in the modern hymnals, for example, “Dundee,” are derived from the Scotch259 and English psalters of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and efforts are being made in some quarters to bring others of the same source and type into favor with present-day congregations. This severe diatonic school was succeeded in the eighteenth [383] century by a taste for the florid and ornate which, in spite of some contributions of a very beautiful and expressive260 character, on the whole marked a decline in favor of the tawdry and sensational. If this tendency was an indication of an experimenting spirit, its result was not altogether evil. Earnest and dignified as the old psalm-tunes were, the Church could not live by them alone. The lighter261 style was a transition, and the purer modern school is the outcome of a process which strives to unite the breadth and dignity of the ancient tunes with the warmth and color of those of the second period. Together with the cultivation262 of the florid style we note a wider range of selection. Many tunes were taken from secular sources (not in itself a fault, since, as we have seen, many of the best melodies in the Lutheran and Calvinistic song-books had a similar origin); and the introduction of Catholic tunes, such as the peerless “Adeste Fideles” and the “Sicilian hymn,” together with some of the finest German chorals, greatly enriched the English tune-books.
In comparatively recent times a new phase of progress has manifested itself in the presence in the later hymnals of a large number of musical compositions of novel form and coloring, entirely the product of our own period. These tunes are representative of the present school of Church of England composers, such as Dykes263, Barnby, Smart, Sullivan, Monk264, Hopkins, and many others equally well known, who have contributed a large quantity of melodies of exceeding beauty, supported by varied265 and often striking harmonies, quite unlike the congregational songs of any other nation. Composed [384] for the noble ceremony of the Anglican Church, these tunes have made their way into many of the non-liturgic sects, and the value of their influence in inspiring a love for that which is purest and most salutary in worship music has been incalculable. Much has been written in praise of these new Anglican tunes, and a good deal also in depreciation266. Many of them are, it must be confessed, over-sophisticated for the use of the average congregation, carrying refinements267 of harmony and rhythm to such a point that they are more suitable for the choir than for the congregation. Their real value, taken collectively, can best be estimated by those who, having once used them, should imagine themselves deprived of them. The tunes that served the needs of former generations will not satisfy ours. Dr. Hanslick remarks that there is music of which it may correctly be said that it once was beautiful. It is doubtless so with hymn-tunes. Church art can never be kept unaffected by the secular currents of the time, and those who, in opera house and concert hall, are thrilled by the impassioned strains of the modern romantic composers, will inevitably long for something at least remotely analogous268 in the songs of the sanctuary. That is to say, the congregational tune must be appealing, stirring, emotional, as the old music doubtless was to the people of the old time, but certainly is no longer. This logical demand the English musicians of the present day and their American followers assume to gratify—that is, so far as the canons of pure art and ecclesiastical propriety269 will allow—and, in spite of the cavils270 of purists and reactionaries271, their melodies seem to have taken a permanent [385] place in the affections of the Protestant English-speaking world. The success of these melodies is due not merely to their abstract musical beauty, but perhaps still more to the subtle sympathy which their style exhibits with the present-day tendencies in theology and devotional experience, which are reflected in the peculiarly joyous and confiding272 note of recent hymnody. So far as music has the power to suggest definite conceptions, there seems to be an apt correspondence between this fervent, soaring, touching273 music and the hymns of the faith by which these melodies were in most instances directly inspired.
So far as there are movements in progress bringing into shape a body of congregational song which contains features that are likely to prove a permanent enrichment of the religious anthology, they are more or less plainly indicated in the hymnals which have been compiled in this country during the past ten or twelve years. Not that we may look forward to any sudden outburst of hymn-singing enthusiasm parallel to that which attended the Lutheran and Wesleyan revivals274, for such a musical impulse is always the accompaniment of some mighty275 religious awakening, of which there is now no sign. The significance of these recent hymnals lies rather in the evidence they give of the growth of higher standards of taste in religious verse and music, and also of certain changes in progress in our churches in the prevailing276 modes of religious thought. The evident tendency of hymnology, as indicated by the new books, is to throw less emphasis upon those more mechanical conceptions which gave such a hard precision to a large [386] portion of the older hymnody. A finer poetic afflatus277 has joined with a more penetrating278 and intimate vision of the relationship between the divine and the human; and this mental attitude is reflected in the loving trust, the emotional fervor, and the more delicate and inward poetic expression which prevail in the new hymnody. It is inevitable that the theological readjustment, which is so palpable to every intelligent observer, should color and deflect279 those forms of poetic and musical expression which are instinctively280 chosen as the utterance of the worshiping people. Every one at all familiar with the history of religious experience is aware how sensitive popular song has been as an index of popular feeling. Nowhere is the power of psychologic suggestion upon the masses more evident than in the domain281 of song. Hardly does a revolutionary religious idea, struck from the brains of a few leading thinkers and reformers, effect a lodgment in the hearts of any considerable section of the common people, than it is immediately projected in hymns and melodies. So far as it is no mere scholastic formula, but possesses the power to kindle282 an active life in the soul, it will quickly clothe itself in figurative speech and musical cadence283, and in many cases it will filter itself through this medium until all that is crude, formal, and speculative284 is drained away, and what is essential and fruitful is retained as a permanent spiritual possession.
[387]
If we were able to view the present movement in popular religious verse from a sufficient distance, we should doubtless again find illustration of this general law. Far less obviously, of course, than in the cases of the Hussite, Lutheran, and Wesleyan movements, for the changes of our day are more gradual and placid285. I would not imply that the hymns that seem so much the natural voice of the new tendencies are altogether, or even in the majority of cases, recent productions. Many of them certainly come from Watts and Cowper and Newton, and other eighteenth-century men, whose theology contained many gloomy and obsolete tenets, but whose hearts often denied their creeds286 and spontaneously uttered themselves in strains which every shade of religious conviction may claim as its own. It is not, therefore, that the new hymnals have been mainly supplied by new schools of poetry, but the compilers, being men quick to sense the new devotional demands and also in complete sympathy with them, have made their selections and expurgations from a somewhat modified motive287, repressing certain phases of thought and emphasizing others, so that their collections take a wider range, a loftier sweep, and a more joyful288, truly evangelical tone than those of a generation ago. It is more the inner life of faith which these books so beautifully present, less that of doctrinal assent289 and outer conformity290.
These recent contributions to the service of praise are not only interesting in themselves, but even more so, perhaps, as the latest terms in that long series of popular religious song-books which began with the independence of the English Church. The Plymouth Hymnal and In Excelsis are the ripened291 issue of that movement whose first official outcome was the quaint138 psalter of Sternhold and Hopkins; and the contrast between [388] the old and the new is a striking evidence of the changes which three and a half centuries have effected in culture and spiritual emphasis as revealed in popular song. The early lyrics were prepared as a sort of testimony292 against formalism and the use of human inventions in the office of worship; they were the outcome of a striving after apostolic simplicity, while in their emotional aspects they served for consolation in trial and persecution, and as a means of stiffening293 the resolution in times of conflict. The first true hymns, as distinct from versified psalms, were designed still more to quicken joy and hope, and yet at the same time a powerful motive on the part of their authors was to give instruction in the doctrines of the faith by a means more direct and persuasive than sermons, and to reinforce the exhortations294 of evangelists by an instrument that should be effective in awaking the consciences of the unregenerate. It is very evident that the hymnals of our day are pervaded295 by an intention somewhat different from this, or at least supplementary296 to it. The Church, having become stable, and having a somewhat different mission to perform under the changed conditions of the time, employs its hymns and tunes not so much as revival machinery297, or as a means for inculcating dogma, as for spiritual nurture298. Hymns have become more subjective299, melodies and harmonies more refined and alluring300; the tone has become less stern and militant301; the ideas are more universal and tender, less mechanical and precise; appeal is made more to the sensibility than to the intellect, and the chief stress is laid upon the joy and peace that come [389] from believing. It is impossible to avoid vagueness in attempting so broad a generalization302. But one who studies the new hymn-books, reads the prefaces of their editors, and notes the character of the hymns that are most used in our churches, will realize that now, as it has always been in the history of the Church, the guiding thought and feeling of the time may be traced in popular song, more faintly but not less inevitably than in the instructions of the pulpit. When viewed in historic sequence one observes the growing prominence303 of the mystical and subjective elements, the fading away of the early fondness for scholastic definition. Lyric28 poetry is in its nature mystical and intuitive, and the hymnody of the future, following the present tendency in theology to direct the thought to the personal, historic Christ, and to appropriate his example and message in accordance with the light which advancing knowledge obtains concerning man’s nature, needs, and destiny, will aim more than ever before to purify and quicken the higher emotional faculties304, and will find a still larger field in those fundamental convictions which transcend305 the bounds of creeds, and which affirm the brotherhood306 of all sincere seekers after God.
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1
liturgy
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| n.礼拜仪式 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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prosaic
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| adj.单调的，无趣的 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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culminate
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| v.到绝顶，达于极点，达到高潮 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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tempo
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| n.(音乐的)速度；节奏，行进速度 | |
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antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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choir
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| n.唱诗班，唱诗班的席位，合唱团，舞蹈团；v.合唱 | |
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choirs
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| n.教堂的唱诗班( choir的名词复数 )；唱诗队；公开表演的合唱团；（教堂）唱经楼 | |
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sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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psalm
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| n.赞美诗，圣诗 | |
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psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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tune
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| n.调子；和谐，协调；v.调音，调节，调整 | |
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tunes
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| n.曲调，曲子( tune的名词复数 )v.调音( tune的第三人称单数 )；调整；（给收音机、电视等）调谐；使协调 | |
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lyrics
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| n.歌词 | |
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lyric
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| n.抒情诗，歌词；adj.抒情的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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whim
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| n.一时的兴致，突然的念头；奇想，幻想 | |
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levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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pedant
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| n.迂儒；卖弄学问的人 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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brooks
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| n.小溪( brook的名词复数 ) | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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bourgeois
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| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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unison
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| n.步调一致，行动一致 | |
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48
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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52
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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anatomy
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| n.解剖学，解剖；功能，结构，组织 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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consecrate
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| v.使圣化，奉…为神圣；尊崇；奉献 | |
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repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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obtuseness
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| 感觉迟钝 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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bard
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| n.吟游诗人 | |
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avenger
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| n. 复仇者 | |
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rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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aesthetic
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| adj.美学的，审美的，有美感 | |
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enticement
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| n.诱骗，诱人 | |
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condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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78
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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79
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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80
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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81
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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82
abjuring
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| v.发誓放弃( abjure的现在分词 )；郑重放弃（意见）；宣布撤回（声明等）；避免 | |
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83
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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84
sensuous
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| adj.激发美感的；感官的，感觉上的 | |
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85
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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86
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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87
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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88
constraining
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| 强迫( constrain的现在分词 )； 强使； 限制； 约束 | |
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89
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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90
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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91
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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92
imbibed
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| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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93
eradication
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| n.根除 | |
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94
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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95
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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96
opposition
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|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
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97
mustered
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|
| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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98
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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99
anthems
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| n.赞美诗( anthem的名词复数 )；圣歌；赞歌；颂歌 | |
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100
renaissance
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| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
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101
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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102
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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103
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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104
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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105
levities
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|
| n.欠考虑( levity的名词复数 )；不慎重；轻率；轻浮 | |
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106
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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107
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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108
dictates
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|
| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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109
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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110
ordinances
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|
| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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111
interpretations
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| n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 )；表演；演绎；理解 | |
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112
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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113
trampling
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|
| 踩( trample的现在分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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114
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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115
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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116
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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117
amalgamated
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|
| v.（使）（金属）汞齐化( amalgamate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）合并；联合；结合 | |
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118
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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119
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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120
agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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121
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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122
dens
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| n.牙齿，齿状部分；兽窝( den的名词复数 )；窝点；休息室；书斋 | |
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123
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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124
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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125
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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126
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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127
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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128
diatribe
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| n.抨击，抨击性演说 | |
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129
persuasive
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| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
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130
contestants
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| n.竞争者，参赛者( contestant的名词复数 ) | |
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131
armory
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| n.纹章，兵工厂，军械库 | |
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132
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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133
eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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134
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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135
citations
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| n.引用( citation的名词复数 )；引证；引文；表扬 | |
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136
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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137
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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138
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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139
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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140
jealousy
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|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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141
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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142
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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143
fructify
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| v.结果实；使土地肥沃 | |
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144
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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145
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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146
maim
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| v.使残废，使不能工作，使伤残 | |
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147
blemish
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| v.损害；玷污；瑕疵，缺点 | |
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148
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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149
exasperating
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|
| adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
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150
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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151
iconoclastic
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| adj.偶像破坏的，打破旧习的 | |
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152
triumphant
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|
| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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153
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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154
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
proscribe
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| v.禁止；排斥；放逐，充军；剥夺公权 | |
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156
supremely
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|
| adv.无上地，崇高地 | |
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157
abhorred
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|
| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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158
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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159
squeaking
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|
| v.短促地尖叫( squeak的现在分词 )；吱吱叫；告密；充当告密者 | |
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160
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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161
miscreants
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| n.恶棍，歹徒( miscreant的名词复数 ) | |
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162
diatribes
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| n.谩骂，讽刺( diatribe的名词复数 ) | |
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163
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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164
vaporing
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| n.说大话，吹牛adj.蒸发的，自夸的v.自夸，（使）蒸发( vapor的现在分词 ) | |
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165
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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166
preluded
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| v.为…作序，开头（prelude的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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167
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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168
sanctuaries
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| n.避难所( sanctuary的名词复数 )；庇护；圣所；庇护所 | |
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169
horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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170
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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171
sepulchral
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| adj.坟墓的，阴深的 | |
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172
ransacked
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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173
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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174
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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175
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176
indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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177
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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178
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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179
destitution
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| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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180
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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181
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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182
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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183
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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184
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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185
distraction
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| n.精神涣散，精神不集中，消遣，娱乐 | |
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186
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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187
inaccurately
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| 不精密地，不准确地 | |
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188
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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189
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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190
reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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191
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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192
sensuously
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| adv.感觉上 | |
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193
infusion
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| n.灌输 | |
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194
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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195
ecstasy
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| n.狂喜，心醉神怡，入迷 | |
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196
raptures
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| 极度欢喜( rapture的名词复数 ) | |
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197
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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198
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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199
paraphrases
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|
| n.释义，意译( paraphrase的名词复数 )v.释义，意译( paraphrase的第三人称单数 ) | |
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200
syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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201
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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202
symbolic
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| adj.象征性的，符号的，象征主义的 | |
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203
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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204
deprivation
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| n.匮乏；丧失；夺去，贫困 | |
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205
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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206
grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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207
paraphrasing
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| v.释义，意译( paraphrase的现在分词 ) | |
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208
stanzas
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| 节，段( stanza的名词复数 ) | |
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209
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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210
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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211
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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212
precludes
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| v.阻止( preclude的第三人称单数 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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213
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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214
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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215
underneath
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| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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216
cherub
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| n.小天使，胖娃娃 | |
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217
suffrages
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| （政治性选举的）选举权，投票权( suffrage的名词复数 ) | |
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218
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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219
ruggedness
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| 险峻，粗野； 耐久性； 坚固性 | |
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220
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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221
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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222
watts
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| （电力计量单位）瓦，瓦特( watt的名词复数 ) | |
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223
enumerates
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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224
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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225
ebbs
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| 退潮( ebb的名词复数 )； 落潮； 衰退 | |
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226
liturgies
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| n.礼拜仪式( liturgy的名词复数 )；（英国国教的）祈祷书 | |
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227
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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228
electrified
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| v.使电气化( electrify的过去式和过去分词 )；使兴奋 | |
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229
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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230
abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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231
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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232
dissenting
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| adj.不同意的 | |
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233
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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234
vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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235
exuberant
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| adj.充满活力的；（植物）繁茂的 | |
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236
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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237
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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238
dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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239
heartiness
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| 诚实，热心 | |
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240
unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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241
sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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242
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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243
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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244
scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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245
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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246
abatement
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| n.减(免)税，打折扣，冲销 | |
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247
wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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248
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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249
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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250
embedded
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| a.扎牢的 | |
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251
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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252
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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253
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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254
pathos
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| n.哀婉，悲怆 | |
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255
pervade
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| v.弥漫，遍及，充满，渗透，漫延 | |
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256
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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257
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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258
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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259
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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260
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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261
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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262
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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263
dykes
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| abbr.diagonal wire cutters 斜线切割机n.堤( dyke的名词复数 )；坝；堰；沟 | |
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264
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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265
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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266
depreciation
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| n.价值低落，贬值，蔑视，贬低 | |
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267
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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268
analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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269
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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270
cavils
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| v.挑剔，吹毛求疵( cavil的第三人称单数 ) | |
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271
reactionaries
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| n.反动分子，反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
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272
confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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273
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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274
revivals
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| n.复活( revival的名词复数 )；再生；复兴；（老戏多年后）重新上演 | |
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275
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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276
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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277
afflatus
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| n.灵感，神感 | |
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278
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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279
deflect
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| v.(使)偏斜，(使)偏离，(使)转向 | |
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280
instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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281
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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282
kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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283
cadence
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| n.（说话声调的）抑扬顿挫 | |
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284
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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285
placid
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| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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286
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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287
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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288
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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289
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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290
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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291
ripened
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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292
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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293
stiffening
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| n. (使衣服等)变硬的材料, 硬化 动词stiffen的现在分词形式 | |
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294
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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295
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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296
supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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297
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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298
nurture
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| n.养育，照顾，教育；滋养，营养品；vt.养育，给与营养物，教养，扶持 | |
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299
subjective
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| a.主观(上)的，个人的 | |
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300
alluring
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| adj.吸引人的，迷人的 | |
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301
militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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302
generalization
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| n.普遍性，一般性，概括 | |
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303
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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304
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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305
transcend
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| vt.超出，超越(理性等)的范围 | |
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306
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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