This important industrial conflict exhibited the nearest approach to civil war which Australia has known. It originated, as did certain historical revolutions and mutinies, from an occurrence ludicrously insignificant3 compared with the magnitude of the results and the widespread disasters involved.
A fireman was discharged by the captain of a coasting steamer belonging to the Tasmanian Steam Navigation Company, whereupon the Seamen's union took up the matter, the man being their 'delegate,' and demanded his reinstatement.
He had been 'victimised,' they asserted, by the chief steward5, who must be dismissed or the fireman reinstated. The Cooks' and Stewards6' union, in the interests of the chief steward, held an inquiry7, in conjunction with the Seamen's union, to which the fireman belonged. The result failed to substantiate8 any charge against the chief steward. But the Seamen's union decided9 to hold the captain responsible, threatening to take the crew out of the ship. No inquiry was asked of the owners.
About a month after the threat the crew gave notice, and were paid off. The captain had received the following letter:—
'Seamen's union Office,
Sydney, July 1890.
'Captain ——, Steamer ——.
'Dear Sir—We are instructed by the members of the above Society to state that we intend to have our delegate —— 49reinstated on board. If he is not reinstated by the return of the ship to Sydney, the crew will be given twenty-four hours' notice.
'We intend to protect our members from being victimised (sic) by chief stewards and others, and intend at all hazards to have him reinstated.—I remain, yours truly,
'The President and Acting10 Secretary.'
'Sydney, 6th July 1890.
'The Acting Secretary.
'Sir—With regard to your letter as to the discharge of a fireman from the steamer Corinna, the captain informs me that the chief steward had nothing whatever to do with the discharge. The fireman made no complaint about his food. He was discharged in the Company's interests, but there is no objection to his joining any other of the Company's vessels12. The captain also was not aware that he was a delegate, and had nothing to do with his discharge. It seems strange that men should leave the Company without explanation, while the Company is denied the same right.—I remain, etc.'
Now, what in the world had the colliers of Newcastle, N.S.W., to do with the injustice13 or otherwise meted14 out to the fireman through that powerful and distinguished15 official, the ship's cook, or even by the chief steward? Such would be the common-sense view of any ordinary person, especially if he had been reared in the belief that 'mind your own business' was a maxim16 of weight and authority, verified by the lore17 of ages. Not so thought the leaders of the mining community. A fatal fascination18 appeared to have actuated one and all under the influence of a false and specious19 principle.
No sooner had the steamer arrived at the Agricultural Association's wharf20 desiring a cargo21 of coal than the miners 'came out' of the Sea Pit, at that time in full work. Then the Northern Colliery owners, justly indignant at this breach22 of agreement, stopped work at all the pits under their control. Fourteen days' notice should have been given by the miners, on the terms of their agreement.
There was no grievance23 between master and man, and yet at the bidding of an outside person the miners abandoned their work without notice.
The unionist shearers, at the instigation of their dictator, 50hasted to join the revolt. They commenced to formulate25 an agreement imposing26 higher pay, shorter hours, the supervision27 of sheds by workmen appointed by themselves, the deposition28 of the rule of the employer over his own work, as to his own property, in his own woolshed.
Then the employers, up to that time slow to move and more or less disunited, saw that the time had come for them to combine against the tyranny of a communistic organisation29. The Shearers' union, however, as represented by their president, thought it improper30 of other people to form unions. They began to threaten as follows:—
'Should the employers maintain their present attitude, the trades' organisation will be compelled to use every means to win their cause, methods which at present they have avoided.
'For instance, they could call out all the shearers (sic), and at one blow cause widespread disaster. [This they did later on, including those who, in reliance on their promises, were shearing31 under union Rules.] The effects of such a step would be to paralyse the whole industry of the colony. In Victoria, shearing is only just commencing. In New South Wales it is barely half over. At the Labour Conference in Sydney it was decided that the Western miners be called out next day. This meant cutting off the sole remaining coal supply of the colony. Decided also that all the shearers, rouseabouts, and carriers be called out. Instructions sent accordingly.
'In New South Wales alone this will affect 22,000 shearers, 15,000 rouseabouts, 10,000 carriers also, together with all affiliated32 trades, such as butchers, bakers33, grocers, and compositors. Whether the railway men will be included cannot be now ascertained34.'
As a sample of the class of arguments used to set class against class, and to inflame35 the minds of the bush labourers against their employers, the following circular, signed by the leaders, and privately36 distributed, may serve as a specimen37. It was headed:—
An Appeal to Station Labourers.
'A shed labourer's lot is not a happy one. To work all hours and to endure all manner of privations. To work hard for a miserable38 starvation wage. A victim of capitalistic greed and tyranny. Suffering worse treatment than the negro slaves 51of the Southern States of America. The reason for this being that they have had no means of protection. Let them unite. Let them be men, free men, and have a voice in the settlement of the terms at which they shall sell their labour.
'The rights of the labourers will then be recognised. Capital will no longer have Labour by the throat. The mighty39 heritage of a glorious independence is in their grasp.
'Let them rise above the bondage40 of capital, and be a unit in that which will make one powerful whole—the General Woolshed Labourers' union of Australia!'
That this sort of language was calculated to arouse the passions and heighten the prejudices of uneducated men may well be conceded. The ludicrous comparison with the 'wrongs of slaves' in the Southern States of America might raise a smile, had not reports of outrages41, unhappily but too well authenticated43, followed this and similar proclamations.
However, the Employers' union and the Pastoral Association were not minded to submit tamely to the oppression of a 'jacquerie,' however arrogant44, as the following extract from a metropolitan46 journal, under date 22nd September 1890, will show:—
'In Sydney that picturesque47 procession of lorries, loaded with non-union wool, and driven by leading merchants and squatters, will once more betake itself through the streets, and may be the signal of actual civil war. These waggons49, with their unaccustomed drivers, embody50 in a dramatic shape that aspect of the strike in which the unionists have morally the weakest case. The shearers have undertaken to make unionism compulsory51 at one stroke, in every woolshed in Australia, by the tyrannical process of forbidding every bale of wool shorn by non-unionists to reach a market. Why must merchants and squatters, at the risk of their lives, drive these particular bales of wool to the wharf? We frankly52 hope that the wool "boycott53" will break down hopelessly, ignobly54. All reasonable men are against this fatal blunder of the unionists.'
Commencing in 1890 among men 'who go down to the sea in ships,' the revolt against employment and authority spread among 'all sorts and conditions of men' dwelling55 in the continent of Australia. All trades and occupations by which the muscle-workers of the land, falsely assumed to be the only labourers worthy56 of the name of 'working-men,' were 52attempted to be captured and absorbed. To account for the readiness with which the new gospel of labour was accepted, it must be borne in mind that many of the better-educated labourers and mechanics had been for years supplied by their leaders with so-called socialistic literature. They had in a sense sat at the feet of apostles of the school of Henry George and Mr. Bellamy.
The former was convinced that all the 'riddles57 of the painful earth' might be solved by the taxation58 and gradual confiscation59 of land; this plausible-appearing policy would remove all the oppressions and exactions under which the excellent of the earth had so long groaned60. Mr. Bellamy's method of procuring61 universal happiness, solvency62, and contentment was simple and comprehensive. Every adult was to be compelled to labour for four hours of the day—no one to be permitted to work for more than this very reasonable, recreational period. Every one to be pensioned when he or she reached the age of sixty.
By this happy apportionment of the primeval curse, every one would be obliged to furnish a sufficient quantity of labour to provide for his own and other people's wants.
No one would be expected to do a full day's work—always unpopular as a task, and suspected to be unwholesome.
Dining and Music Halls, an artistic63 atmosphere, with all mental and physical luxuries, to be provided by the State, in exchange for Labour Coupons65 of specified66 value.
It cannot be doubted that speculative67 theories of this nature, proposals for minimising labour and dividing the wealth, accumulated by the industry and thrift68 of ages, among individuals who had neither worked nor saved for its maintenance, had a wide-reaching influence for evil among the members of the Labour unions. Dazzled by alluring69 statements, they were ready to adopt the wildest enterprises, founded on delusive70 principles and untried experiments.
Perhaps the most important of the Utopian projects, which at the close of the conflict found favour in the eyes of the unionists, was that of a Communistic settlement in Paraguay, to which the leader, an Americanised North Briton, gave the name of New Australia. This was to be somewhat on the lines of the settlement so delicately satirised by Hawthorne in the Blithedale Romance.
53It was decided by a caucus71 of certain wise men of the union that a country where the dietary scale for working-men was the most liberal in the world, the hours of work the shortest, the pay the highest, the climate the most genial72, the franchise73 the most liberal, was not adapted for British labourers. It was accordingly agreed to establish a co-operative community in a foreign land, where brotherly love and the unselfish partition of the necessaries of life might exhibit to an admiring world an ideal State, free from the grasping employer and the callous74 capitalist. This modern Utopia they proposed to call New Australia. Money not being so scarce among Australian labourers as, from the tremendous denunciations of their leader, which freely compared them to negro slaves (only worse paid, fed, and driven), might have been supposed, they were expected to pay sixty pounds each towards the charter and freight of a suitable vessel11.
This notable plan they carried out. One man indeed sold a cottage in a country town for ￡400, and putting the cash into the common fund, sailed away for South America amid great jubilation75 from the Radical76 press and Labour organs; thankful, however, before long to work his passage back to England.
Hope and Mr. W. G. Spence told a flattering tale before experience came to the audit77. A tract45 was found in the Paraguayan Chaco—'234,000 acres, well watered and timbered—splendid land,' thus described in the New Australia newspaper, the journal of the New Co-operative Settlement Association, Wagga, New South Wales, 28th January 1892.
In September 1893 two hundred and sixty New Australians arrived to take possession of the Promised Land. Even on board ship differences of opinion arose. In December there was a notable desertion. The 'five-meal, meat-fed men' doubtless thought sadly of poor 'Old Australia,' where they had no dictator and few privations, save those irreparable from high wages and good food. They missed many things for which they had been the reverse of thankful, when supplied gratis78. They even missed the police and the magistrate79. One man at any rate did, who was thrashed for impertinence, and could not so much as take out a summons for assault. They must have gasped80 when they saw, in their own journal, 54in answer to questions—'A. K. If you didn't like it, you could leave. The equal annual yearly division of wealth production would enable you to ship back to Australia, if you wanted to.' Many wanted to, but the Dictator's reply, slightly altered from that of Mr. Mawworm in The Serious Family, was—'We deeply sympathise, but we never refund81.' As to how the deserters got to Buenos Ayres, on their way 'home,' doubtless many tales of adventure could be told. The equal partition did not work out well. No one had a right to anything, apparently82—milk for a sick child—a razor—any trifling83 personal possession, when all had a right to everything. The dissatisfaction deepened to despair. The 'rest is silence.' Migration84 to the 'Gran Chaco' is played out.
The Shearers' Strike drifted into the Shearers' War. Not vigorously dealt with at the beginning by the Government of any colony, it emboldened85 the agitators86, who called themselves tribunes of the people, to suggest bolder assaults upon the law, to carry out yet more dangerous disturbances87 of the public peace.
The specious process of 'picketing'—an illegal practice involving insult and intimidation89, under the transparent90 guise91 of 'persuasion'—was tacitly permitted. Becoming habituated to the assembling in force, armed and drilled in military fashion, it was patent to the lowest intelligence that the Government, if worthy of the name, must confront these menacing and illegal levies92.
The tardy93 Executives, which had watched the ill-usage of free citizens, the burning of woolsheds, the killing94 of stock, with apparent apathy95, now became alarmed and ordered out the Volunteer regiments96. Directly a disciplined contingent97, properly armed and officered, took the field, the pseudo-guerillas disbanded and disappeared. If prompt measures had been taken at the start, years of demoralisation and damage, loss of wages, and ruin of property would have been saved both to employers and workmen.
Such a disgraceful incident as that reported from Bowen Downs in July 1895 might never have occurred.
'A private message states that two attempts have been made within three days to poison free shearers here. On the first occasion eight men were poisoned; on the second, forty-nine.'
55A Barcaldine telegram states: 'Forty-nine fresh cases reported from Bowen Downs. Strychnine suspected to have been put into the meat and sago pudding used by the men. A letter received states that the scenes in the shed at Bowen Downs were beyond description. The men, contorted with agony, lying about in all shapes. One man named Thomas has since died. He is not known in the district. Name probably an assumed one. Richardson, one of five brothers, said to be very bad; also Christie Schultz; a second death expected.
'Bowen Downs was managed by Mr. Fraser for a Scottish Investment Company. It is expected that 250,000 sheep will be shorn there this year. Sharing in the "strike troubles" last year (1894), the sheep were shorn by free labourers and some unionists.
'They followed the example of Howe and others on the Barcoo run, and went to work in defiance98 of the union mandate99. This year many of the same men returned to the station to shear24.
'The authorities had previous information that poisoning was likely to be resorted to on some stations. The Aramac and Mutta-burra police are at the station. No evidence was attainable100 against the authors of this cowardly crime, resulting in one murder at least, and the possible death of a score or more of their fellow-workmen. It is significant, however, as against the theory of accident, that the injured men, well-nigh sick unto death, were free shearers.
'It is notorious that elaborate preparations have been made for committing further outrages on property, and violence on persons. Hitherto the Government has erred102 on the side of insufficient103 precaution and protection to loyal subjects.
'Violence and intimidation, on the other hand, have been approved by the Labour Federations105. A demand is made by them that employers should not be allowed the right to employ any but union men, on union terms. Such an edict is inadmissible in a free country. So Sir Samuel Griffith, C.J., of Queensland, stated the case.
'The Moreton Mounted Infantry106 left by the Wodonga for the seat of the disturbance88. In consequence of further outrages by the so-called Labour organisations, one of which was the shooting of a team of working bullocks, eleven in number, belonging to a non-union carrier, Colonel French has been 56sent to the north with a force of 130 men, having also a field-piece and a Gatling gun. The union leaders had boasted of the wreck107 and ruin of squatting108 property which would follow the strike.'
In the second year of the revolt a special parade of the Queensland Mounted Infantry was ordered. They were ready to a man. In view of the outrages already committed, and the justifiable109 expectation of more to follow, military protection was manifestly needed. This drew forth110 a pathetic remonstrance111 from the 'General Secretary of the Australian Labour Federation104.' He was virtuously113 indignant at the whole force of the Government being 'strained to subjugate114 the wage-earners of the central district, under the dictation of capitalistic organisations.' It was emphasised that 'the Australian Labour Federation's steady influence had always been used to substitute peaceful agitation115 and moderation for needless suspension of industry. The Government is urged to use its influence to induce organised capitalism116 to meet organised labour in the conference.'
The high official so addressed replied: 'The Government is merely endeavouring to maintain law and order; to punish disorder117, violence, and crime. The existing state of matters is misrepresented by the Labour organs.'
As might have been expected, manslaughter and arson118, if not murder and spoliation, did result from this and similar teachings. Some of these crimes were undetected, others were partially119 expiated120 by imprisonment121; while in more instances the wire-pullers—the deliberate and wilful122 offenders123 against the law of the land—escaped punishment. But when the burning of the Dundonald took place, with the capture of free labourers by disguised men, the tardy action of the Executive was accelerated. That the apprehensions125 of the dwellers126 in the pastoral districts, and their appeals to the Government of the day in the first years of the strike, were not without foundation, an extract from a letter taken, among others, from the person of an arrested 'labour organiser,' affords convincing proof.
'Queensland Labour union, Maranoa Branch,
'Roma, 10th March 1891.
'Dear George—It is a mistake collecting our men at the 57terminus of the railway. Better to split them up in bodies of a hundred and fifty each. One lot to stop at Clermont, another at Tambo; others at outside stations, such as Bowen Downs, Ayrshire Downs, Richmond Downs, Maneroo, West-lands, Northampton, and Malvern Hills. Say a hundred and fifty at Maranoa; same below St. George. Every station that a hundred and fifty men came to would demand police protection from the Government. Then, if you wanted to make a grand coup64, send mounted messengers round and have all your forces concentrated, away from railways if possible, and force the running by putting a little more devil into the fight. They will have no railways to cart the Gatling guns and Nordenfeldts about.—Yours, etc.
Ned ——.'
Such were the missives which passed between the 'labour organisers' and their 'brother officers.' Small wonder that the rank and file were stirred up to deeds of wrong and outrage42, stopping short by accident, or almost miracle, of the 'red fool-fury of the Seine.' Imagine the anxiety and apprehension124 at the lonely station, miles way from help, with a hundred and fifty horsemen, armed and threatening, arriving perhaps at midnight—the terror of the women, the mingled127 wrath128 and despair of the men. And the temperate129 suggestion of the labour organiser to 'put a little more devil into the fight, to force the running!'
Doubtless it would, but not quite in the manner which this calculating criminal intended. Such a wave of righteous indignation would have been evoked130 from the ordinarily apathetic131 surface of Australian politics, that the culprits and their cowardly advisers132 would have been swept from the face of the earth.
If it be doubted for a moment whether the serious acts of violence and outrage alluded133 to were actually committed, or, as was unblushingly asserted by the so-called democratic organs, invented, exaggerated, or—most ludicrous attempt at deception134 of all—got up by capitalists and squatters for the purpose of throwing discredit135 upon unionists, let a list of acts perpetrated in deliberate defiance of the law of the land be produced in evidence.
The Dagworth woolshed had seven armed men on watch, as the unionists had threatened to burn it. Among them 58were the Messrs. Macpherson, owners of the station. When the bushranger Morgan was killed at Pechelbah, in their father's time, they hardly expected to have to defend Dagworth against a lawless band humorously describing themselves as union Shearers.
In spite of their defensive136 operations, a ruffian crawled through and set fire to the valuable building, which was totally consumed.
They were armed, and shots were freely interchanged. One unionist found dead was believed to be one of the attacking party.
The 'Shearers' War' languished137 for a time, but was still smouldering three years afterwards, as on the 4th of August 1894 the Cambridge Downs woolshed was burnt. This was a very expensive building, in keeping with the size and value of the station, where artesian bores had been put down, and artificial lakes filled from the subterranean138 water-flow. Money had been liberally, lavishly139 spent in these and other well-considered improvements, aids to the working of the great industrial enterprise evolved from the brain of one man, and having supported hundreds of labourers and artisans for years past. In the great solitudes140 where the emu and kangaroo or the roving cattle herds142 alone found sustenance143, the blacksmith's forge now glowed, the carpenter's hammer rang, the ploughman walked afield beside his team, the 'lowing herd141 wound slowly o'er the lea,' recalling to many an exiled Briton his village home.
The 'big house,' the squire-proprietor's abode144, rose, garden-and grove-encircled, amid the cottages and humbler homes which it protected—a mansion145 in close resemblance, allowing for altered conditions and more spacious146 surroundings, to homes of the Motherland, which all loved so well. At what cost of head and hand, of toil147, and danger, and hardship, ay, even of blood, let the headstones in the little shaded graveyard148 tell! And now, when long years, the best years of early manhood, had been expended149 freely, ungrudgingly in the conflict with Nature, was the workman, the junior partner in the enterprise, well paid, well fed and housed during the doubtful campaign, the loss of which could smite150 to ruin the senior, to lay his rash destroying hand upon the beneficent structure he had helped to raise?
59Pulling down in suicidal mania4, at the bidding of a secret caucus, the industrial temple, which so surely would whelm him and his fellows in its ruins!
Ayrshire Downs woolshed followed suit. At Murweh, the roll of shearers was about to be called, and fifty thousand sheep were ready for the shears151, when it was set on fire and burned—all the preparations for shearing rendered useless. A makeshift woolshed would probably be run up, which meant loss of time—hasty indifferent work, a few thousand pounds loss and damage inevitable152. At Combe-Marten a station hand was shot, and several prisoners committed to take their trial at Rockhampton. The woolshed at Errangalla was burned to the ground.
The Netallie shed, with eighty thousand sheep in readiness, was attempted to be set on fire—kerosene having been profusely153 exhibited for the purpose—but, with all the goodwill154 (or rather bad) in the world, the plot miscarried. After a riot at Netallie a large force of unionists attempted, but failed, to abduct155 the free labourers.
At Grasmere woolshed the police were compelled to use firearms. Shortly before 9 P.M. a hundred unionists came to Grasmere, and gathered at the men's huts, saying that they were armed and determined156 to bring out the free labourers. Sergeant157 M'Donagh said they could not be allowed to do so. He was felled to the ground, and the door of the free labourers' hut smashed in with a battering-ram. Shots were exchanged between the police and the unionists. Two of the latter were wounded. One free labourer fired with a revolver. The attacking party then retired158, taking the wounded men with them.
The police overtook them, and, taking charge of the wounded men, conveyed them to Wilcannia Hospital in a buggy. One was shot in the left breast; the other near the same spot. The bullet travelled to the back, near the spine159. From the size of the bullet it would appear to have been fired by a free labourer, the police navy revolvers carrying a larger bullet.
Unaware160 of the extreme length to which 'the ethics161 of war' (to use a phrase grandiloquently162 applied163 in one of Mr. Stead's harangues) had been pushed, Bill Hardwick and his comrades rode gay and unheeding 'down the river.'
60They were within a dozen miles of Moorara, and had travelled late in order to get to the station that evening, as shearing had commenced. An unwonted sight presented itself. Before them lay a large encampment, from which many voices made themselves heard, and around which were fires in all directions. 'Hulloa!' said one of the men, 'what's all this? Have they moved the station up, or what is it? Have the men got to camp here because of the grass, and ride to Moorara and back, like boys going to school?'
'By Jove! it's a union Camp,' said Bill; 'we'd better look out. They're a rough lot here by all accounts. They might go for us if they hear we've dropped the A.S.U.—for a bit.'
'I don't see as they can do much,' said a grey-haired man, one of the best shearers in the shed. 'We've come last from a union shed. We've no call to say more nor that till we get to Moorara.'
'That's all right,' said a younger man, who, like Hardwick, was a selector on the Upper Waters, 'but that sweep Janus Stoate might have wired to the delegate here and put us away. Anyhow, we'll soon see.'
'Who goes there?' suddenly demanded a voice from the pine scrub. 'Who are you, and where from?'
'Who are you, if it comes to that?' answered Bill. 'Is this here an army, and are you goin' to take the bloomin' country, that a man can't ride down the river on his own business?'
'We'll soon learn yer,' said the man who had challenged. 'Where are yer from last?'
'From Tandara. It's a union shed, I believe, and we shore under union Rules.'
'We know all about that. What's yer name—is it William Hardwick?'
'I never was called anything else,' answered Bill, who, now that he had got his monkey up (as he would have said), cared for nothing and nobody.
'Well, yer accused by the delegate, as was in charge of that shed, of disobedience of orders; also of conspiring164 to bring the union into contempt, and of being on the way, with others, to shear at a non-union shed against the interests of the Australian Workers' Federated union. What d'ye say in reply to the charge?'
61'Go to the devil,' said Bill, at the same time spurring his horse. But the strange man jumped at his bridle-rein, and though Bill got in a right-hander, before he could get loose, armed men broke out of the pine clump165, and, rifle in hand, forced the party to dismount.
'Tie their hands,' said the leader. 'We'll show the bally "scabs" what it is to pal166 in with the squatters, as have ground down the workers long enough. March 'em up to the camp and bring 'em afore the Committee.'
'This is a jolly fine state of things,' said one of the younger men of Bill's party. 'I used to believe this was a free country. One would think we was horse-stealers or bushrangers. Are ye goin' to hang us, mate?'
'You hold yer gab167, youngster, or it'll be the worse for you. We'll straighten yer a bit, afore yer goes shearin' again in the wrong shed,' said a man behind him, sourly, at the same time giving him a blow on the back with the butt-end of a rifle.
'By——! if my hands was loose, I'd give yer something to remember Dan Doolan by, yer cowardly, sneakin', underhand dog, crawlin' after fellers like Stoate, keepin' honest men out o' work, and spendin' it on spoutin' loafers. Well, we'll see who comes out on top, anyhow,' upon which Mr. Dan Doolan relapsed into silence—being 'full up,' as he would have expressed it, of 'Government of the people, by the people, for the people,' in its logical outcome.
Arrived at the camp, they were surrounded by a crowd of men, looking less like workmen of any kind than an array of freebooters. Nearly all had arms. Others had apparently put them by for the night. They affected168 a raffish169, semi-military rig, and evidently regarded themselves as revolutionists; which, in point of fact, they were. Not as yet, perhaps, ripe for a policy of plunder170 and bloodshed, but within measurable distance of it—needing but an accidental contest with the police or a well-defended station (and there were such) to be irrevocably committed to it.
A great show of form and ceremony was aimed at, as Bill and his companions in captivity171 were brought before half-a-dozen serious-looking individuals, seated before a table outside of a tent of larger than average size. One man was in the centre, and was addressed as Mr. President.
62'Have you brought the suspected individuals, mentioned in the communication received by the Committee this morning, before us?'
'Yes, Mr. President. Here they are. We found them close by the camp, a-ridin' towards Moorara.'
'What are their names?'
The apprehending172 personage read out from a telegraph form the names of William Hardwick, Daniel Doolan, George Bond, Donald MacCallum, James Atkins, Joseph Warner, John Stevens, Cyrus Cable, Thomas Hyland, John Jones, William Murphy, Jacob Dawson, and Martin Hannigan.
'You stand charged with obstructing173 the work of the Delegate of the A.S.U. at Tandara, and disobeying an order to come out, sent by the duly authorised Vice-President at Wagga Wagga. How do you plead?'
'Is this a bally Supreme174 Court?' inquired Bill. 'What are we to plead for? I never signed no agreement to obey a pair of loafers like Stoate and Stead. I've seen one of 'em beg rations101 from a squatter48, layin' by to do him all the harm in his power, and the other tried his best to take their money out of the pockets of hard-working men at Tandara. You may talk till you're black in the face, I'm not goin' to play at court work, for you or any other blatherskite, and so I tell you.'
'Remove these men to the lock-up hut, and place a sentry175 before the door,' said the chairman, with dignity.
So Bill and Co. were hauled off, and bundled into a small hut, where they spent the night without food or bedding.
Their swags had been considerately taken care of, and their horses turned out among the camp herd for the night. This done, they listened to the order given to the sentry to shoot any man that attempted to come out; and much musing176 upon the strange condition in which they found themselves in their native country, spent the night in a most unpleasant state of discomfort177.
As for the corps178 d'armee—as they, no doubt, considered themselves to be—they were more jovial179 and self-contained.
Songs and recitations were given, apparently met with admiration180 and applause. Rifles and revolvers were discharged, as well to have the loading replaced as to inform any employés of the adjoining station that the camp was 63armed, and considered itself to be an independent, well-provided contingent. Orations181 were made by speakers filled with detestation of the tyranny of the squatter, and the malignant182 nature of all Capital, except when diverted into the pocket of the virtuous112 (and muscular) working-man.
Hints were thrown out, not too closely veiled, of the retribution in store for those treacherous183 enemies of the working-man, who, instead of supporting him, like brothers, against the curse of Capital, presumed to have opinions of their own, and exercised the right of private judgment184 even against the interests of their own Order—this was a great word with them. Dark suggestions were made with regard to a cargo of free labourers (otherwise 'scabs' or blacklegs) now coming down river in a steamboat. They were to be met and 'dealt with,' after what fashion the speakers did not as yet enlighten their hearers.
When the wire-pullers of the Australian Shearers' union had converted or terrorised the labourers of the land to such an extent that employers were met at every turn by exorbitant185 demands, or impossible regulations, it became necessary to form a Pastoral Association to oppose the tyranny. For it was evident that unless united action was taken they would be no longer permitted to manage their own affairs.
The work and wages connected with an immense export, with a property to the value of hundreds of millions sterling186, were to be regulated by irresponsible impecunious187 agents, chosen by a plebiscite of labourers naturally unfitted for the direction of affairs involving important national issues.
Some idea of the magnitude of the interests involved may be gathered if it is considered that the cost of management of the vast flock of sheep depastured on the freehold and Crown lands of the colonies necessitates188 the paying away annually189 not less than ￡10,000,000 sterling, most of which is expended for wages, for shearing, and for stores. Shearing, which lasts for a considerable period of each year, finds employment for 25,000 shearers, and the extra hands required in connection with this work may be put up at 10,000 to 12,000.
The following figures tend to further explanation of the position:—Value of freehold land on which stock is depastured, ￡200,000,000 sterling; value of sheep and plant, ￡100,000,000 sterling. The income from the properties is, 64as nearly as possible—from wool, say ￡22,000,000, from surplus stock ￡5,250,000, and stock ￡27,250,000.
The outgoings will be—for wages, carriage, stores, ￡10,000,000; interest on ￡300,000,000 capital at 5? per cent, ￡17,250,000; total outgoing, ￡27,250,000. The returns are comparatively small, taking the whole of the population together.
The frequent droughts, causing the loss of millions of sheep, with other ills and ailments190 fatal to stock, have not been taken into the calculation. The properties as a whole will bear no increase in cost of management.
Another reason which actuated the employers, pastoralists, merchants, and others connected with the pastoral industry, was that the sudden withdrawal191 of their labourers was attended with greater loss and expense than, say, in the case of mines or shipping192. The mines could be closed, the ships laid up. Expenditure193 on the part of owners would then cease until the strike was ended. But, on the far back stations, wells had to be worked, wood carted for machinery194, edible195 shrubs196 cut for starving sheep, in default of which immediate197 loss of stock to a very great extent would take place.
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1
virulence
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| n.毒力，毒性；病毒性；致病力 | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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3
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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mania
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| n.疯狂；躁狂症，狂热，癖好 | |
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steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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stewards
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| （轮船、飞机等的）乘务员( steward的名词复数 )； （俱乐部、旅馆、工会等的）管理员； （大型活动的）组织者； （私人家中的）管家 | |
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7
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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8
substantiate
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| v.证实；证明...有根据 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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13
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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14
meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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16
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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17
lore
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| n.传说；学问，经验，知识 | |
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18
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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19
specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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20
wharf
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| n.码头，停泊处 | |
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21
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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22
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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23
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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24
shear
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| n.修剪，剪下的东西，羊的一岁；vt.剪掉，割，剥夺；vi.修剪，切割，剥夺，穿越 | |
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25
formulate
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| v.用公式表示；规划；设计；系统地阐述 | |
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26
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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27
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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28
deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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29
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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30
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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31
shearing
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| n.剪羊毛，剪取的羊毛v.剪羊毛( shear的现在分词 )；切断；剪切 | |
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32
affiliated
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| adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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33
bakers
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| n.面包师( baker的名词复数 )；面包店；面包店店主；十三 | |
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34
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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35
inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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36
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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37
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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38
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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39
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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40
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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41
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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42
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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43
authenticated
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| v.证明是真实的、可靠的或有效的( authenticate的过去式和过去分词 )；鉴定，使生效 | |
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44
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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45
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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46
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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47
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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48
squatter
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| n.擅自占地者 | |
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49
waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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50
embody
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| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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51
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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52
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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53
boycott
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| n./v.(联合)抵制，拒绝参与 | |
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54
ignobly
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| 卑贱地，下流地 | |
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55
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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56
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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57
riddles
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| n.谜（语）( riddle的名词复数 )；猜不透的难题，难解之谜 | |
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58
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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59
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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60
groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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61
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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62
solvency
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| n.偿付能力，溶解力 | |
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63
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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64
coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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65
coupons
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| n.礼券( coupon的名词复数 )；优惠券；订货单；参赛表 | |
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66
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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67
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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68
thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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69
alluring
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| adj.吸引人的，迷人的 | |
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70
delusive
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| adj.欺骗的，妄想的 | |
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71
caucus
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| n.秘密会议；干部会议；v.（参加）干部开会议 | |
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72
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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73
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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74
callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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75
jubilation
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| n.欢庆，喜悦 | |
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76
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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77
audit
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| v.审计；查帐；核对；旁听 | |
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78
gratis
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| adj.免费的 | |
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79
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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80
gasped
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| v.喘气( gasp的过去式和过去分词 )；喘息；倒抽气；很想要 | |
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81
refund
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| v.退还，偿还；n.归还，偿还额，退款 | |
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82
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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83
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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84
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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85
emboldened
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| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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86
agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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87
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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88
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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89
intimidation
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| n.恐吓，威胁 | |
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90
transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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91
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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92
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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93
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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94
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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95
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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96
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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attainable
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| a.可达到的，可获得的 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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102
erred
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| 犯错误，做错事( err的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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104
federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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federations
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| n.联邦( federation的名词复数 )；同盟；联盟；联合会 | |
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106
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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107
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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108
squatting
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的现在分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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109
justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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110
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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112
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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113
virtuously
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| 合乎道德地，善良地 | |
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114
subjugate
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| v.征服；抑制 | |
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115
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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116
capitalism
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| n.资本主义 | |
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117
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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118
arson
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| n.纵火，放火 | |
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119
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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120
expiated
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| v.为（所犯罪过）接受惩罚，赎（罪）( expiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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123
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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126
dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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128
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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129
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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apathetic
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| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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132
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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133
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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135
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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137
languished
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| 长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 )； 受折磨； 变得（越来越）衰弱； 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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lavishly
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| adv.慷慨地，大方地 | |
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140
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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141
herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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143
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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144
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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graveyard
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| n.坟场 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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smite
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| v.重击；彻底击败；n.打；尝试；一点儿 | |
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151
shears
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| n.大剪刀 | |
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152
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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profusely
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| ad.abundantly | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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abduct
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| vt.诱拐，拐带，绑架 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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spine
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| n.脊柱，脊椎；(动植物的)刺；书脊 | |
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unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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161
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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grandiloquently
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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clump
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| n.树丛，草丛；vi.用沉重的脚步行走 | |
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pal
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| n.朋友，伙伴，同志；vi.结为友 | |
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gab
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| v.空谈，唠叨，瞎扯；n.饶舌，多嘴，爱说话 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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raffish
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| adj.名誉不好的，无赖的，卑鄙的，艳俗的 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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171
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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172
apprehending
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的现在分词 )； 理解 | |
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obstructing
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| 阻塞( obstruct的现在分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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175
sentry
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| n.哨兵，警卫 | |
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176
musing
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| n. 沉思，冥想 adj. 沉思的, 冥想的 动词muse的现在分词形式 | |
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177
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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178
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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179
jovial
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| adj.快乐的，好交际的 | |
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180
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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181
orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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182
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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183
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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184
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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185
exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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186
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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187
impecunious
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| adj.不名一文的，贫穷的 | |
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188
necessitates
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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190
ailments
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| 疾病（尤指慢性病），不适( ailment的名词复数 ) | |
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191
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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192
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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193
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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194
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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195
edible
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| n.食品，食物；adj.可食用的 | |
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196
shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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