Nor was my reasoning at fault. I soon received the expected summons, and it brought me into the most amazing of my diplomatic adventures--a mission which showed me the utter ruthlessness that characterizes foreign ministers, particularly when the vital interests of their countries are concerned.
Word to appear at the Wilhelmstrasse came when the autumn holidays were in full swing. The usual procedure of the Foreign Office having been observed, I found myself in Count von Wedel's private study. After an invitation to be seated, the Count surprised me. He complimented me on my previous missions on the entente cordiale situation, and handed me a pretty substantial check. It was actually 10,000 marks--$2,500--which the stubs of the royal check book will show.
As I took the money he remarked "Seine Majest?t"--Foreign Office brevity for conveying that His Majesty4 was satisfied. Without more ado, von Wedel plunged5 into the subject. Leaning back and crossing his legs, he began to talk in his abrupt6 way.
"I want you to go with his Excellency, Herr von Kinderlen-Waechter, as his private attendant and secretary," began von Wedel. "I have selected you because of your knowledge of English and your insight into the whole matter in hand. There is to be a meeting of certain statesmen in a certain spot in the range of the Schwarzwald. You are to be the sole attendant of these gentlemen. You'll see to it that nothing of their identity becomes known. You will look after them in every way. You will destroy all writing, such as paper and blotters. You will burn any such things in the presence of Herr von Kinderlen-Waechter."
He paused impressively, and I found my mind in a whirl. What his words portended7 I could guess. This mission promised to be very interesting indeed.
"I want you to be at the place of meeting," von Wedel continued, "three days before the arrival of these gentlemen. You will have to make arrangements as regards catering8 and so forth9. You'll be the only attendant. Means have been taken to assure strict privacy in the district. Understand that we want this to be thoroughly10 cloaked. I suggest to you the idea of a hunting party. The details I leave to you. The gentlemen in question may or may not be known to you. I shall write you their names."
His pen began scratching across a piece of paper, and I had a moment in which to realize the grave importance of this mission: the future of Germany menaced, complete isolation11 was in the making between England, France, and Russia; and the Kaiser was about to save Germany by a master stroke of diplomacy. Of what tremendous importance it was, however, I did not learn until I had gone down into the forest.
Looking up, von Wedel tossed a piece of paper across the desk to me (the identical paper which has been reproduced in connection with this article). It bore these names in his handwriting:
Viscount Haldane, Winston Spencer Churchill, Admiral von Tirpitz, General von Heeringen, General Moritz Ritter von Auffenberg, Herr von Kinderlen-Waechter.
I suppose, had it been my first Secret Service mission instead of the climax12 of eleven years in the service, I could not have controlled my surprise. These men, all meeting in a lonely spot in Taunus Hills region, foretold13 a grave situation. Especially was this true in view of the newspapers of Europe. Here was all the press having Germany and England ready to rush at each other's throats in war. It was the time of the German spy scare in England. And now here were the two powerful members of the English Cabinet meeting the Kaiser's Minister of War secretly.
I also knew of a secret visit Churchill and Haldane had made at the Foreign Office's invitation. Significantly these English diplomats14 had been shown certain of Germany's preparations for war, notably15 war in the sky.
But von Wedel was not yet through.
"These gentlemen," he said, "will meet at Schlangenbad about the middle of this month. You know the place, in the Taunus Hills--one of the Emperor's hunting lodges17. I suggest that you get down there to-morrow and have everything ready. You thoroughly know what is required of you, Doctor?"
On my assenting18 I was dismissed. I lost no time in getting home to my quarters and into comfortable togs. This mission needed some thinking out. And after I told my Basuto boy to pack my bag, I glanced again at the list von Wedel had given me.
Haldane, Lord Chancellor19 of England, persona grata with the Kaiser--in fact, a personal friend. Churchill, First Lord of the British Admiralty. Waechter, the German Minister of Foreign Affairs and, despite court opposition20, the trusted man of the Kaiser. Tirpitz and von Heeringen, chiefs of the German navy and army staffs, the latter a second Moltke. When I came to von Auffenberg's name I whistled. Von Auffenberg was Minister of War and the right-hand man of the Chancellor of the Austrian Empire. Thus three great powers were represented. Six men of this eminence21, the brains and force of three nations, to meet in secret in a little obscure hunting lodge16 in the forest! It portended darkly for France; but how darkly I could not then conjecture22. It interested me tremendously, but I consoled myself that I would probably know all when the party gathered in that secluded23 hunting lodge.
According to instructions, I presented myself early next morning at the residence of Herr von Kinderlen-Waechter. It was in the Thiergartenstrasse. Without delay I was shown into his Excellency's room. He was seated at his desk, and while we exchanged a few perfunctory words I permitted myself a moment's brief conjecture.
Fig24. 6
"Looking up von Wedel tossed a piece of paper across the desk to me. It bore these names in his handwriting."
Judging from appearances, you would never have taken this portly, rubicund25, iron-gray, bushy-browed gentleman for a statesman. But a statesman he was for all that, and the Emperor and Germany miss him sorely. I would have taken him for a Boer Dopper or an English yeoman. This suggestion was supported by his atrocious taste in fancy waistcoats. The one he had on still sticks in my memory. It was a lurid26 peach-blossom creation, spotted27 with green. But once his steel-gray, deerhound eyes looked you up and down you forgot all about the fancy waistcoat and got right down to business. I told his Excellency I had come for his personal instructions.
Besides telling me to "halt my maul" (a German military expression literally28 meaning to keep your mouth shut, but implying the need for utmost secrecy) he gave me certain general instructions. But from them I could gain no idea of just what was going to happen. I could only guess. How big was the gathering29 storm he never even hinted.
Remembering von Wedel's suggestion about the hunting party, I procured30 some guns and reached the station in time to catch the 12.30 express for Schlangenbad.
It was early in October when I went to the Kur Hotel and registered as Herr Bamberger from Berlin. If you ever go to Schlangenbad, look up the register. Schlangenbad is a mineral watering place in Prussia, near the Black Forest, and within easy distance of our ultimate meeting place, the hunting lodge that von Wedel had mentioned.
I was alone at the hotel for several days. Then, traveling incognito31, the dignitaries began to drift in. First came the Austrian, General Moritz Ritter von Auffenberg. A distinguished32, quiet, unassuming gentleman, he is known to be high in the confidence of Francis Joseph. I found the War Minister very fond of salmon33 fishing, and got quite into his good graces by enthusiastic tales of fly fishing in New Zealand.
Admiral von Tirpitz and General von Heeringen came next. The Admiral is typical of the German sailor, a big man, six feet, wide of shoulder, blue-eyed, and full bearded. His manner I found genial34 and courteous35. His exact opposite was von Heeringen, thin, almost crooked36 of body, stoop shouldered, unusually taciturn, and possessing deep-sunken, smoldering37 black eyes. He struck me as an animated38 mummy of the Rameses dynasty--come to think of it, he much resembles Rameses II.
The exact date of the meeting, as I recall it, was October 12, and the place a shooting lodge, named Ehrenkrug. On the morning of the twelfth I hired a vehicle and, loading provisions, wine, and other necessaries aboard, drove to the lodge, sixteen miles into the forest.
No farmhouse39 or other human habitation was within a radius40 of several miles. It was a large stone and brick building, somewhat similar to your colonial style. It had five or six guest rooms, a large general meeting hall, and a morning room. It being the property of the royal family, I found two old pensioners42 of the Imperial Forest Service in charge. They had a good fire going in the grate, which was welcome, for it was still a little damp and chilly43, especially in this wet mountain forest.
Patroling both ends of the road were a number of gendarmes45. They were scattered46 through the woods, too, forming a cordon47 through which no one could come. Indeed, they had challenged me. About three o'clock in the afternoon the German and Austrian envoys48 came out from the hotel, and at a quarter to four (I remember Waechter remarking "They're three-quarters of an hour late!") the chug of a motor announced the others, Lord Haldane and Winston Churchill.
I had never happened to meet Haldane before, and I found him the English gentleman personified--polished and reserved. Yet his reserve, tempered by age, blended into a genial mellowness49. The usual English arrogance50 had evidently been subdued51 by reason of his training and cosmopolitan52 knowledge. In speech and action he was a Chesterfield, but in appearance he was not unlike a canon or a bishop53, a little ascetic54 looking, and rather bald.
Quite the other type of Anglo-Saxon, still boyish in looks, high-strung and nervous, erratic55 in speech and action, just a bit self-conscious, Winston Churchill was the youngest member of this remarkable56 gathering. I had met him during the Boer War, and as he took off his motoring coat he looked at me closely.
"I believe I've seen you before," he said.
"I met the right honorable gentleman in the Bloemfontein Field Hospital during the war."
"Ah, yes," said Churchill, his face lighting57 up.
He had had his wound dressed there; his recognition showed his remarkable memory.
After refreshments58 the envoys immediately adjourned60 to the big morning room, and I was posted outside to see that no gendarme44 or forest pensioner41 carne within earshot. I was not present at the beginning of the conference, but after an hour had passed I was summoned. My first impression as I opened the door was of an air of tenseness. It was obvious in the way Churchill was staring across the table at Haldane. It was an ordinary large German oak dining-room table, and in the middle were two big shaded lamps. It was growing dusk, and after lighting the lamps, I backed away to a corner of the room. I had a distinct impression of the features of the six men who were making history round that table. There were writing materials, stacks of paper, and documents at every place. Sheets and sheets of paper were covered with their handwriting. Only in front of von Heeringen were the sheets blank, for he never makes a note of anything, carrying everything in his marvelous memory.
Obviously what were the last words of a speech came from Moritz, the Austrian, as I entered: "And to make this all possible," he was saving, "we must break the Russian Federation62 in the Balkans."
From his place at the head of the table the iron-gray-haired Kinderlen-Waechter rose slowly. I noticed he wore another of those atrocious vests. Turning on his left he gazed at Churchill and Tirpitz; his careful measuring eyes then met Moritz, an expectant, slightly nervous figure at the other end of the table awaiting the reply to the point he had raised. And Waechter's eyes turned from him to Heeringen, to Haldane; then he spoke63. I recall distinctly the import of his remarks.
"Gentlemen," he said, "the point raised by General Moritz must stand, and, of course, it needs the sanction of our respective heads. As Lord Haldane has pointed64 out, it does complicate65 matters to some extent. The Balkans concern Austria most; to my way of thinking it is quite within reason to accede66 this point. [As I write I recall vividly67 how grave they had all become. They knew what this meant--war in the Balkans.] On all main points," said Kinderlen-Waechter, "we are agreed. As indicated by his Imperial Majesty, the primary reason of our meeting is to come to a tacit understanding in regard to technical details. This we have done. It is unfortunate, however, that this possible phase, the Balkan point, has not been gone into before. I suggest that we adjourn61, to inform our respective Governments of this point. If necessary, we will meet again on Wednesday."
This second meeting, by the way, was not necessary, all the Governments represented tentatively agreeing with Austria. The treaty, however, was subject to signatures and if it was officially closed, I cannot tell.
Apparently68 the conference was at an end. But what had they accomplished69? From the general tenor70 of their conversation it was obvious that they all agreed. But what were the terms of their bargain? Presently I was to know.
"Bamberger," said Kinderlen-Waechter, addressing me by the name I had taken, "gather up any pieces of paper on the table and consign71 them to the fire."
I replied: "Yes sir." Then turning to the others, he continued:
"Gentlemen, select the memoranda72 you wish to keep. The rest is going to be destroyed immediately."
While they ran over their papers, saving necessary scraps73, I stood back from the table. It was characteristic of the men that Winston Churchill should have taken the most voluminous notes, while Heeringen had not put down a line. I then gathered up every scrap74 of paper left on the table--blotters, little note pads, foolscap--used or unused. Everything was to go into the fire.
I went about this slowly and deliberately75, taking care to glance at everything before I carried it over to the grate. I wanted to make sure that nothing of value was destroyed. Here and there came a good chance to read some of the contents. Piece by piece from the memoranda the different men had made, always being careful not to confuse individual notes, thus learning one by one their train of thought, the thing began to piece itself together for me. There were extensive notes on army and navy matters. Churchill, for instance, had carefully noted76 the full strength that Austria and Germany could muster77 in case of war. Kinderlen-Waechter had recorded the full strength of England and Austria as given by Churchill and Moritz. So had Moritz taken down German and English statistics. Obviously it was a triangular78 alliance, each noting to what extent dependence79 could be placed upon the other. Then there were data on the French and Russian armies and navies. The significance of that was apparent. What puzzled me, however, were numerous statistics on Holland and Belgium.
Not until Kinderlen-Waechter and Churchill, squatting80 down by the fireplace and poking81 the burning papers with old-fashioned irons, not until then, when there began a conversation and other pairs conversed82 on certain points all around the room, did I gain a clear idea of just what had happened. What they said, the vital scraps of their conversation as they drifted to me while I moved to and from the table and fireplace, I shall now present as close to the words of the men involved as I am able.
Heeringen, who had drawn83 Haldane aside, said: "We are ready at any time with 3,500,000 men without any further straining of our reserves. According to our latest agreement Austria will support us with 2,000,000 more men. The financial aspect of this is, of course, out of my hands."
Haldane mumbled84 something that sounded like "that is very satisfactory." At any rate, he nodded an affirmative.
By this time the positions had changed somewhat, and Churchill drew Tirpitz aside. Churchill spoke German only indifferently, so they conversed in French and partly in English. I heard Tirpitz say:
"We could bottle up the Baltic in twelve hours. Russia would not have a chance to stir. Of course, in the event of any outside situation arising, we shall look to England to take care of such new conditions. That seems to rest clearly with your navy."
Churchill became a little cautious.
"There is a certain contingency85 that might arise," he said. "Suppose, under stress of circumstances the United States should take a definite stand against us in this matter?"
The reply of the Admiral was the very expressive86 German word--Quatsch! He further intimated that the United States was so interested in its own internal affairs that it would not be drawn into the question, and that in any event its navy would be needed for its own immediate59 protection. He had a disposition87, however, to put the entire situation up to Churchill.
Kinderlen-Waechter and Moritz were deep in the Balkan question, and I sensed then the coming Balkan imbroglio88.
"Without doubt," Moritz said, "we will bring that to an issue within a few months." I knew he meant that Austria would precipitate89 the Balkan question. Kinderlen-Waechter was serious.
"It has got to be done."
There were other snatches, all bearing on the same subject, and gradually the situation began to clarify in my mind. It was not, however, until I had noted the contents of certain documents before destroying them that the tremendous importance of the big stakes they were all playing for became apparent. What I shall now do is to reveal the substance of these documents, coupling them with overheard conversation, thus interpreting the full significance of the conference.
Within the last twenty-five years Germany has so enormously advanced in commerce that she urgently needs some further outlet90 on a northern seacoast. This means Holland and Belgium. Hamburg and Bremen are the only two practical harbors that Germany possesses for the distribution of her enormous export. The congestion91 in both places is such that steamers wait for weeks to load. One-quarter of Germany's exports goes through Antwerp. Germany must have Antwerp. Practically the whole of southern Germany's commerce, especially along the Rhine and the highway of the Rhine, pours into a foreign country at present. Germany must have Antwerp--in fact, the whole coast, Amsterdam and Rotterdam included.
The empire wants harbors, not colonies. The colonizing92 idea is a fallacy. Germany is, first and last, a manufacturing country. It never was and never will be, for a long time to come, a successful colonizer94. At present all that Germany wants is markets, and facilities for extending her markets. These markets Germany will always be able to command because of her intense scientific application to all branches of manufacture. But these products need outlets95. Germany is quite willing to let the others colonize93 so long as she has a chance to get her goods in. So much for the German situation.
England, in her vast oversea domains96 and possessions, wants rounding up. England has not been able in the past, and certainly is not at present able, to supply herself and her colonies. In Germany she has a first-class workman. Germany manufactures what England needs. Germany's building of her navy was never meant as a real menace to Great Britain. It was solely97 a means to impress the English that Germany would make a powerful and valuable ally in every shape and form. Conversely, it was a threat that she would be a dangerous opponent. This is clearly understood in the English and German Cabinets. Public opinion is being rapidly educated up to this in both countries. All the war-scare talk between Germany and England has been and is only a means to an end. The end is to throw dust in the eyes of the rest of the world. Germany and England will never willingly war. Destruction of one would mean the destruction of the other. They are too equally powerful to be able to fight each other; their real interests run too close together. Indeed, they are mutual98. Germany manufactures, England uses. Only a miracle would separate them.
Shoulder to shoulder, Germany and England (Germany, of course, including Austria, and possibly Italy) could dictate99 to the rest of the world. There is one stumbling-block. This is France.
Well-informed Frenchmen have known and feared this for a long time. They have, of course, never mentioned it in public. Shrewd French statesmen have long kept it in the seclusion100 of their own minds. It would be political and possibly physical death openly to assert that France is doomed101. But doomed she is.
With all her gallantry, hysterical102 patriotism103, and wealth, she would never be able to hold out against Germany alone. Her attempts at alliances have been frenzied104. To secure Russia's friendship she has loaned enormous sums of money. But the Japanese war and internal troubles have eliminated Russia as a high-class ally. She was at the time of the Black Forest conference but a secondary power. She is to-day balanced by Turkey and Austria. The Balkan States are smashed. So France did her utmost to solidify105 the entente cordiale fostered by the late King Edward VII under the stress of public opinion in England.
To what extent she met success we have seen. The Moroccan question showed England ready to back up France in war, but now comes this meeting in the Black Forest. Germany has shown England the greater advantage of a German-English coalition106, and France is frozen out. England, with her shrewd alertness to make the most profitable deal, entertained if did not close the German proposition. In a nutshell, it is this:
Germany must have the lowland ports. Holland is not adverse107 to coming into the German Federation. Belgium is adverse, but could be snuffed out as easily as a candle. But French public opinion would never tolerate under any circumstances this German aggression108. France would fight, even though knowing it to be a losing fight. If only she would let Germany have what she wants, there would be no war. But the French temperament109, public opinion, years of decorating with flowers that Alsace-Lorraine symbol, the Strasbourg statue in Paris, have not been conducive110 to fostering a submissive spirit in France. To resent Germany's inevitable111 aggression is equally inevitable.
So much for what Germany gets out of it. Austria wants to round up her empire in the Balkans. Austria has to have outlets in the Mediterranean112. England, if she stands by Germany, will be rewarded with French Northern Africa and the Dutch East India possessions. What will become of France? Reconstruction113, partitioning, possibly a little kingdom, probably under the Orleans régime. France is in the lap of the gods. I know these things, for I possess them in black and white.
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1
entente
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| n.协定；有协定关系的各国 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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portended
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| v.预示( portend的过去式和过去分词 )；预兆；给…以警告；预告 | |
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catering
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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diplomats
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| n.外交官( diplomat的名词复数 )；有手腕的人，善于交际的人 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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assenting
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| 同意，赞成( assent的现在分词 ) | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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opposition
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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secluded
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fig
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rubicund
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lurid
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| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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spotted
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| adj.有斑点的，斑纹的，弄污了的 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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incognito
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distinguished
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salmon
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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courteous
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crooked
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smoldering
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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farmhouse
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| n.农场住宅（尤指主要住房） | |
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radius
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| n.半径，半径范围；有效航程，范围，界限 | |
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pensioner
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| n.领养老金的人 | |
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pensioners
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| n.领取退休、养老金或抚恤金的人( pensioner的名词复数 ) | |
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chilly
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| adj.凉快的，寒冷的 | |
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gendarme
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| n.宪兵 | |
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gendarmes
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| n.宪兵，警官( gendarme的名词复数 ) | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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cordon
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| n.警戒线，哨兵线 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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mellowness
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| 成熟； 芳醇； 肥沃； 怡然 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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ascetic
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| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
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erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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lighting
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| n.照明，光线的明暗，舞台灯光 | |
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58
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adjourn
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| v.（使）休会，（使）休庭 | |
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62
federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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63
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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complicate
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| vt.使复杂化，使混乱，使难懂 | |
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accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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vividly
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| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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consign
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| vt.寄售（货品），托运，交托，委托 | |
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memoranda
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| n. 备忘录, 便条 名词memorandum的复数形式 | |
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73
scraps
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| 油渣 | |
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scrap
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| n.碎片；废料；v.废弃，报废 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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triangular
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| adj.三角（形）的，三者间的 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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squatting
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的现在分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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81
poking
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| n. 刺，戳，袋 vt. 拨开，刺，戳 vi. 戳，刺，捅，搜索，伸出，行动散慢 | |
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conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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83
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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mumbled
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| 含糊地说某事，叽咕，咕哝( mumble的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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imbroglio
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| n.纷乱，纠葛，纷扰，一团糟 | |
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precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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congestion
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| n.阻塞，消化不良 | |
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92
colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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93
colonize
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| v.建立殖民地，拓殖；定居，居于 | |
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colonizer
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| 殖民者，殖民地开拓者，移民 | |
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95
outlets
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| n.出口( outlet的名词复数 )；经销店；插座；廉价经销店 | |
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domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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97
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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98
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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99
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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100
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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101
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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102
hysterical
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| adj.情绪异常激动的，歇斯底里般的 | |
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103
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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104
frenzied
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| a.激怒的；疯狂的 | |
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105
solidify
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| v.(使)凝固，(使)固化，(使)团结 | |
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106
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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107
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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108
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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109
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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110
conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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111
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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112
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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113
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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