[Pg 33]
He soon got a good opportunity to plant himself on a powerful popular sentiment by urging, in a really excellent speech, that the country should repay to the aged Jackson the fine which had been imposed upon him for contempt of court during the defense16 of New Orleans. An experienced opponent found him ready with a taking retort to every interruption. It being objected that there was absolutely no precedent17 for refunding18 the fine, "I presume," he replied, "that no case can be found on record, or traced by tradition, where a fine, imposed upon a general for saving his country, at the peril19 of his life and reputation, has ever been refunded20." When he visited The Hermitage during the following summer, Jackson singled him out of a distinguished21 party and thanked him, not without reason, for defending his course at New Orleans better than he himself had ever been able to defend it. Douglas won further distinction during the session by defending, in a report from the committee on elections, the right of the several States to determine how their representatives[Pg 34] in Congress should be chosen. Later, in a debate with John J. Hardin, his rival in Congress as in the Illinois legislature, he contrasted the Whig and Democratic positions on the questions of the day with so much force and skill that the speech was used as the principal Democratic document in the presidential campaign of 1844.
In Congress, distinction does not always, or usually, imply power; but Douglas was consummately22 fit for the sort of struggling by which things are in fact accomplished23 at Washington. Whatever the matter in hand, his mind always moved with lightning rapidity to positive views. He was never without a clear purpose, and he had the skill and the temper to manage men. He knew how to conciliate opponents, to impress the thoughtful, to threaten the timid, to button-hole and flatter and cajole. He breathed freely the heated air of lobbies and committee rooms. Fast as his reputation grew, his actual importance in legislation grew faster still. At the beginning of his second term he was appointed chairman of the[Pg 35] House Committee on Territories, and so was charged in an especial way with the affairs of the remoter West. In the course of that service, he framed many laws which have affected25 very notably26 the development of our younger commonwealths. He was particularly opposed to the policy of massing the Indians in reservations west of the Mississippi, fearing that the new Northwest, the Oregon country, over which we were still in controversy27 with Great Britain, would thus be isolated28. To prevent this, he introduced during his first term a bill to organize into a territory that part of the Louisiana Purchase which lay north and west of Missouri. As yet, however, there were scarcely any white settlers in the region, and no interest could be enlisted29 in support of the bill. But he renewed his motion year after year until finally, as we shall see, he made it the most celebrated30 measure of his time.
His advocacy of the internal improvements needed for the development of the West brought him in opposition31 to a powerful element in his own party. Adams, writing[Pg 36] in his diary under date of April 17, 1844, says: "The Western harbor bill was taken up, and the previous question was withdrawn32 for the homunculus Douglas to poke33 out a speech in favor of the constitutionality of appropriations34 for the improvement of Western rivers and harbors. The debate was continued between the conflicting absurdities35 of the Southern Democracy, which is slavery, and the Western Democracy, which is knavery36." Under the leadership of Jackson and other Southerners, the Democrats37, notwithstanding their long ascendency, had adhered to their position on internal improvements more consistently, perhaps, than to any other of the contentions39 which they had made before they came into power. Douglas did not, indeed, commit himself to that interpretation40 of the Constitution which justified41 appropriations for any enterprise which could be considered a contribution to the "general welfare," and he protested against various items in river and harbor bills. But as a rule he voted for the bills.
[Pg 37]
He was particularly interested in the scheme for building a railroad which should run north and south the entire length of Illinois, and favored a grant of public lands to aid the State in the enterprise. For years, however, he had to contend with a corporation which had got from the State a charter for such a railroad and was now trying to get help from Congress. In 1843, and for several sessions thereafter, bills were introduced to give aid directly to the Great Western Railway Company, and it was mainly the work of Douglas that finally secured a majority in Congress for the plan of granting lands to the State, and not to the company. That was in 1851. To his chagrin42, however, the promoters of the company then persuaded the Illinois legislature to pass a bill transferring to them whatever lands Congress might grant to the State for the railroad. He at once sent for Holbrook, the leading man in the company, and informed him that no bill would be permitted to pass until he and his associates should first execute a release of all[Pg 38] the rights they had obtained from the legislature. Such a release they were at last forced to sign, the bill passed, and the Illinois Central was built. It became an important agency in the development, not of Illinois merely, but of the whole Mississippi Valley; and it is the most notable material result of Douglas's skill in legislation. But throughout the whole course of his service at Washington he never neglected, in his concern about the great national questions with which his name is forever associated, the material interests of the people whom he especially represented. His district and his State never had cause to complain of his devotion to his party and his country.
But the questions which had the foremost place while he was a member of the lower house were questions of our foreign relations, and as it happened they were questions to which he could give himself freely without risking his distinctive43 r?le as the champion of the newer West. The Oregon boundary dispute and the proposed annexation44 of[Pg 39] Texas were uppermost in the campaign of 1844, and on both it was competent for him to argue that an aggressive policy was demanded by Western interests and Western sentiment. It was in discussing the Oregon boundary that he first took the attitude of bitter opposition to all European, and particularly to all English interference in the affairs of the American continents which he steadily46 maintained thereafter. The long-standing agreement with Great Britain for joint47 occupation of the Oregon country he characterized as in practice an agreement for non-occupation. Arguing in favor of giving notice of the termination of the convention, he shrewdly pointed24 out that as the British settlers were for the most part fur-traders and the American settlements were agricultural, we would "squat48 them out" if no hindrance49 were put upon the westward50 movement of our pioneers. He would at once organize a territorial51 government for Oregon, and take measures to protect it; if Great Britain threatened war, he would put the country in a state of defense. "If[Pg 40] war comes," he cried, "let it come. We may regret the necessity which produced it, but when it does come, I would administer to our citizens Hannibal's oath of eternal enmity. I would blot52 out the lines on the map which now mark our territorial boundaries on this continent, and make the area of liberty as broad as the continent itself." He even broke with the Polk administration when it retreated from the advanced position which the party had taken during the campaign, and was one of a hardy53 ten who, in the debate over the resolutions that led to the final settlement, voted for a substitute declaration that the question was "no longer a subject of negotiation54 and compromise." There can be little doubt that his hostility55 to England, as well as his robust56 Americanism, commended him at that time to the mass of his countrymen everywhere but in the commercial East.
On the annexation of Texas, popular sentiment, even in his own party, was far from unanimous, but the party was, nevertheless, thoroughly57 committed to it. After the [Pg 41]election, when it appeared that Tyler was quite as favorable to the measure as his incoming Democratic successor, Douglas was one of those who came forward with a new plan for annexing58 territory by joint resolution of Congress, and in January, 1845, he stated as well as it ever has been stated the argument that Texas became ours by the Louisiana Purchase of 1803, and was without the consent of her people retroceded to Spain by the treaty of 1819. When President Polk sent in his announcement that war existed by the act of Mexico, Douglas was ready with a defense of that doubtful casus belli and an ardent59 support of the army bill which followed. His speech on the army bill was an admirable exhibition of his powers, and it was the best speech on that side in the debate. Adams, who interrupted him, was instantly put upon the defensive60 by a citation61 from the argument which he himself, as Secretary of State, had made in 1819 for the American claim to the line of the Rio del Norte. When he asked if the treaty of peace and boundaries concluded by Mexico[Pg 42] and Texas in 1836 had not since been discarded by the Mexican government, Douglas retorted that he was unaware62 of any treaty ever made by a Mexican government which was not either violated or repudiated63. Adams came finally to acknowledge the unusual powers of the Western "homunculus" as a debater.
But the reputation and the influence won in the House of Representatives were to be extended in a more favorable arena64. In 1846, Douglas being now thirty-three years of age, the Illinois legislature elected him United States senator for the six years beginning March 4, 1847. In April, 1847, he was married to Martha, daughter of Colonel Robert Martin, of Rockingham, N.C., a wealthy planter and a large slaveholder. Active as he continued to be in politics, he found time for business as well as love-making. He invested boldly in the lands over which Chicago was now spreading in its rapid growth and made the young city his home. His investments were fortunate, and within a few years he was a wealthy man according[Pg 43] to the standard of those times. He used his wealth freely in hospitality, in charity, and in the furtherance of his political enterprises. In the year 1856, the corner-stone of the University of Chicago was laid on land which he had given.
The assembly of which Douglas was now a member had gradually risen to a higher place in our system than the founders65 intended. The House, partly by reason of its exclusive right to originate measures of a certain class, partly because it was felt to be more accurately66 representative of the people, had at first a sort of ascendency. The great constructive67 measures of the first administration were House measures. Even so late as Jefferson's and Madison's administrations, one must look oftenest to the records of that chamber68 for the main lines of legislative69 history. But in Jackson's time the Senate profited by its comparative immunity70 from sudden political changes, by its veto on appointments, and by the greater freedom of debate which its limited membership permitted. It came to stand, as the House could[Pg 44] not, for conservatism, for deliberation, for independence of the executive. The advantage thus gained was increased as the growth of the Speaker's power into a virtual premiership and the development of the committee system undermined the importance of the individual representative, and as the more rapid increase of population in the free States destroyed in the House that balance of the sections which in the Senate was still carefully maintained. Moreover, the country no longer sent its strongest men into the White House, and the Supreme71 Court was no longer favorable to that theory of the government which, as Marshall expounded72 it, had tended so markedly to elevate the court itself. The upper house had gained not merely as against the lower, but as against the executive and the judiciary. The ablest and most experienced statesmen were apt to be senators; and the Senate was the true battleground in a contest that was beginning to dwarf73 all others. From the beginning to the end of Douglas's service there, saving a brief, delusive74 interval75 after the[Pg 45] Compromise of 1850, the slavery question in its territorial phase was constantly uppermost, and in the Senate, if anywhere, those measures must be devised, those compromises agreed on, which should save the country from disunion or war. There was open to him, therefore, a path to eminence76 which, difficult as it might prove, was at least a plain one. To win among his fellows in the Senate a leadership such as he had readily won among his fellows at school, at Jacksonville, at Springfield, in the legislature and the Democratic organization of Illinois, and such as he was rising to in the lower house when he left it, and then to find and establish the right policy with slavery, and particularly with slavery in the Territories—there lay his path. It was a task that demanded the highest powers, a public service adequate to the loftiest patriotism77. How he did, in fact, attempt it, how nearly he succeeded in it, and why he failed in it, are the inquiries78 with which any study of his life must be chiefly concerned.
But Douglas was too alert and alive to[Pg 46] limit his share in legislation to a single subject or class of subjects. Save that he does not appear to have taken up the tariff79 question in any conspicuous80 way, he had a leading part in all the important discussions of his time, whether in the Senate or before the people. Unquestionably, his would be the best name to choose if one were attempting to throw into biographical form a political history of the period of his senatorship.
The very day he took his seat, he was appointed chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories, and so kept the r?le of sponsor for young commonwealths which he had begun to play in the House. No other public man has ever had so much to do with the organizing of Territories and the admitting of States into the union; probably no other man ever so completely mastered all the details of such legislation. He reported the bills by which Utah, New Mexico, Washington, Kansas, Nebraska, Oregon, and Minnesota became Territories, and those by which Texas, Iowa, Florida, California, Wisconsin, Oregon, and Minnesota became States. His[Pg 47] familiarity with all questions concerning the public domain81 was not less remarkable82. In dealing83 with both subjects, he seems always to have been guided by his confidence in the Western people themselves. He was for a liberal policy with individual settlers, holding that the government, in disposing of its lands, should aim at development and not at profit; and he was no less liberal in his view of the rights and privileges with which each new political community ought to be invested. As to the lands, he held to such a policy as looked forward to the time when they should be turned into farms and towns and cities. As to the government of the Territories, he held to such a policy with them as looked constantly forward to their becoming States, and his theory was that all the powers of the general government in reference to them were based on its power to admit States into the union. To that rule of construction, however, he made a very notable exception. Declaring that the Mormons were for the most part aliens by birth, that they were trying to subvert84 the authority of the[Pg 48] United States, that they themselves were unfit for citizenship85 and their community unfit for membership in the union, he favored the repeal86 of the act by which the territorial government of Utah was set up. He went farther, and maintained that only such territory as is set apart to form new States must be governed in accordance with those constitutional clauses which relate to the admission of States, and that territory acquired or held for other purposes could be governed quite without reference to any rights which through statehood, or the expectation of statehood, its inhabitants might claim. This theory of his has assumed in our later history an interest and importance far beyond any it had at the time; but Douglas in that and in many other of his speeches clearly had in mind just such exigencies87 as have brought us to a practical adoption88 of his view.
His interest in the government's efforts to develop the country, and particularly the West, by building highways, dredging rivers, and deepening harbors, did not diminish,[Pg 49] and he made more than one effort to bring design and system into that legislation. Always mindful of results, he pointed out that the conditions under which the river and harbor bills were framed,—the pressure upon every representative and senator to stand up for the interests of his constituents89, and the failure to fix anywhere the responsibility for a general plan,—made it inevitable90 that such measures would either fail to pass or fail of their objects if they did pass. He suggested, in 1852, a plan which a year or two later, in a long letter to Governor Matteson, of Illinois, he explained and advocated with much force. It was for Congress to consent, as the Constitution provided it might, and as in particular cases it had consented, to the imposition by the States of tonnage duties, the proceeds to be used in deepening harbors. The scheme commended itself for many practical reasons; and it was more consonant91 with Democratic theory than the practice of direct appropriations by Congress.
However, in his ardent advocacy of a [Pg 50]Pacific railroad, Douglas made no question of the government's powers in that connection. True, in 1858, the committee of which he was a member threw the bill into the form of a mail contract in order that it might not run counter to the state-rights views of senators, but he seems to have favored every one of the numerous measures looking to the building of the road which had any prospect92 of success. At first, he was for three different roads, a northern, a central, and a southern, but it was soon clear that Congress would not go into the matter on so generous a scale. Arguing, then, for a central line, he used a language characteristic of his course on all questions that arose between the sections. "The North," he said, "by bending a little down South, can join it; and the South, by leaning a little to the North, can unite with it, too; and our Southern friends ought to be able to bend and lean a little, as well as to require us to bend and lean all the time, in order to join them."
His practical instinct and his democratic[Pg 51] inclinations93 were both apparent in the plan which he proposed in 1855 for the relief of the Supreme Court. A bill reported by the Committee on the Judiciary freed the justices from their duties on circuit and provided for eleven circuit judges. Douglas proposed, as a substitute, to divide the country into nine circuits, and to establish in each of these a court of appeals which should sit once a year and which should consist of one supreme court justice and the district judges of the circuit, the assignment of each justice to be changed from year to year. His aim was twofold: to relieve the Supreme Court by making the circuit courts the final resort in all cases below a certain importance, and to keep the justices in touch with the people, and familiar with the courts, the procedure, and the local laws in all parts of the country. The scheme, though different in details, is in its main features strikingly like the system of circuit court of appeals which was adopted in 1891.
But the questions, apart from that of slavery, on which Douglas's course has the[Pg 52] most interest for a later generation were still questions of our foreign relations. On the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, on the Treaty of Peace with Mexico, on the Oregon Boundary Treaty of 1853, on the negotiations94 for the purchase of Cuba, on the filibuster95 expeditions of 1858, and the controversy of that year over Great Britain's reassertion of the right of search—on all these questions he had very positive opinions and maintained them vigorously. In the year 1853, he went abroad, studied the workings of European systems, and made the acquaintance of various foreign statesmen; but he did not change his opinions or his temper of mind. In England, rather than put on court costume, he gave up an opportunity to be presented to the Queen; and in Russia he appears to have made good his contention38 that, as persons of other nationalities are presented to foreign rulers in the dress which they would wear before their own sovereigns, an American should be presented in such dress as he would wear before the President.
But if he maintained the traditional,[Pg 53] old-fashioned American attitude toward "abroad," he was very sure, when he dealt with a particular case, to take a practical and modern line of reasoning. Opposing the treaty of peace with Mexico, he objected to the boundary line, to the promise we made never to acquire any more Mexican territory as we acquired Texas, and to the stipulations about the Indians. His objections were disregarded, and the treaty was ratified96; but five years later the United States paid ten million dollars to get it altered in those respects. He vigorously opposed the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty in 1850, when it was ratified, and three years later, when the subject was brought up in open Senate, he stated at length his views on the whole subject of our relations with England and Central America, with Spain and Cuba, with European monarchies97 and Latin-American states. Whether right or wrong, they are the views on which the American people have acted as practical occasions have arisen and bid fair to act in the future.
It would have been possible, he thought,[Pg 54] but for Clayton's mismanagement, to get from Nicaragua a grant to the United States of exclusive and perpetual control over all railroad and canal routes through that country from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Instead, we had pledged ourselves to England "not to do, in all coming time, that which, in the progress of events, our interests, duty, and even safety may compel us to do." He opposed the treaty because it invited European intervention98 in American affairs; because it denied us the right to fortify99 any canal that might be built; because its language was equivocal in regard to the British protectorate over the Mosquito coast, and otherwise clearly contrary to the Monroe Doctrine100; and because we made an unnecessary promise never to occupy any part of Central America. To all these objections, save the last, time has added force; and the principle of the last is now established in our national policy. That principle Douglas proclaimed so often that it almost rivals the principle of popular sovereignty itself in the matter of the frequency[Pg 55] of its appearance in his speeches. "You may make," he declared, "as many treaties as you please to fetter101 the limbs of this giant Republic, and she will burst them all from her, and her course will be onward102 to a limit which I will not venture to prescribe." The Alleghanies had not withheld103 us from the basin of the Mississippi, nor the Mississippi from the plains, nor the Rocky Mountains from the Pacific coast. Now that the Pacific barred our way to the westward, who could say that we might not turn, or ought not to turn, northward104 or southward? Later, he came to contemplate105 a time when the Pacific might cease to be a barrier: when our "interests, duty, and even safety" might impel106 us onward to the islands of the sea. He would make no pledges for the future. Agreements not to annex45 territory might be reasonable in treaties between European powers, but they were contrary to the spirit of American civilization. "Europe," he said, "is antiquated107, decrepit108, tottering109 on the verge110 of dissolution. When you visit her, the objects which excite your admiration111 are[Pg 56] the relics112 of past greatness: the broken columns erected113 to departed power. Here everything is fresh, blooming, expanding, and advancing. We wish a wise, practical policy adapted to our condition and position."
A more ardent and thoroughgoing expansionist is not to be found among eminent114 Americans of that time, or even of later times. While he was denouncing General Walker's lawless invasion of Central America in 1858, he took pains to make it plain that it was the filibusters115' method, and not their object, which he condemned116. In fact, he condemned their method chiefly because its tendency was to defeat their object.
He believed that England, notwithstanding the kinship of the two peoples and the similarity of their civilizations, was our rival by necessity, our ill-wisher because of the past. The idea that we were bound to the mother country by ties of gratitude117 or affection he always combated. He denied her motherhood as a historical proposition, and demanded to know of Senator Butler, of[Pg 57] South Carolina, who was moved to eloquence118 over America's debt to England for a language and a literature, whether he was duly grateful also for English criticism of our institutions, and particularly for the publications of English abolitionists. As to the British claim of a right to search American vessels119 for slaves, he was for bringing the matter at once to an issue; for denying the right in toto; and if Great Britain chose to treat our resistance as a cause of war, he would be for prolonging the war until the British flag should disappear forever from the American continent and the adjacent islands.
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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Congressman
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| n.（美）国会议员 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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combustible
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| a. 易燃的,可燃的; n. 易燃物,可燃物 | |
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cravat
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| n.领巾，领结；v.使穿有领结的服装，使结领结 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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raved
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| v.胡言乱语( rave的过去式和过去分词 )；愤怒地说；咆哮；痴心地说 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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oratorical
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| adj.演说的，雄辩的 | |
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commonwealths
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| n.共和国( commonwealth的名词复数 )；联邦；团体；协会 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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refunding
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| n.借新债还旧债；再融资；债务延展；发行新债券取代旧债券v.归还，退还( refund的现在分词 ) | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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refunded
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| v.归还，退还( refund的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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consummately
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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poke
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| n.刺，戳，袋；vt.拨开，刺，戳；vi.戳，刺，捅，搜索，伸出，行动散慢 | |
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appropriations
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absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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knavery
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| n.恶行，欺诈的行为 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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44
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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45
annex
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| vt.兼并，吞并；n.附属建筑物 | |
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46
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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47
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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48
squat
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| v.蹲坐，蹲下；n.蹲下；adj.矮胖的，粗矮的 | |
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49
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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50
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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51
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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52
blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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53
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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54
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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55
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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56
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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57
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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58
annexing
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| 并吞( annex的现在分词 )； 兼并； 强占； 并吞（国家、地区等） | |
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59
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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60
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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61
citation
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| n.引用，引证，引用文；传票 | |
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62
unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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63
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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64
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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65
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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66
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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67
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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68
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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70
immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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71
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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72
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
dwarf
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| n.矮子，侏儒，矮小的动植物；vt.使…矮小 | |
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74
delusive
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| adj.欺骗的，妄想的 | |
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75
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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76
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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78
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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79
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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80
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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81
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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82
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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83
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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84
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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85
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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86
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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87
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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88
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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89
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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90
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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91
consonant
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| n.辅音；adj.[音]符合的 | |
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92
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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93
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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94
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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95
filibuster
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| n.妨碍议事，阻挠；v.阻挠 | |
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96
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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98
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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99
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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100
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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101
fetter
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| n./vt.脚镣，束缚 | |
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102
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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103
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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104
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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105
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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106
impel
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| v.推动；激励，迫使 | |
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107
antiquated
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| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
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108
decrepit
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| adj.衰老的，破旧的 | |
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109
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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110
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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111
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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112
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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113
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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114
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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115
filibusters
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| n.掠夺兵( filibuster的名词复数 )；暴兵；（用冗长的发言）阻挠议事的议员；会议妨碍行为v.阻碍或延宕国会或其他立法机构通过提案( filibuster的第三人称单数 )；掠夺 | |
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116
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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117
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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118
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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119
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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