Douglas was the very type of that instant success which waits on ability undistracted by doubt and undeterred by the fear of doing wrong; the best exemplar of that American statesmanship which accepted things as[Pg 113] they were and made the most of them. Facile, keen, effective, he had found life a series of opportunities easily embraced. Precocious5 in youth, marvelously active in manhood, he had learned without study, resolved without meditation6, accomplished7 without toil8. Whatever obstacles he had found in his path, he had either adroitly9 avoided them or boldly overleaped them, but never laboriously10 uprooted11 them. Whatever subject he had taken in hand, he had swiftly compassed it, but rarely probed to the heart of it. With books he dealt as he dealt with men, getting from them quickly what he liked or needed; he was as unlikely to pore over a volume, and dog-ear and annotate12 it, as he was with correspondence and slow talk and silences to draw out a friendship. Yet he was not cold or mean, but capable of hero-worship, following with ardor13 the careers of great conquerors14 like C?sar and Napoleon, and capable, too, of loyalty15 to party and to men. He had great personal magnetism16: young men, especially, he charmed and held as no other public man[Pg 114] could, now Clay was dead. His habits were convivial17, and the vicious indulgence of his strong and masculine appetites, the only relaxation18 he craved19 in the intervals20 of his fierce activities, had caused him frequent illnesses; but he was still a young man, even by American standards, for the eminence22 he had attained23. At the full of his extraordinary powers, battling for the high place he had and the higher he aspired24 to, there was nowhere to be seen his equal as a debater or a politician,—nowhere but in the ungainly figure, now once more erected25 into a posture26 of rivalry27 and defiance28, of the man whom he had long ago outstripped29 and left behind him in the home of their common beginnings.
Slower of growth, and devoid30 altogether of many brilliant qualities which his rival possessed31, Lincoln nevertheless outreached him by the measure of the two gifts the other lacked: the twin gifts of humor and of brooding melancholy32. Bottomed by the one in homeliness33, his character was by the other drawn upward to the height of human nobility and aspiration34. His great capacity of pain,[Pg 115] which but for his buffoonery would no doubt have made him mad, was the source of his rarest excellencies. Familiar with squalor, and hospitable35 to vulgarity, his mind was yet tenanted by sorrow, a place of midnight wrestlings. In him, as never before in any other man, were high and low things mated, and awkwardness and ungainliness and uncouthness36 justified37 in their uses. At once coarser than his rival and infinitely38 more refined and gentle, he had mastered lessons which the other had never found the need of learning, or else had learned too readily and then dismissed. He had thoroughness for the other's competence39; insight into human nature, and a vast sympathy, for the other's facile handling of men; a deep devotion to the right for the other's loyalty to party platforms. The very core of his nature was truth, and he himself is reported to have said of Douglas that he cared less for the truth, as the truth, than any other man he knew.
Hanging for some years upon the heels of his rival's rapid ascent40, Lincoln had entered[Pg 116] the House as Douglas left it for the Senate, but at the end of the term he retired41 from politics baffled and discouraged. Tortured with the keen apprehension42 of a form and grace into which he could never mould his crudeness, tantalized43 with a sense that there must be a way for him to get a hold on his fellows and make a figure in the history of his times, he had watched the power of Douglas grow and the fame of Douglas spread until it seemed that Douglas's voice was always speaking and Douglas's hand was everywhere. Patiently working out the right and wrong of the fateful question Douglas dealt with so boldly, he came into the impregnable position of such as hated slavery and yet forbore to violate its sanctuary44. Suddenly, with the repeal45 of the Missouri Compromise, Douglas himself had opened a path for him. He went back into politics, and took a leading part in the Anti-Nebraska movement. Whenever opportunity offered, he combated Douglas on the stump46. The year Trumbull won the senatorship, Lincoln had first come within a few votes of it. Risen now to the[Pg 117] leadership of the Republicans in Illinois, he awaited Douglas at Chicago, listened to his opening speech, answered it the next evening, followed him into the centre of the State, and finally proposed a series of joint47 debates before the people. Douglas hesitated, but accepted, and named seven meeting-places: Ottawa and Freeport, in the northern stronghold of the Republicans; Galesburg, Quincy, and Charleston, in a region where both parties had a good following; and Jonesboro and Alton, which were in "Egypt." The first meeting was at Ottawa, in August; the last, at Alton, in the middle of October. Meanwhile, both spoke48 incessantly49 at other places, Douglas oftener than once a day. First the fame of Douglas, and then Lincoln's unexpected survival of the early meetings, drew the eyes of the whole country upon these two foremost Americans of their generation, face to face there on the Western prairie, fighting out the great question of the times.
Elevated side by side on wooden platforms in the open air, thrown into relief[Pg 118] against the low prairie sky line, the two figures take strong hold upon the imagination: the one lean, long-limbed, uncommonly50 tall; the other scarce five feet high, but compact, manful, instinct with energy, and topped with its massive head. In voice and gesture and manner, Douglas was incomparably the superior, as he was, too, in the ready command of a language never, indeed, ornate or imaginative, and sometimes of the quality of political commonplace, but always forcible and always intelligible51 to his audience. Lincoln had the sense of words, the imagination, the intensity52 of feeling, which go to the making of great literature; but for his masterpieces he always needed time. His voice was high and strained, his gestures ungraceful, his manner painful, save in the recital54 of those passages which he had carefully prepared or when he was freed of his self-consciousness by anger or enthusiasm. Neither of them, in any single speech, could be compared to Webster in the other of the two most famous American debates, but the series was a remarkable55 exhibition of forensic[Pg 119] power. The interest grew as the struggle lengthened56. People traveled great distances to hear them. At every meeting-place, a multitude of farmers and dwellers57 in country towns, with here and there a sprinkling of city-folk, crowded about the stand where "Old Abe" and the "Little Giant" turned and twisted and fenced for an opening, grappled and drew apart, clinched58 and strained and staggered,—but neither fell. The wonder grew that Lincoln stood up so well under the onslaughts of Douglas, at once skillful and reckless, held him off with so firm a hand, gripped him so shrewdly. Now, the wonder is that Douglas, wrestling with the man and the cause of a century, kept his feet and held his own.
He was fighting, too, with an enemy in the rear. When he turned to strike at the administration, Lincoln would call out: "Go it, husband! Go it, bear!" Apart from that diversion, however, the debate, long and involved as it was, followed but three general lines. The whole is resolvable[Pg 120] into three elements,—personalities, politics, and principles. There were the attacks which each made upon the other's record; the efforts which each made to weaken the other's position before the people; and the contrary views which were advanced.
Douglas began, indeed, with gracious compliments to his opponent, calling him "an amiable59, kindly60, and intelligent gentleman." Lincoln, unused to praise from such a source, protested he was like the Hoosier with the gingerbread: "He reckoned he liked it better than any other man, and got less of it." But in a moment Douglas was charging that Lincoln and Trumbull, Whig and Democrat61, had made a coalition62 in 1854 to form the Black Republican party and get for themselves the two senatorships from Illinois, and that Trumbull had broken faith with Lincoln. Lincoln in turn made a charge that Douglas had conspired63 with Presidents Pierce and Buchanan and Chief Justice Taney to spread slavery and make it universal. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was their first step, the Dred Scott decision the[Pg 121] second; but one more step, and slavery could be fastened upon States as they had already fastened it upon Territories. Douglas protesting that to bring such a charge, incapable64 of proof or disproof, was indecent, Lincoln pointed65 out that Douglas had similarly charged the administration with conspiring66 to force a slave constitution upon Kansas; and afterwards took up a charge of Trumbull's that Douglas himself had at first conspired with Toombs and other senators to prevent any reference to the people of whatsoever67 constitution the Kansas convention might adopt. When they moved southward, Douglas charged Lincoln with inconsistency in that he changed his stand to suit the leanings of different communities. Of all these charges and counter-charges, however, none was absolutely proved, and no one now believes those which Douglas brought. But he made them serve, and Lincoln's, though he sustained them with far better evidence, and pressed them home with a wonderful clearness of reasoning,—once, he actually threw his argument[Pg 122] into a syllogism,—did no great harm to Douglas.
It was Douglas, too, who began the sparring for a political advantage. He knew that Lincoln's following was heterogeneous68. "Their principles," he jeered69, "in the north are jet black, in the centre they are in color a decent mulatto, and in lower Egypt they are almost white." His aim, therefore, was to fix upon Lincoln such extreme views as would alarm the more moderate of his followers70, since the extremists must take him perforce, as a choice of two evils, even though he fell far short of their radical71 standard. To this end, Douglas produced certain resolutions which purported72 to have been adopted by an Anti-Nebraska convention at Springfield in 1854, and would have held Lincoln responsible for them. In a series of questions, he asked whether Lincoln were still opposed to a fugitive73 slave law, to the admission of any more slave States, and to acquiring any more territory unless the Wilmot Proviso were applied74 to it, and if he were still for prohibiting slavery outright75 in all[Pg 123] the Territories and in the District of Columbia, and for prohibiting the interstate slave trade. It soon transpired76 that Lincoln was not present at the Springfield convention, and that the resolutions were not adopted there, but somewhere else, and Douglas had to defend himself against a charge of misrepresentation. Nevertheless, when they met the second time, at Freeport, Lincoln answered the questions. He admitted the right of the South to a fugitive slave law. He would favor abolition77 in the District only if it were gradual, compensated78, and accomplished with the consent of the inhabitants. He was not sure of the right of Congress to prohibit the interstate slave trade. He would oppose the annexation79 of fresh territory if there were reason to believe it would tend to aggravate80 the slavery controversy81. He could see no way to deny the people of a Territory if slavery were prohibited among them during their territorial82 life and they nevertheless asked to come into the union as a slave State. These cautious and hesitating answers displeased83 the stalwart [Pg 124]anti-slavery men. Lincoln would go their lengths in but one particular: he was for prohibiting slavery outright in all the Territories.
Then he brought forward some questions for Douglas to answer. Would Douglas vote to admit Kansas with less than 93,000 inhabitants if she presented a free state constitution? Would he vote to acquire fresh territory without regard to its effect on the slavery dispute? If the Supreme84 Court should decide against the right of a State to prohibit slavery, would he acquiesce85? "Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful86 way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a state constitution?"
Douglas had no great difficulty with the first three questions, and the fourth—the second, as Lincoln read them—he had in fact answered several times already, and in a way to please the Democrats87 of Illinois. But Lincoln, contrary to the advice of his friends, pressed it on him again with a view to the "all hail hereafter," for it was meant[Pg 125] to bring out the inconsistency of the principle of popular sovereignty with the Dred Scott decision, and the difference between the Northern and the Southern Democrats. Douglas answered it as he had before. The people of a Territory, through their legislature, could by unfriendly laws, or merely by denying legislative89 protection, make it impossible for a slave-owner to hold his slaves among them, no matter what rights he might have under the Constitution. Lincoln declared that the answer was historically false, for slaves had been held in Territories in spite of unfriendly legislation, and pointed out that if the Dred Scott decision was right the members of a territorial legislature, when they took an oath to support the Constitution, bound themselves to grant slavery protection. Later, in a fifth and last question, he asked whether, in case the slave-owners of a Territory demanded of Congress protection for their property, Douglas would vote to give it to them. But Douglas fell back upon his old position that Congress had no right to intervene. He would not break with his[Pg 126] supporters in Illinois, but by his "Freeport Doctrine90" of unfriendly legislation he had broken forever with the men who were now in control of his party in the Southern States.
It was Lincoln who took the aggressive on principles. A famous paragraph of his speech before the convention which nominated him began with the words: "'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently91 half slave and half free." That was a direct challenge to Douglas and his whole plan with slavery, and throughout the debate, at every meeting, the doctrine of the divided house was attacked and defended. Douglas declared that Lincoln was inciting92 half his countrymen to make war upon the other half; that he went for uniformity of domestic institutions everywhere, instead of letting different communities manage their domestic affairs as they chose. But no, Lincoln protested, he was merely for resisting the spread of slavery and putting it in such a state that the public mind would rest in the hope of its ultimate extinction93. "But why," cried[Pg 127] Douglas, "cannot this government go on as the fathers left it, as it has gone on for more than a century?" Lincoln met him on that ground, and had the better of him in discussing what the fathers meant concerning slavery. They did not mean, he argued, to leave it alone to grow and spread, for they prohibited it in the Northwest Territory, they left the word "slave" out of the Constitution in the hope of a time when there should be no slaves under the flag. Over the true meaning of the Declaration of Independence, however, Douglas had a certain advantage, for Lincoln found the difficulty which candid94 minds still find in applying the principle of equality to races of unequal strength. Douglas plainly declared that ours is a white man's government. Lincoln admitted such an inferiority in negroes as would forever prevent the two races from living together on terms of perfect social and political equality, and if there must be inequality he was in favor of his own race having the superior place. He could only contend, therefore, for the negro's equality in those rights which are[Pg 128] set forth95 in the Declaration. Douglas made the most of this, and of Lincoln's failure, through a neglect to study the economic character of slavery, to show clearly how the mere88 restriction96 of it would lead to its extinction.
But Douglas did not, and perhaps he could not, follow Lincoln when he passed from the Declaration and the Constitution to the "higher law," from the question of rights to the question of right and wrong; for there Lincoln rose not merely above Douglas, but above all that sort of politics which both he and Douglas came out of. There, indeed, was the true difference between these men and their causes. Douglas seems to shrink backward into the past, and Lincoln to come nearer and grow larger as he proclaims it: "That is the real issue. That is the issue which will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles—right and wrong—throughout the world."
Nevertheless, Douglas won the senatorship and kept his hold on the Northern Democrats. Immediately, he made a visit to the South. He got a hearing there, and so made good his boast that he could proclaim his principles anywhere in the union; but when he returned to Washington he found that the party caucus97, controlled by Buchanan and the Southerners, had deposed98 him from the chairmanship of the Committee on Territories, which he had held so many years, and from this time he was constantly engaged with the enemies he had made by his course on Lecompton and by his Freeport Doctrine. His Northern opponents were no longer in his way. He had overmatched Sumner and Seward in the Senate, and beaten the administration, and held his own with Lincoln, but the unbending and relentless99 Southerners he could neither beat nor placate100. It was men like Jefferson Davis in the Senate, and Yancey at Southern barbecues and conventions, who stood now between him and his ambition. That very slave power which he had served so well was upreared to crush[Pg 130] him because he had come to the limit of his subserviency101. His plan of squatter102 sovereignty had not got the Southerners Kansas, or any other slave State, to balance California and Minnesota and Oregon. They demanded of Congress positive protection for slavery in the Territories. The most significant debate of the session was between Douglas on the one side and a group of Southern senators, led by Jefferson Davis, on the other. He stood up against them manfully, and told them frankly103 that not a single Northern State would vote for any candidate on their platform, and they as flatly informed him that he could not carry a single Southern State on his.
He was too good a politician to yield, even if there had been no other reason to stand firm, but continued to defend the only doctrine on which there was the slightest chance of beating the Republicans in the approaching election. One method he took to defend it was novel, but he has had many imitators among public men of a later day. He wrote out his argument for "Harper's," the most[Pg 131] popular magazine of the day. The article is not nearly so good reading as his speeches, but it was widely read. Judge Jeremiah Black, the Attorney-General of Buchanan's cabinet, made a reply to it, and Douglas rejoined; but little of value was added to the discussions in Congress and on the stump. The Southerners, however, would not take warning. As they saw their long ascendency in the government coming to an end, their demands rose higher. Some of them actually began to agitate104 for a revival105 of the African slave trade; and this also Douglas had to oppose. His following in the Senate was now reduced to two or three, and one of these, Broderick, of California, a brave and steadfast106 man, was first defeated by the Southern interest, and then slain107 in a duel108. John Brown's invasion of Virginia somewhat offset109 the aggressions of the South; but that, too, might have gone for a warning. The elections in the autumn of 1859 were enough to show that the North was no longer disposed to forbearance with slavery. Douglas went as far as any man[Pg 132] in reason could go in denouncing John Brown and those who were thought to have set him on; and he supported a new plan for getting Cuba. But Davis, on the very eve of the Democratic convention at Charleston, was pressing upon the Senate a series of resolutions setting forth the extreme demand of the South concerning the Territories. He was as bitter toward Douglas as he was toward the Republicans. At Charleston, Yancey took the same tone with the convention.
Practically the whole mass of the Northern Democrats were for Douglas now, and the mass of Southern Democrats were against him. The party was divided, as the whole country was, by a line that ran from East to West. Yet it was felt that nothing but the success of that party would avert110 the danger of disunion, and the best judges were of opinion that it could not succeed with any other candidate than Douglas or any other platform than popular sovereignty. His managers at Charleston offered the Cincinnati platform of 1856, with the addition[Pg 133] of a demand for Cuba and an indorsement of the Dred Scott decision and of any future decisions of the Supreme Court on slavery in the Territories. But the Southerners would not yield a hair's breadth. Yancey, their orator111, upbraided112 Douglas and his followers with cowardice113 because they did not dare to tell the North that slavery was right. In that strange way the question of right and wrong was forced again upon the man who strove to ignore it. Senator Pugh, of Ohio, spokesman for Douglas, answered the fire-eaters. "Gentlemen of the South," he cried, "you mistake us! You mistake us! We will not do it." The Douglas platform was adopted, and the men of the cotton States withdrew. On ballot114 after ballot, a majority of those who remained, and a majority of the whole convention, stood firm for Douglas, but it was decided115 that two thirds of the whole convention was required to nominate. Men who had followed his fortunes until his ambition was become their hope in life, wearied out with the long deferment116, broke down and wept. Finally,[Pg 134] it was voted to adjourn117 to Baltimore. In the interval21, Davis and Douglas fell once more into their bitter controversy in the Senate.
At Baltimore, a new set of delegates from the cotton States appeared in place of the seceders, but they were no sooner admitted than another group withdrew, and even Cushing, the chairman, left his seat and followed them. Douglas telegraphed his friends to sacrifice him if it were necessary to save his platform, but the rump convention adopted the platform and nominated him. The two groups of seceders united on the Yancey platform and on Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for a candidate. A new party of sincere but unpractical union-savers took the field with John Bell, an old Whig, for a candidate, and a platform of patriotic118 platitudes119. The Republicans, guided in ways they themselves did not understand, had put aside Seward and taken Lincoln to be their leader.
The rivals were again confronted, but on cruelly unequal terms. From the first, it[Pg 135] was clear that nearly the whole North was going Republican, and that the cotton States were for Breckinridge or disunion. Whatever chance Douglas had in the border States and in the Democratic States of the North was destroyed by the new party. But he knew he was at the head of the true party of Jefferson, he felt that the old union would not stand if he was beaten. He was the leader of a forlorn hope, but he led it superbly well. He undertook a canvass120 of the country the like of which no candidate had ever made before. At the very outset of it he was called upon to show his colors in the greater strife121 that was to follow. At Norfolk, in Virginia, it was demanded of him to say whether the election of a Black Republican President would justify122 the Southern States in seceding123. He answered, no. Pennsylvania was again the pivotal State, and at an election in October the Republicans carried it over all their opponents combined. Douglas was in Iowa when he heard the news. He said calmly to his companions: "Lincoln is the next President.[Pg 136] I have no hope and no destiny before me but to do my best to save the union from overthrow124. Now let us turn our course to the South"—and he proceeded through the border States straight to the heart of the kingdom of slavery and cotton. The day before the election, he spoke at Montgomery, Yancey's home; that night, he slept at Mobile. If in 1858 he was like Napoleon the afternoon of Marengo, now he was like Napoleon struggling backward in the darkness toward the lost field of Waterloo. There was a true dignity and a true patriotism125 in his appeal to his maddened countrymen not to lift their hands against the union their fathers made:—
"Woodman, spare that tree!
Touch not a single bough126."
An old soldier of the Confederacy, scarred with the wounds he took at Bull Run, looking back over a wasted life to the youth he sacrificed in that ill-starred cause, remembers now as he remembers nothing else of the whole year of revolution the last plea of Douglas for the old party, the old Constitution, the old union.
He carried but one State outright, and got but twelve votes in the electoral college. Lincoln swept the North, Breckinridge the South, and Bell the border States. Nevertheless, in the popular vote, hopeless candidate that he was, he stood next to Lincoln, and none of his competitors had a following so evenly distributed throughout the whole country.
When all was over, he could not rest, for he was still the first man in Congress, but hurried back to Washington and joined in the anxious conferences of such as were striving for a peaceable settlement. When South Carolina seceded127, he announced plainly enough that he did not believe in the right of secession or consider that there was any grievance128 sufficient to justify the act. But he was for concessions129 if they would save the country from civil war. Crittenden, of Kentucky, coming forward after the manner of Clay with a series of amendments130 to the Constitution, and another Committee of Thirteen being named, Douglas was ready to play the same part he had played in 1850.[Pg 138] But the plan could not pass the Senate, and one after another the cotton States followed South Carolina. Then he labored131 with the men of the border States, and broke his last lance with Breckinridge, who, when he ceased to be Vice-President, came down for a little while upon the floor as a senator to defend the men whom he was about to join in arms against their country. Douglas engaged him with all the old fire and force, and worsted him in the debate.
His bearing toward Lincoln was generous and manly132. When Lincoln, rising to pronounce his first inaugural133 address, looked awkwardly about him for a place to bestow134 his hat that he might adjust his glasses to read those noble paragraphs, Douglas came forward and took it from his hand. The graceful53 courtesy won him praise; and that was his attitude toward the new administration. The day Sumter was fired on, he went to the President to offer his help and counsel. There is reason to believe that during those fearful early days of power and trial Lincoln came into a better opinion of his rival.
The help of Douglas was of moment, for he had the right to speak for the Democrats of the North. On his way homeward, he was everywhere besought135 to speak. Once, he was aroused from sleep to address an Ohio regiment136 marching to the front, and his great voice rolled down upon them, aligned137 beneath him in the darkness, a word of loyalty and courage. At Chicago he spoke firmly and finally, for himself and for his party. While the hope of compromise lingered, he had gone to the extreme of magnanimity, but the time for conciliation138 was past. "There can be no neutrals in this war," he said: "only patriots139 and traitors140." They were the best words he could have spoken. They were the last he ever spoke to his countrymen, for at once he was stricken down with a swift and mortal illness and hurried to his end. A little while before the end, his wife bent141 over him for a message to his sons. He roused himself, and said: "Tell them to obey the laws and support the Constitution of the United States." He died on June 11, 1861, in the forty-ninth year of his age.
It was a hard time to die. War was at hand, and his strong nature stirred at the call. Plunged142 in his youth into affairs, and wonted all his life to action, he had played a man's part in great events, and greater were impending143. He had taken many blows of men and circumstance, and stormy times might bring redress144. He was a leader, and for want of him a great party must go leaderless and stumbling to a long series of defeats. He was a true American, and his country was in danger. He was ambitious, and his career was not rightly finished. He was the second man in the Republic, and he might yet be the first.
But first he never could have been while Lincoln lived, nor ever could have got a hold like Lincoln's on his kind. His place is secure among the venturesome, strong, self-reliant men who in various ages and countries have for a time hastened, or stayed, or diverted from its natural channel the great stream of affairs. The sin of his ambition is forgiven him for the good end he made. But for all his splendid energy and his[Pg 141] brilliant parts, for all the charm of his bold assault on fortune and his dauntless bearing in adversity, we cannot turn from him to his rival but with changed and softened145 eyes. For Lincoln, indeed, is one of the few men eminent146 in politics whom we admit into the hidden places of our thought; and there, released from that coarse clay which prisoned him, we companion him forever with the gentle and heroic of older lands. Douglas abides147 without.
The End
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drawn
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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26
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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27
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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28
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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29
outstripped
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| v.做得比…更好，（在赛跑等中）超过( outstrip的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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30
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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31
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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32
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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33
homeliness
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| n.简朴，朴实；相貌平平 | |
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34
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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35
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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36
uncouthness
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37
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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38
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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39
competence
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| n.能力，胜任，称职 | |
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40
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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41
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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42
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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43
tantalized
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| v.逗弄，引诱，折磨( tantalize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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45
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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46
stump
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| n.残株，烟蒂，讲演台；v.砍断，蹒跚而走 | |
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47
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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48
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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49
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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50
uncommonly
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| adv. 稀罕(极，非常) | |
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51
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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52
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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53
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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54
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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55
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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56
lengthened
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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58
clinched
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| v.（尤指两人）互相紧紧抱[扭]住( clinch的过去式和过去分词 )；解决（争端、交易），达成（协议） | |
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59
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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60
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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61
democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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62
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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63
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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64
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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65
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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66
conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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67
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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68
heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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69
jeered
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| v.嘲笑( jeer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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71
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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72
purported
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| adj.传说的，谣传的v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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74
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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75
outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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76
transpired
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| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的过去式和过去分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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77
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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78
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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79
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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80
aggravate
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| vt.加重(剧)，使恶化；激怒，使恼火 | |
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81
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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82
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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83
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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84
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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85
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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86
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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87
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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88
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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89
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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90
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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91
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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92
inciting
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| 刺激的，煽动的 | |
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93
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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94
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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95
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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96
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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97
caucus
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| n.秘密会议；干部会议；v.（参加）干部开会议 | |
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98
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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99
relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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100
placate
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| v.抚慰，平息(愤怒) | |
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101
subserviency
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| n.有用，裨益 | |
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102
squatter
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| n.擅自占地者 | |
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103
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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104
agitate
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| vi.(for,against)煽动，鼓动；vt.搅动 | |
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105
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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106
steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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107
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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108
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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109
offset
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| n.分支，补偿；v.抵消，补偿 | |
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110
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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111
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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112
upbraided
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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114
ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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115
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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116
deferment
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| n.迁延，延期，暂缓 | |
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117
adjourn
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| v.（使）休会，（使）休庭 | |
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118
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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119
platitudes
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| n.平常的话，老生常谈，陈词滥调( platitude的名词复数 )；滥套子 | |
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120
canvass
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| v.招徕顾客，兜售；游说；详细检查，讨论 | |
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121
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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122
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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123
seceding
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的现在分词 ) | |
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124
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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125
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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126
bough
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| n.大树枝，主枝 | |
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127
seceded
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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129
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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130
amendments
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| （法律、文件的）改动( amendment的名词复数 )； 修正案； 修改； （美国宪法的）修正案 | |
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131
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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132
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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133
inaugural
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| adj.就职的；n.就职典礼 | |
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134
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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135
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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136
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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137
aligned
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| adj.对齐的，均衡的 | |
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138
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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139
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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140
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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141
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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142
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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143
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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144
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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145
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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146
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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147
abides
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| 容忍( abide的第三人称单数 )； 等候； 逗留； 停留 | |
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