All over the world, wherever cultivation13 exists, a special class of corn-gods or grain-gods is found, deities of the chief foodstuff7,—be it maize14, or dates, or plantain, or rice—and it is a common feature of all these gods that they are represented by human or quasi-human victims, who are annually slain at the time of sowing. These human gods 273are believed to reappear once more in the form of the crop that rises from their sacred bodies; their death and resurrection are celebrated15 in festivals; and they are eaten and drunk sacramentally by their votaries, in the shape of first-fruits, or of cakes and wine, or of some other embodiment of the divine being. We have therefore to enquire16 into the origin of this curious superstition17, which involves, as it seems to me, the very origin of cultivation itself as a human custom. And I must accordingly bespeak18 my readers’ indulgence if I diverge19 for a while into what may seem at first a purely20 botanical digression.
Most people must have been struck by the paradox21 of cultivation. A particular plant in a state of nature, let us say, grows and thrives only in water, or in some exceedingly moist and damp situation. You take up this waterside plant with a trowel one day, and transfer it incontinently to a dry bed in a sun-baked garden; when lo! the moisture-loving creature, instead of withering22 and dying, as one might naturally expect of it, begins to grow apace, and to thrive to all appearance even better and more lustily than in its native habitat. Or you remove some parched23 desert weed from its arid24 rock to a moist and rainy climate; and instead of dwindling25, as one imagines it ought to do under the altered conditions, it spreads abroad in the deep rich mould of a shrubbery bed, and attains26 a stature27 impossible to its kind in its original surroundings. Our gardens, in fact, show us side by side plants which, in the wild state, demand the most varied28 and dissimilar habitats. Siberian squills blossom amicably29 in the same bed with Italian tulips; the alpine30 saxifrage spreads its purple rosettes in friendly rivalry31 with the bog-loving marsh-marigold or the dry Spanish iris32. The question, therefore, sooner or later occurs to the enquiring33 mind: How can they all live together so well here in man’s domain34, when in the outside world each demands and exacts so extremely different and specialised a situation?
Of 274course it is only an inexperienced biologist who could long be puzzled by this apparent paradox. He must soon see the true solution of the riddle35, if he has read and digested the teachings of Darwin. For the real fact is, in a garden or out of it, most of these plants could get on very well in a great variety of climates or situations—if only they were protected against outside competition. There we have the actual crux36 of the problem. It is not that the moisture-loving plants cannot live in dry situations, but that the dry-loving plants, specialised and adapted for the post, can compete with them there at an immense advantage, and so, in a very short time, live them down altogether. Every species in a state of nature is continually exposed to the ceaseless competition of every other; and each on its own ground can beat its competitors. But in a garden, the very thing we aim at is just to restrict and prevent competition; to give each species a fair chance for life, even in conditions where other and better-adapted species can usually outlive it. This, in fact, is really at bottom all that we ever mean by a garden—a space of ground cleared, and kept clear, of its natural vegetation (commonly called in this connexion weeds), and deliberately37 stocked with other plants, most or all of which the weeds would live down if not artificially prevented.
We see the truth of this point of view the moment the garden is, as we say, abandoned—that is to say, left once more to the operation of unaided nature. The plants with which we have stocked it loiter on for a while in a feeble and uncertain fashion, but are ultimately choked out by the stronger and better-adapted weeds which compose the natural vegetation of the locality. The dock and nettle38 live down in time the larkspur and the peony. The essential thing in the garden is, in short, the clearing of the ground from the weeds—that is, in other words, from the native vegetation. A few minor39 things may or may not be added, such as manuring, turning the soil, protecting with 275shelter, and so forth40; but the clearing is itself the one thing needful.
Slight as this point seems at first sight, I believe it includes the whole secret of the origin of tillage, and therefore, by implication, of the gods of agriculture. For, looked at in essence, cultivation is weeding, and weeding is cultivation. When we say that a certain race cultivates a certain plant-staple, we mean no more in the last resort than that it sows or sets it in soil artificially cleared of competing species. Sowing without clearing is absolutely useless. So the question of the origin of cultivation resolves itself at last simply into this—how did certain men come first to know that by clearing ground of weeds and keeping it clear of them they could promote the growth of certain desirable human foodstuffs?
To begin with, it may be as well to premise41 that the problem of the origin of cultivation is a far more complex one than appears at first sight. For we have not only to ask, as might seem to the enquirer42 unaccustomed to such investigations43, “How did the early savage44 first find out that seeds would grow better when planted in open soil, already freed from weeds or natural competitors?” but also the other and far more difficult question, “How did the early savage ever find out that plants would grow from seeds at all?” That, I take it, is the real riddle of the situation, and it is one which, so far as I know, has hitherto escaped all enquirers into the history and origin of human progress.
Fully45 to grasp the profound nature of this difficulty we must throw ourselves back mentally into the condition and position of primitive46 man. We ourselves have known so long and so familiarly the fact that plants grow from seeds—that the seed is the essential reproductive part of the vegetable organism—that we find it hard to unthink that piece of commonplace knowledge, and to realise that what to us is an almost self-evident truth is to the primitive savage a long and difficult inference. Our own common and 276certain acquaintance with the fact, indeed, is entirely-derived from the practice of agriculture. We have seen seeds sown from our earliest childhood. But before agriculture grew up, the connexion between seed and seedling47 could not possibly be known or even suspected by primitive man, who was by no means prone48 to make abstract investigations into the botanical nature or physiological49 object of the various organs in the herbs about him. That the seed is the reproductive part of the plant was a fact as little likely in itself to strike him as that the stamens were the male organs, or that the leaves were the assimilative and digestive surfaces. He could only have found out that plants grew from seeds by the experimental process of sowing and growing them. Such an experiment he was far from likely ever to try for its own sake. He must have been led to it by some other and accidental coincidence.
Now what was primitive man likely to know and observe about the plants around him? Primarily one thing only: that some of them were edible50, and some were not. There you have a distinction of immediate interest to all humanity. And what parts of plants were most likely to be useful to him in this respect as foodstuffs? Those parts which the plant had specially51 filled up with rich material for its own use or the use of its offspring. The first are the roots, stocks, bulbs, corms, or tubers in which it lays by foodstuffs for its future growth; the second are the seeds which it produces and enriches in order to continue its kind to succeeding generations.
Primitive man, then, knows the fruits, seeds, and tubers, just as the squirrel, the monkey, and the parrot know them, as so much good foodstuff, suitable to his purpose. But why should he ever dream of saving or preserving some of these fruits or seeds, when he has found them, and of burying them in the soil, on the bare off-chance that by pure magic, as it were, they might give rise to others? No idea could be more foreign to the nature and 277habits of early man. In the first place, he is far from provident52; his way is to eat up at once what he has killed or picked; and in the second place, how could he ever come to conceive that seeds buried in the ground could possibly produce more seeds in future? Nay53, even if he did know it—which is well-nigh impossible—would he be likely, feckless creature that he is, to save or spare a handful of seeds to-day in order that other seeds might spring from their burial-place in another twelvemonth? The difficulty is so enormous when one fairly faces it that it positively54 staggers one; we begin to wonder whether really, after all, the first steps in cultivation’ could ever have been taken.
The savage, when he has killed a deer or a game-bird, does not bury a part of it or an egg of it in the ground, in the expectation that it will grow into more deer or more bird hereafter. Why, then, should he, when he has picked a peck of fruits or wild cereals, bury some of them in the ground, and expect a harvest? The savage is a simple and superstitious55 person; but I do not think he is quite such a fool as this proceeding56 would make him out to be. He is not likely ever to have noticed that plants in the wild state grow from seeds—at least prior to the rise of agriculture, from which, as I believe, he first and slowly gained that useful knowledge. And he certainly is not likely ever to have tried deliberate experiments upon the properties of plants, as if he were a Fellow of the Royal Society. These two roads being thus effectually blocked to us, we have to enquire, “Was there ever any way in which primitive man could have blundered blindfold57 upon a knowledge of the truth, and could have discovered incidentally to some other function of his life the two essential facts that plants grow from seeds, and that the growth and supply of useful food-plants can be artificially increased by burying or sowing such seeds in ground cleared of weeds, that is to say of the natural competing vegetation?”
I 278believe there is one way, and one way only, in which primitive man was at all likely to become familiar with these facts. I shall try to show that all the operations of primitive agriculture very forcibly point to this strange and almost magical origin of cultivation; that all savage agriculture retains to the last many traces of its origin; and that the sowing of the seed itself is hardly considered so important and essential a part of the complex process as certain purely superstitious and bloodthirsty practices that long accompany it. In one word, not to keep the reader in doubt any longer, I am inclined to believe that cultivation and the sowing of seeds for crops had their beginning as an adjunct of the primitive burial system.
Up to the present time, so far as I know, only one origin for cultivation has ever been even conjecturally58 suggested; and that is a hard one. It has been said that the first hint of cultivation may have come from the observation that seeds accidentally cast out on the kitchen-middens, or on the cleared space about huts, caves, or other human dwelling-places, germinated59 and produced more seeds in succeeding seasons. Very probably many savages60 have observed the fact that food-plants frequently grow on such heaps of refuse. But that observation alone does not bring us much nearer to the origin of cultivation. For why should early man connect such a fact with the seeds more than with the bones, the shells, or the mere61 accident of proximity62? We must rid our minds of all the preconceptions of inductive and experimental science, and throw ourselves mentally back into the position of the savage to whom nature is one vast field of unrelated events, without fixed63 sequence or physical causation. Moreover, a kitchen-midden is not a cleared space: on the contrary, it is a weed-bed of extraordinary luxuriance. It brings us no nearer the origin of clearing.
There is, however, one set of functions in which primitive men do actually perform all the essential acts of agriculture, without in the least intending it; and that is the almost 279universal act of the burial of the dead. Burial is, so far as I can see, the only object for which early races, or, what comes to the same thing, very low savages, ever turn or dig the ground. We have seen already that the original idea of burial was to confine the ghost or corpse64 of the dead man by putting a weight of earth on top of him; and lest this should be insufficient65 to keep him from troublesome reappearances, a big stone was frequently rolled above his mound66 or tumulus, which is the origin of all our monuments, now diverted to the honour and commemoration of the deceased. But the point to which I wish just now to direct attention is this—that in the act of burial, and in that act alone, we get a first beginning of turning the soil, exposing fresh earth, and so incidentally eradicating67 the weeds. We have here, in short, the first necessary prelude68 to the evolution of agriculture.
The next step, of course, must be the sowing of the seed. And here, I venture to think, funeral customs supply us with the only conceivable way in which such sowing could ever have begun. For early men would certainly not waste the precious seeds which it took them so much time and trouble to collect from the wild plants around them, in mere otiose69 scientific experiments on vegetable development. But we have seen that it is the custom of all savages to offer at the tombs of their ancestors food and drink of the same kind as they themselves are in the habit of using. Now, with people in the hunting stage, such offerings would no doubt most frequently consist of meat, the flesh of the hunted beasts or game-birds; but they would also include fish, fruits, seeds, tubers, and berries, and in particular such rich grains as those of the native pulses and cereals. Evidence of such things being offered at the graves of the dead has been collected in such abundance by Dr. Tylor, Mr. Frazer, and Mr. Herbert Spencer, that I need not here adduce any further examples of so familiar a practice.
What must be the obvious result? Here, and here alone, 280the savage quite unconsciously sows seeds upon newly-turned ground, deprived of its weeds, and further manured by the blood and meat of the frequent sacrificial offerings. These seeds must often spring up and grow apace, with a rapidity and luxuriance which cannot fail to strike the imagination of the primitive hunter. Especially will this be the case with that class of plants which ultimately develop into the food-crops of civilised society. For the peculiarity70 of these plants is that they are one and all—maize, corn, or rice, pease, beans, or millet—annuals of rapid growth and portentous71 stature; plants which have thriven in the struggle for existence by laying up large stores of utilisable material in their seeds for the use of the seedling; and this peculiarity enables them to start in life in each generation exceptionally well endowed, and so to compete at an advantage with all their fellows. Seeds of such a sort would thrive exceedingly in the newly-turned and well-manured soil of a grave or barrow; and producing there a quantity of rich and edible grain, would certainly attract the attention of that practical and observant man, the savage. For though he is so incurious about what are non-essentials, your savage is a peculiarly longheaded person about all that concerns his own immediate advantage.
What conclusion would at once be forced upon him? That seeds planted in freshly-turned and richly-manured soil produce threefold and fourfold? Nothing of the sort. He knows naught72 of seeds and manures and soils; he would at once conclude, after his kind, that the dreaded73 and powerful ghost in the barrow, pleased with the gifts of meat and seeds offered to him, had repaid those gifts in kind by returning grain for grain a hundredfold out of his own body. This original connexion of ideas seems to me fully to explain that curious identification of the ghost or spirit with the corn or other foodstuff which Mr. Frazer has so wonderfully and conclusively74 elaborated in The Golden Bough75.
Some 281little evidence is even forthcoming that vegetation actually does show exceptional luxuriance on graves and barrows. The Rev12. Alexander Stewart of Ballachulish mentions that the milkmaids in Lochaber and elsewhere in the Scotch76 highlands used to pour a little milk daily from the pail on the “fairy knowes,” or prehistoric77 barrows; and the consequence was that “these fairy knolls78 were clothed with a more beautiful verdure than any other spot in the country.” In Fiji, Mr. Fison remarks that yam-plants spring luxuriantly from the heaps of yam presented to ancestral spirits in the sacred stone enclosure or temenos; and two or three recent correspondents (since this chapter was first printed in a monthly review) have obligingly communicated to me analogous79 facts from Madagascar, Central Africa, and the Malay Archipelago. It is clear from their accounts that graves do often give rise to crops of foodstuffs, accidentally springing from the food laid upon them.
Just at first, under such circumstances, the savage would no doubt be content merely to pick and eat the seeds that thus grew casually80, as it were, on the graves or barrows of his kings and kinsfolk. But in process of time it would almost certainly come about that the area of cultivation would be widened somewhat. The first step toward such widening, I take it, would arise from the observation that cereals and other seeds only throve exceptionally upon newly-made graves, not on graves in general. For as soon as the natural vegetation reasserted itself, the quickening power of the ghost would seem to be used up. Thus it might be found well to keep fresh ghosts always going for agricultural purposes. Hence might gradually arise a habit of making a new grave annually, at the most favourable81 sowing-time, which last would come to be recognised by half-unconscious experiment and observation. And this new grave, as I shall show reason for believing a little later, would be the grave, not of a person who happened to die then and there accidentally, but 282of a deliberate victim, slain in order to provide a spirit of vegetation,—an artificial god,—and to make the corn grow with vigour82 and luxuriance. Step by step, I believe, it would at length be discovered that if only you dug wide enough, the corn would grow well around as well as upon the actual grave of the divine victim. Thus slowly there would develop the cultivated field, the wider clearing, dug up or laboured by hand, and finally the ploughed field, which yet remains83 a grave in theory and in all essentials.
I have ventured to give this long and apparently84 unessential preamble85, because I wish to make it clear that the manufactured or artificial god of the corn-field or other cultivated plot really dates back to the very origin of cultivation. Without a god, there would be no corn-field at all; and the corn-field, I believe, is long conceived merely as the embodiment of his vegetative spirit. Nay, the tilled field is often at our own day, and even in our own country, a grave in theory.
It is a mere commonplace at the present time to say that among early men and savages every act of life has a sacred significance; and agriculture especially is everywhere and always invested with a special sanctity. To us, it would seem natural that the act of sowing seed should be regarded as purely practical and physiological; that the seed should be looked upon merely as the part of the plant intended for reproduction, and that its germination86 should be accepted as a natural and normal process. Savages and early men, however, have no such conceptions. To them the whole thing is a piece of natural magic; you sow seeds, or, to be more accurate, you bury certain grains of foodstuff in the freshly-turned soil, with certain magical rites87 and ceremonies; and then, after the lapse89 of a certain time, plants begin to grow upon this soil, from which you finally obtain a crop of maize or wheat or barley90. The burial of the seeds or grains is only one part of the 283magical cycle, no more necessarily important for the realisation of the desired end than many others.
And what are the other magical acts necessary in order that grain-bearing plants may grow upon the soil prepared for their reception? Mr. Frazer has collected abundant evidence for answering that question, a small part of which I shall recapitulate91 here for the benefit of those who have not read his remarkable92 work, referring students to The Golden Bough itself for fuller details and collateral93 developments. At the same time I should like to make it clearly understood that Mr. Frazer is personally in no way responsible for the use I here make of his admirable materials.
All the world over, savages and semi-civilised people are in the habit of sacrificing human victims, whose bodies are buried in the field with the seed of corn or other bread-stuffs. Often enough the victim’s blood is mixed with the grain in order to fertilise it. The most famous instance is that of the Khonds of Orissa, who chose special victims, known as Meriahs, and offered them up to ensure good harvests. The Meriah was often kept for years before being sacrificed. He was regarded as a consecrated94 being, and treated with extreme affection, mingled95 with deference96. A Meriah youth, on reaching manhood, was given a wife who was herself a Meriah; their offspring were all brought up as victims. “The periodical sacrifices,” says Mr. Frazer, “were generally so arranged by tribes and divisions of tribes that each head of a family was enabled, at least once a year, to procure97 a shred98 of flesh for his fields, generally about the time when his chief crop was laid down.” On the day of the sacrifice, which was horrible beyond description in its details, the body was cut to pieces, and the flesh hacked99 from it was instantly taken home by the persons whom each village had deputed to bring it. On arriving at its destination, it was divided by the priest into two portions, one of which he buried in a hole in the ground, with his back turned and without looking 284at it. Then each man in the village added a little earth to cover it, and the priest poured water over the mimic100 tumulus. The other portion of the flesh the priest divided into as many shares as there were heads of houses present. Each head of a house buried his shred in his own field, placing it in the earth behind his back without looking. The other remains of the human victim—the head, the bones, and the intestines—were burned on a funeral-pile, and the ashes were scattered101 over the fields, or mixed with the new corn to preserve it from injury. Every one of these details should be carefully noted102.
Now, in this case, it is quite clear to me that every field is regarded as essentially103 a grave; portions of the divine victim are buried in it; his ashes are mixed with the seed; and from the ground thus treated he springs again in the form of corn, or rice, or turmeric. These customs, as Mr. Frazer rightly notes, “imply that to the body of the Meriah there was ascribed a direct or intrinsic power of making the crops to grow. In other words, the flesh and ashes of the victim were believed to be endowed with a magical or physical power of fertilising the land.” More than that, it seems to me that the seed itself is not regarded as sufficient to produce a crop: it is the seed buried in the sacred grave with the divine flesh which germinates104 at last into next year’s foodstuffs.
A few other points must be noticed about this essential case, which is one of the most typical instances of manufactured godhead. The Meriah was only satisfactory if he had been purchased—“bought with a price,” like the children who were built as foundation-gods into walls; or else was the child of a previous Meriah—in other words, was of divine stock by descent and inheritance. Khonds in distress105 often sold their children as Meriahs, “considering the beatification” (apotheosis, I would rather say) “of their souls certain, and their death, for the benefit of mankind, the most honourable106 possible.” This sense of the sacrifice as a case of “one man dying for the people” is most 285marked in our accounts, and is especially interesting from its analogy to Christian reasoning. A man of the Panua tribe was once known to upbraid107 a Khond because he had sold for a Meriah his daughter whom the Panu芒 wished to marry; the Khonds around at once comforted the insulted father, exclaiming, “Your child died that all the world may live.” Here and elsewhere we have the additional idea of a piacular value attached to the sacrifice, about which more must be said in a subsequent chapter. The death of the Meriah was supposed to ensure not only good crops, but also “immunity from all disease and accident.” The Khonds shouted in his dying ear, “We bought you with a price; no sin rests with us.” It is also worthy108 of notice that the victim was anointed with oil, a point which recalls the very name of Christus. Once more, the victim might not be bound or make any show of resistance; but the bones of his arms and his legs were often broken to render struggling impossible. Sometimes, however, he was stupefied with opium109, one of the ordinary features in the manufacture of gods, as we have already seen, being such preliminary stupefaction. Among the various ways in which the Meriah was slain I would particularly specify110 the mode of execution by squeezing him to death in the cleft111 of a tree. I mention these points here, though they somewhat interrupt the general course of our argument, because of their great importance as antecedents of the Christian theory. In fact, I believe the Christian legend to have been mainly constructed out of the details of such early god-making sacrifices; I hold that Christ is essentially one such artificial god; and I trust the reader will carefully observe for himself as we proceed how many small details (such as the breaking of the bones) recall in many ways the incidents of the passion and the crucifixion.
The Khonds, however, have somewhat etherealised the conception of artificial god-making by allowing one victim to do for many fields together. Other savages are more prodigal112 286of divine crop-raisers. To draw once more from Mr. Frazer’s storehouse—the Indians of Guayaquil, in South America, used to sacrifice human blood and the hearts of men when they sowed their fields. The ancient Mexicans, conceiving the maize as a personal being who went through the whole course of life between seed-time and harvest, sacrificed new-born babes when the maize was sown, older children when it had sprouted113, and so on till it was fully ripe, when they sacrificed old men. May we not parallel with this instance the singular fact that the Romans had as their chief agricultural deity114 Saturnus, the god of sowing, but had also several other subsidiary crop-deities, such as Seia, who has to do with the corn when it sprouts115, Segetia, with the corn when shot up, and Tutilina with the corn stored in the granary? (An obvious objection based on the numerous gods of childhood and practical arts at Rome will be answered in a later chapter.) The Pawnees, again, annually sacrificed a human victim in spring, when they sowed their fields. They thought that an omission116 of this sacrifice would be followed by the total failure of the crops of maize, beans, and pumpkins117. In the account of one such sacrifice of a girl in 1837 or 1838, we are told: “While her flesh was still warm, it was cut in small pieces from the bones, put in little baskets, and taken to a neighbouring corn-field. Here the head chief took a piece of the flesh from a basket, and squeezed a drop of blood upon the newly-deposited grains of corn. His example was followed by the rest, till all the seed had been sprinkled with the blood; it was then covered up with earth.” Many other cases might be quoted from America.
In West Africa, once more, a tribal118 queen used to sacrifice a man and woman in the month of March. They were killed with spades and hoes, and their bodies buried in the middle of a field which had just been tilled. At Lagos, in Guinea, it was the custom annually to impale119 a young girl alive soon after the spring equinox in order to 287secure good crops. A similar sacrifice is still annually offered at Benin. The Marimos, a Bechuana tribe, sacrifice a human being for the crops. The victim chosen is generally a short stout120 man. He is seized by violence or intoxicated121 (note that detail) and taken to the fields, where he is killed amongst the wheat “to serve as seed.” After his blood has coagulated in the sun, it is burned, along with that peculiarly sacred part, the frontal bone, the flesh attached to it, and the brain; the ashes are then scattered over the ground to fertilise it. Such scattering122 of the ashes occurs in many instances, and will meet us again in the case of Osiris.
In India, once more, the Gonds, like the Khonds, kidnapped Brahman boys, and kept them as victims to be sacrificed on various occasions. At sowing and reaping, after a triumphal procession, one of the lads was killed by being punctured123 with a poisoned arrow. His blood was then sprinkled over the ploughed field or the ripe crop, and his flesh was sacramentally devoured124. The last point again will call at a later stage for further examination.
I will detail no more such instances (out of the thousands that exist) for fear of seeming tedious. But the interpretation125 I put upon the facts is this. Originally, men noticed that food-plants grew abundantly from the laboured and well-manured soil of graves. They observed that this richness sprang from a coincidence of three factors—digging, a sacred dead body, and seeds of foodstuffs. In time, they noted that if you dug wide enough and scattered seed far enough, a single corpse was capable of fertilising a considerable area. The grave grew into the field or garden. But they still thought it necessary to bury some one in the field; and most of the evidence shows that they regarded this victim as a divine personage; that they considered him the main source of growth or fertility; and that they endeavoured to deserve his favour by treating him well during the greater part of his lifetime. For in many of the accounts it is expressly stated 288that the intended victim was treated as a god or as a divine king, and was supplied with every sort of luxury up to the moment of his immolation126. In process of time, the conception of the field as differing from the grave grew more defined, and the large part borne by seed in the procedure was more fully recognised. Even so, however, nobody dreamed of sowing the seed alone without the body of a victim. Both grain and flesh or blood came to be regarded alike as “seed”: that is to say, the concurrence127 of the two was considered necessary to produce the desired effect of germination and fertility. Till a very late period, either the actual sacrifice or some vague remnant of it remained as an essential part of cultivation. Mr. Frazer’s pages teem128 with such survivals in modern folk-custom. From his work and from other sources, I will give a few instances of these last dying relics129 of the primitive superstition.
Mr. Gomme, in his Ethnology in Folklore130, supplies an account of a singular village festival in Southern India. In this feast, a priest, known as the Potraj, and specially armed with a divine whip, like the scourge131 of Osiris, sacrifices a sacred buffalo132, which is turned loose when a calf133, and allowed to feed and roam about the village. In that case, we have the common substitution of an animal for a human victim, which almost always accompanies advancing civilisation134. At the high festival, the head of the buffalo was struck off at a single blow, and placed in front of the shrine135 of the village goddess. Around were placed vessels136 containing the different cereals, and hard by a heap of mixed grains with a drill-plough in the centre. The carcase was then cut up into small pieces, and each cultivator received a portion to bury in his field. The heap of grain was finally divided among all the cultivators, to be buried by each one in his field with the bit of flesh. At last, the head, that very sacred part, was buried before a little temple, sacred to the goddess of boundaries. The goddess is represented by a shapeless stone—no doubt a Terminus, 289or rather the tombstone of an artificial goddess, a girl buried under an ancient boundary-mark. Here we have evidently a last stage of the same ritual which in the case of the Khonds was performed with a human victim. It is worth while noting that, as part of this ceremony, a struggle took place for portions of the victim.
A still more attenuated137 form of the same ceremony is mentioned by Captain Harkness and others, as occurring among the Badagas of the Nilgiri Hills. I condense their accounts, taking out of each such elements as are most cognate138 to our purpose. Among these barbarians139, the first furrow140 is ploughed by a low-caste Kurrumbar, who gives his benediction141 to the field, without which there would be no harvest. Here, the member of the aboriginal142 race is clearly looked upon as a priest or kinsman143 of the local gods, whose cooperation must be obtained by later intrusive144 races. But the Kurrumbar does not merely bless the field; he also sets up a stone in its midst; and then, prostrating145 himself before the stone, he sacrifices a goat, the head of which he keeps as his perquisite146. This peculiar value of the oracular head retained by the priest is also significant. When harvest-time comes, the same Kurrumbar is summoned once more, in order that he may reap the first handful of corn, an episode the full importance of which will only be apparent to those who have read Mr. Frazer’s analysis of harvest customs. But in this case also, the appearance of the sacred stone is pregnant with meaning. We can hardly resist the inference that we have here to do with the animal substitute for a human sacrifice of the god-making order, in which the victim was slaughtered148, a stone set up to mark the site of the sacrifice, and the head preserved as a god to give oracles149, in the fashion with which we are already familiar. Comparing this instance with the previous one of the sacred buffalo and the still earlier cases of ancestral heads preserved as gods for oracular purposes, I think the affiliation150 is too clear to be disregarded.
Evidence 290of similar customs elsewhere exists in such abundance that I can only give a very small part of it at present, lest I should assign too much space to a subordinate question; I hope to detail the whole of it hereafter in a subsequent volume. Here is a striking example from Mr. Gomme’s Ethnology in Folklore, the analogy of which with preceding instances will at once be apparent.
“At the village of Holne, situated151 on one of the spurs of Dartmoor, is a field of about two acres, the property of the parish, and called the Ploy153 Field. In the centre of this field stands a granite154 pillar (Menhir) six or seven feet high. On May-morning, before daybreak, the young men of the village used to assemble there, and then proceed to the moor152, where they selected a ram5 lamb, and, after running it down, brought it in triumph to the Ploy Field, fastened it to the pillar, cut its throat, and then roasted it whole, skin, wool, etc. At midday a struggle took place, at the risk of cut hands, for a slice, it being supposed to confer luck for the ensuing year on the fortunate devourer155. As an act of gallantry the young men sometimes fought their way through the crowd to get a slice for the chosen amongst the young women, all of whom, in their best dresses, attended the Ram Feast, as it was called. Dancing, wrestling, and other games, assisted by copious156 libations of cider during the afternoon, prolonged the festivity till midnight.”
Here again we get several interesting features of the primitive ritual preserved for us. The connexion with the stone which enshrines the original village deity is perfectly157 clear. This stone no doubt represents the place where the local foundation-god was slain in very remote ages; and it is therefore the proper place for the annual renewal158 sacrifices to be offered. The selection of Maymorning for the rite88; the slaughter147 at the stone pillar; the roasting of the beast whole; the struggle for the pieces; and the idea that they would confer luck, all show survival of primitive feeling. So does the cider, sacramental 291intoxication being an integral part of all these proceedings159. Every detail, indeed, has its meaning for those who look close; for the struggle at midday is itself significant, as is also the prolongation of the feast till midnight. But we miss the burial of the pieces in the fields; in so far, the primitive object of the rite seems to have been forgotten or overlooked in Devonshire.
A still more attenuated survival is quoted by Mr. Gomme from another English village. “A Whitsuntide custom in the parish of King’s Teignton, Devonshire, is thus described: A lamb is drawn160 about the parish on Whitsun Monday in a cart covered with garlands of lilac, laburnum, and other flowers, when persons are requested to give something towards the animal and attendant expenses; on Tuesday it is killed and roasted whole in the middle of the village. The lamb is then sold in slices to the poor at a cheap rate. The origin of the custom is forgotten, but a tradition, supposed to trace back to heathen days, is to this effect: The village suffered from a dearth161 of water, when the inhabitants were advised by their priests to pray to the gods for water; whereupon the water sprang up spontaneously in a meadow about a third of a mile above the river, in an estate now called Rydon, amply sufficient to supply the wants of the place, and at present adequate, even in a dry summer, to work three mills. A lamb, it is said, has ever since that time been sacrificed as a votive thank-offering at Whitsuntide in the manner before mentioned. The said water appears like a large pond, from which in rainy weather may be seen jets springing up some inches above the surface in many parts. It has ever had the name of ‘Fair Water.’”
I mention this curious instance here, because it well illustrates162 the elusive163 way in which such divine customs of various origins merge164 into one another; and also the manner in which different ideas are attached in different places to very similar ceremonies. For Mr. Frazer has shown that the notion of a rain-charm is also closely bound up with 292the gods of agriculture; the Khond Meriah must weep, or there will be no rain that year; his red blood must flow, or the turmeric will not produce its proper red colour. (Compare the red blood that flowed from Poly-dorus’s cornel, and the Indian’s blood that drops from the Canadian bloodroot.) In this last instance of the King’s Teignton ceremony, it is the rain-charm that has most clearly survived to our days: and there are obvious references to a human sacrifice offered up to make a river-god in times long gone, and now replaced by an animal victim. The garlands of lilac, laburnum, and other flowers are, however, common adornments of the artificial god of cultivation; they occurred in the Dionvsiac rites and the Attis festival, and are still preserved in many European customs.
Very closely bound up with the artificial gods of cultivation are the terminal gods with whom I dealt in the last chapter; so closely that it is sometimes impossible to separate them. We have already seen some instances of this connexion; the procession of the sacred victim usually ends with a perlustration of the boundaries. This perlustration is often preceded by the head of the thean-thropic victim. Such a ceremony extends all over India; in France and other European countries it survives in the shape of the rite known as Blessing165 the Fields, where the priest plays the same part as is played among the Nilgiri hillsmen by the low-caste Kurrumbar. In this rite, the Host is carried round the bounds of the parish, as the head of the sacred buffalo is carried round at the Indian festival. In some cases every field is separately visited. I was told as a boy in Normandy that a portion of the Host (stolen or concealed166, I imagine) was sometimes buried in each field, but of this curious detail I can now obtain no confirmatory evidence, and I do not insist upon it. We must remember, however, that the Host is the body of Christ, and that its presence in such cases is the exact analogue167 of the carrying round the pieces of the Meriah.
In 293England, the ceremony merges168 into that of Beating the Bounds, already described; though I believe the significance of the boy-victims, and the necessity for whipping them as a rain-charm, will now be more apparent than when we last met with it.
In many cases, all the world over, various animals come to replace the human victim-god. Thus we learn from Festus that the Romans sacrificed red-haired puppies in spring, in the belief that the crops would thus grow ripe and ruddy; and there can be little doubt that these puppies, like the lamb sacrifice at Holne and King’s Teignton, were a substitute for an original human victim. Even so, the Egyptians, as we shall see, sacrificed red-haired men as the representatives of Osiris, envisaged169 as a corn-god. In some cases, indeed, we have historical evidence of the human god being replaced at recent dates by a divine animal-victim; for example, in Chinna Kimedy, after the British had suppressed human sacrifices, a goat took the place of the sacred Meriah.
Mannhardt has collected much evidence of the curious customs still (or lately) existing in modern Europe, which look like survivals in a very mitigated170 form of the same superstition. These are generally known by the name of “Carrying out Death,” or “Burying the Carnival171.” They are practised in almost every country of Europe, and relics of them survive even in England. The essence of these ceremonies consists in an effigy172 being substituted for the human victim. This effigy is treated much as the victim used to be. Sometimes it is burned, sometimes thrown into a river, and sometimes buried piecemeal173. In Austrian Silesia, for example, the effigy is burned, and while it is burning a general struggle takes place for the pieces, which are pulled out of the flames with bare hands. (Compare the struggle among the Khonds, and also at the Potraj festival and the Holne sacrifice.) Each person who secures a fragment of the figure ties it to a branch of the largest tree in his garden, or buries it in his field, in the 294belief that this causes the crops to grow better. Sometimes a sheaf of corn does duty for the victim, and portions of it are buried in each field as fertilisers. In the Hartz Mountains, at similar ceremonies, a living man is laid on a baking-trough and carried with dirges174 to a grave; but a glass of brandy is substituted for him at the last moment. Here the spirit is the equivalent of a god. In other cases the man is actually covered with straw, and so lightly buried. In Italy and Spain, a similar custom bore the name of “Sawing the Old Woman.” In Palermo, a real old woman was drawn through the streets on a cart, and made to mount a scaffold, where two mock executioners proceeded to saw through a bladder of blood which had been fitted to her neck. The blood gushed175 out, and the old woman pretended to swoon and die. This is obviously a mitigation of a human sacrifice. At Florence, an effigy stuffed with walnuts176 and dried figs177 represented the Old Woman. At mid-Lent, this figure was sawn through the middle in the Mercato Nuovo, and when the dried fruits tumbled out they were scrambled178 for by the crowd, as savages scrambled for fragments of the human victim or his animal representative. Upon all this subject a mass of material has been collected by Mannhardt and Mr. Frazer. Perhaps the most interesting case of all is the Russian ceremony of the Funeral of Yarilo. In this instance, the people chose an old man and gave him a small coffin180 containing a figure representing Yarilo. This he carried out of the town, followed by women chanting dirges, as the Syrian women mourned for Adonis, and the Egyptians for Osiris. In the open fields a grave was dug, and into it the figure was lowered amid weeping and wailing181.
Myth and folk-lore also retain many traces of the primitive connexion. Thus, in the genuine American legend of Hiawatha, the hero wrestles182 with and vanquishes183 Mon-damin, and where he buries him springs up for the first time the maize, or Indian-corn plant. Similar episodes occur 295in the Finnish Kalevala and other barbaric epics184. According to Mr. Chalmers, the Motu tribe in New Guinea say that yams sprang first from the bones of a murdered man, which were buried in a grave. After some time, the grave was opened, and the bones were found to be no longer bones, but large and small yams of different colours.
In order to complete our preliminary survey of these artificial gods of cultivation, before we proceed to the consideration of the great corn-gods and wine-gods, it may be well to premise that in theory at least the original victim seems to have been a king or chief, himself divine, or else at least a king’s son or daughter, one of the divine stock, in whose veins185 flowed the blood of the earlier deities. Later on, it would seem, the temporary king was often allowed to do duty for the real king; and for this purpose he seems frequently to have been clad in royal robes, and treated with divine and royal honours. Examples of this complication will crop up in the sequel. For the present I will only refer to the interesting set of survivals, collected by Mr. Gomme, where temporary kings or mayors in England are annually elected, apparently for the sake of being sacrificed only. In many of these cases we get mere fragmentary portions of the original rite; but by piecing them all together, we obtain on the whole a tolerably complete picture of the original ceremonial observance. At St. Germans in Cornwall, the mock mayor was chosen under the large walnut-tree at the May-fair; he was made drunk overnight, in order to fit him for office, and was in that state drawn round the nut-tree, much as we saw the mayor of Bovey rode round the Bovey stone on his accession to the mayoralty. The mayor of St. Germans also displayed his royal character by being mounted on the wain or cart of old Teutonic and Celtic sovereignty. At Lostwithiel, the mock mayor was dressed with a crown on his head, and a sceptre in his hand, and had a sword borne before him. At Penrhyn, the mayor was preceded by torch-bearers and town sergeants186, and though he was not 296actually burnt, either in play or in effigy, bonfires were lighted, and fireworks discharged, which connect the ceremony with such pyre-sacrifices of cremationists as the festival of the Tyrian Melcarth and the Baal of Tarsus. On Halgaver Moor, near Bodmin, a stranger was arrested, solemnly tried in sport, and then trained in the mire187 or otherwise ill-treated. At Polperro, the mayor was gen-rally “some half-witted or drunken fellow,” in either case, according to early ideas, divine; he was treated with ale, and, “having completed the perambulation of the town,” was wheeled by his attendants into the sea. There, he was allowed to scramble179 out again, as the mock victim does in many European ceremonies; but originally, I do not doubt, he was drowned as a rain-charm.
These ceremonies, at the time when our authorities learnt of them, had all degenerated188 to the level of mere childish pastimes; but they contain in them, none the less, persistent189 elements of most tragic190 significance, and they point back to hideous191 and sanguinary god-making festivals. In most of them we see still preserved the choice of the willing or unconscious victim; the preference for a stranger, a fool, or an idiot; the habit of intoxicating192 the chosen person; the treatment of the victim as king, mayor, or governor; his scourging193 or mocking; his final death; and his burning on a pyre, or his drowning as a rain-charm. All these points are still more clearly noticeable in the other form of survival where the king or divine victim is represented, not by a mock or temporary king, but by an image or effigy. Such is the common case of King Carnival, who is at last burnt in all his regalia, or thrown into a river. Our own Guy Fawkes, though fastened upon the personality of a particular unpopular historical character, seems to be the last feeble English representative of such a human victim. I will not elaborate this point any further (considerations of space forbid), but will refer the reader for additional examples to Mr. Gomme’s 297Village Community, and Mr. Frazer’s wonderful collection of examples in The Golden Bough.
The general conclusion I would incline to draw from all these instances is briefly194 this. Cultivation probably began with the accidental sowing of grains upon the tumuli of the dead. Gradually it was found that by extending the dug or tilled area and sowing it all over, a crop would grow upon it, provided always a corpse was buried in the centre. In process of time divine corpses195 were annually provided for the purpose, and buried with great ceremony in each field. By-and-bye it was found sufficient to offer up a single victim for a whole tribe or village, and to divide his body piecemeal among the fields of the community. But the crops that grew in such fields were still regarded as the direct gifts of the dead and deified victims, whose soul was supposed to animate196 and fertilize197 them. As cultivation spread, men became familiarised at last with the conception of the seed and the ploughing as the really essential elements in the process; but they still continued to attach to the victim a religious importance, and to believe in the necessity of his presence for good luck in the harvest. With the gradual mitigation of savagery198 an animal sacrifice was often substituted for a human one; but the fragments of the animal were still distributed through the fields with a mimic or symbolical199 burial, just as the fragments of the man-god had formerly200 been distributed. Finally, under the influence of Christianity and other civilised religions, an effigy was substituted for a human victim, though an animal sacrifice was often retained side by side with it, and a real human being was playfully killed in pantomime.
In early stages, however, I note that the field or garden sometimes retains the form of a tumulus. Thus Mr. Turner, the Samoan missionary201, writes of the people of Tana, in the New Hebrides:
“They bestow202 a great deal of labour on their yam plantations203, and keep them in fine order. You look over a reed 298fence, and there you see ten or twenty mounds204 of earth, some of them seven feet high and sixty in circumference205. These are heaps of loose earth without a single stone, all thrown up by the hand. In the centre they plant one of the largest yams whole, and round the sides some smaller ones.”
This looks very much like a tumulus in its temenos. I should greatly like to know whether a victim is buried in it.
I may add that the idea of the crop being a gift from the deified ancestor or the divine-human victim is kept up in the common habit of offering the first-fruits to the dead, or to the gods, or to the living chief, their representative and descendant. Of the equivalence of these three ceremonies, I have given some evidence in my essay on Tree-Worship appended to my translation of the Attis of Catullus. For example, Mr. Turner says of these same Tanese in the New Hebrides:
“The spirits of their departed ancestors were among their gods. Chiefs who reached an advanced age were, after death, deified, addressed by name, and prayed to on various occasions. They were supposed especially to preside over the growth of the yams and the different fruit-trees. The first-fruits were presented to them, and in doing this they laid a little of the fruit on some stone or shelving branch of the tree, or some more temporary altar.., in the form of a table.... All being quiet, the chief acted as high priest and prayed aloud thus: ‘Compassionate father, here is some food for you; eat it; be kind to us on account of it.’ And instead of an Amen, all united in a loud shout.”
Similar evidence is abundant elsewhere. I summarise206 a little of it. Every year the Kochs of Assam, when they gather their first-fruits, offer some to their ancestors, calling them even by name, and clapping their hands to summon them. The people of Kobi and Sariputi, two villages in Ceram, “offer the first-fruits of the paddy in the form of cooked rice to their ancestors as a token of gratitude207.” 299The ceremony is called “Feeding the Dead.” In the Tenimber and Timorlaut Islands, the first-fruits of the paddy are offered to the spirits of the ancestors, who are worshipped as guardian208 gods or household lares. The people of Luzon worship chiefly the souls of their ancestors, and offer to them the first-fruits of the harvest. In Fiji the earliest of the yams are presented to the ancestral ghosts in the sacred stone enclosure; and no man may taste of the new crop till after this presentation.
In other cases it is gods rather than ghosts to whom the offering is made, though among savages the distinction is for the most part an elusive one. But in not a few instances the first-fruits are offered, not to spirits or gods at all, but to the divine king himself, who is the living representative and earthly counterpart of his deified ancestors. Thus in Ashantee a harvest festival is held in September, when the yams are ripe. During the festival the king eats the new yams, but none of the people may eat them till the close of the festival, which lasts a fortnight. The Hovas, of Madagascar, present the first sheaves of the new grain to the sovereign. The sheaves are carried in procession to the palace from time to time as the grain ripens209. So, in Burmah, when the pangati fruits ripen210, some of them used to be taken to the king’s palace that he might eat of them; no one might partake of them before the king. In short, what is offered in one place to the living chief is offered in another place to his dead predecessor211, and is offered in a third place to the great deity who has grown slowly out of them. The god is the dead king; the king, as in ancient Egypt, is the living god, and the descendant of gods, his deified ancestors. Indeed, the first-fruits seem sometimes to be offered to the human victim himself, in his deified capacity, and sometimes to the Adonis, or Osiris, who is his crystallised embodiment. Our own harvest festival seems to preserve the offering in a Christianised form.
Finally, I will add that in many cases it looks as though the 300divine agriculture-victim were regarded as the king in person, the embodiment of the village or tribal god, and were offered up, himself to himself, at the stone which forms the monument and altar of the primitive deity. Of this idea we shall see examples when we go on to examine the great corn-gods and wine-gods of the Mediterranean212 region.
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deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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ram
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| (random access memory)随机存取存储器 | |
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votaries
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| n.信徒( votary的名词复数 )；追随者；（天主教）修士；修女 | |
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foodstuff
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| n.食料，食品 | |
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foodstuffs
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| 食物，食品( foodstuff的名词复数 ) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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enquire
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| v.打听，询问；调查，查问 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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bespeak
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| v.预定；预先请求 | |
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diverge
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| v.分叉，分歧，离题，使...岔开，使转向 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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withering
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| 使人畏缩的，使人害羞的，使人难堪的 | |
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parched
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| adj.焦干的；极渴的；v.（使）焦干 | |
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arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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dwindling
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| adj.逐渐减少的v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的现在分词 ) | |
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attains
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的第三人称单数 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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amicably
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| adv.友善地 | |
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alpine
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| adj.高山的；n.高山植物 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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iris
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| n.虹膜，彩虹 | |
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enquiring
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| a.爱打听的，显得好奇的 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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riddle
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| n.谜，谜语，粗筛；vt.解谜，给…出谜，筛，检查，鉴定，非难，充满于；vi.出谜 | |
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crux
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| adj.十字形；难事，关键，最重要点 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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nettle
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| n.荨麻；v.烦忧，激恼 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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premise
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| n.前提；v.提论，预述 | |
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enquirer
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| 寻问者，追究者 | |
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investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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seedling
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| n.秧苗，树苗 | |
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prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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physiological
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| adj.生理学的，生理学上的 | |
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edible
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| n.食品，食物；adj.可食用的 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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provident
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| adj.为将来做准备的，有先见之明的 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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57
blindfold
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| vt.蒙住…的眼睛；adj.盲目的；adv.盲目地；n.蒙眼的绷带[布等]； 障眼物，蒙蔽人的事物 | |
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58
conjecturally
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| adj.推测的，好推测的 | |
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59
germinated
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| v.（使）发芽( germinate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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61
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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62
proximity
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| n.接近，邻近 | |
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63
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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64
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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65
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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66
mound
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| n.土墩，堤，小山；v.筑堤，用土堆防卫 | |
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67
eradicating
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| 摧毁，完全根除( eradicate的现在分词 ) | |
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68
prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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69
otiose
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| adj.无效的，没有用的 | |
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70
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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71
portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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72
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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73
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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74
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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75
bough
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| n.大树枝，主枝 | |
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76
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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77
prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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78
knolls
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| n.小圆丘，小土墩( knoll的名词复数 ) | |
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79
analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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80
casually
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| adv.漠不关心地，无动于衷地，不负责任地 | |
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81
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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82
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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83
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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84
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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85
preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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86
germination
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| n.萌芽，发生；萌发；生芽；催芽 | |
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87
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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88
rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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89
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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90
barley
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| n.大麦，大麦粒 | |
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91
recapitulate
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| v.节述要旨，择要说明 | |
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92
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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93
collateral
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| adj.平行的；旁系的；n.担保品 | |
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94
consecrated
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|
| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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95
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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96
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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97
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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98
shred
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| v.撕成碎片，变成碎片；n.碎布条，细片，些少 | |
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99
hacked
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| 生气 | |
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100
mimic
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| v.模仿，戏弄；n.模仿他人言行的人 | |
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101
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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102
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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103
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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104
germinates
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| n.（使）发芽( germinate的名词复数 )v.（使）发芽( germinate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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105
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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106
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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107
upbraid
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| v.斥责，责骂，责备 | |
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108
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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109
opium
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| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
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110
specify
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| vt.指定，详细说明 | |
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111
cleft
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| n.裂缝；adj.裂开的 | |
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112
prodigal
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| adj.浪费的，挥霍的，放荡的 | |
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113
sprouted
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| v.发芽( sprout的过去式和过去分词 )；抽芽；出现；（使）涌现出 | |
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114
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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115
sprouts
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| n.新芽，嫩枝( sprout的名词复数 )v.发芽( sprout的第三人称单数 )；抽芽；出现；（使）涌现出 | |
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116
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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117
pumpkins
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| n.南瓜( pumpkin的名词复数 )；南瓜的果肉，南瓜囊 | |
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118
tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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119
impale
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| v.用尖物刺某人、某物 | |
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121
intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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122
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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123
punctured
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| v.在（某物）上穿孔( puncture的过去式和过去分词 )；刺穿（某物）；削弱（某人的傲气、信心等）；泄某人的气 | |
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124
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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125
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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126
immolation
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| n.牺牲品 | |
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127
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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128
teem
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| vi.(with)充满，多产 | |
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129
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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130
folklore
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| n.民间信仰，民间传说，民俗 | |
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131
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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132
buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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133
calf
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| n.小牛，犊，幼仔，小牛皮 | |
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134
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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135
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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136
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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137
attenuated
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| v.（使）变细( attenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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138
cognate
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| adj.同类的，同源的，同族的；n.同家族的人，同源词 | |
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139
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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140
furrow
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| n.沟；垄沟；轨迹；车辙；皱纹 | |
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141
benediction
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| n.祝福；恩赐 | |
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142
aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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143
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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144
intrusive
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| adj.打搅的；侵扰的 | |
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145
prostrating
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| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的现在分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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146
perquisite
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| n.固定津贴，福利 | |
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147
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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148
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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150
affiliation
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| n.联系，联合 | |
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151
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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152
moor
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| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
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153
ploy
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| n.花招，手段 | |
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154
granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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155
devourer
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| 吞噬者 | |
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156
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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157
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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158
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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159
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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160
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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161
dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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162
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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163
elusive
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| adj.难以表达(捉摸)的；令人困惑的；逃避的 | |
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164
merge
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| v.(使)结合，(使)合并，(使)合为一体 | |
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165
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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166
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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167
analogue
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| n.类似物；同源语 | |
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168
merges
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| （使）混合( merge的第三人称单数 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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169
envisaged
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| 想像，设想( envisage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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170
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
carnival
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| n.嘉年华会，狂欢，狂欢节，巡回表演 | |
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172
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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173
piecemeal
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| adj.零碎的；n.片，块；adv.逐渐地；v.弄成碎块 | |
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174
dirges
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| n.挽歌( dirge的名词复数 )；忧伤的歌，哀歌 | |
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175
gushed
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| v.喷，涌( gush的过去式和过去分词 )；滔滔不绝地说话 | |
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176
walnuts
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| 胡桃（树）( walnut的名词复数 )； 胡桃木 | |
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177
figs
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| figures 数字，图形，外形 | |
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178
scrambled
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| v.快速爬行( scramble的过去式和过去分词 )；攀登；争夺；（军事飞机）紧急起飞 | |
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179
scramble
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| v.爬行，攀爬，杂乱蔓延，碎片，片段，废料 | |
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180
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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181
wailing
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的现在分词 )；沱 | |
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182
wrestles
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| v.（与某人）搏斗( wrestle的第三人称单数 )；扭成一团；扭打；（与…）摔跤 | |
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183
vanquishes
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| v.征服( vanquish的第三人称单数 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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184
epics
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| n.叙事诗( epic的名词复数 )；壮举；惊人之举；史诗般的电影（或书籍） | |
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185
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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186
sergeants
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| 警官( sergeant的名词复数 )； （美国警察）警佐； （英国警察）巡佐； 陆军（或空军）中士 | |
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187
mire
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| n.泥沼，泥泞；v.使...陷于泥泞，使...陷入困境 | |
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188
degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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190
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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191
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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192
intoxicating
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| a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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193
scourging
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| 鞭打( scourge的现在分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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194
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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195
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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196
animate
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| v.赋于生命，鼓励；adj.有生命的，有生气的 | |
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197
fertilize
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| v.使受精，施肥于，使肥沃 | |
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198
savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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199
symbolical
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| a.象征性的 | |
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200
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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201
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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202
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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203
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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204
mounds
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| 土堆，土丘( mound的名词复数 )； 一大堆 | |
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205
circumference
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| n.圆周，周长，圆周线 | |
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206
summarise
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| vt.概括，总结 | |
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207
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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208
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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209
ripens
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的第三人称单数 ) | |
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210
ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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211
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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212
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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