I well remember some great and good men whom it has been my privilege and my good fortune to know, but none do I see so plainly before me as Giuseppe Mazzini. His features, his expression, and his every gesture, all are indelibly engraven on my memory. Is it because thirty-four years ago I painted a portrait of him that hangs here just opposite me, and I reverently1 look up at it as I am about to speak of him? Or is it not rather that to have known Mazzini means ever to remember him—to hear his voice, to feel his influence, and to recall his outward form?
The portrait was painted in the little studio of my bachelor days, which measured about twenty feet by ten, and had no other appendage2 but a good-sized cupboard, by courtesy called a bedroom. But it was situated3 right in the middle of six or eight acres of ground in the heart of London, which for many years went by the name of "Cadogan Gardens," till one day it was "improved" away, and its good name was transferred to a new row of Philistine4 stone houses. Such as it was in 1862, Mazzini liked it, and would often look in on me and my brother-in-law, Antonin Roche, the only other occupant of those Square gardens.
Portrait of Mazzini Portrait of Mazzini
Roche, who is now of a ripe old age, and is enjoying a well-earned rest, was an old friend of Mazzini. The two took very opposite views in politics, for Roche was a "Légitimiste," warmly attached to the direct line of the Bourbons, and true to their white flag; whilst in the eyes of Mazzini, as we know, all kings were pretty equally black, and no flag acceptable but the white, green, and red one of a united Italy. A long experience had taught him to place no faith in princes, but to centre his hopes in the people, and in the ultimate triumph of Republican institutions. So he and Roche had right royal word-fights when they met, and they were not badly matched; for Roche was quite a living encyclop?dia of knowledge, and had the history of mankind, from the days of Adam up to date, at his fingers' ends. And he had every opportunity of keeping his knowledge fresh, for during a period of forty-five years he regularly held his French "cours" on history, literature, and a variety of other subjects, and before he retired7 he had educated three generations of England's fairest and most aristocratic daughters.
Mazzini and he, then, would often discuss politics and political economy of the past, present, and future, and I sometimes ventured to join in their conversation. To-day I see the presumption9 of my ways, but then I was younger, and whilst reverencing10 the master-mind, and feeling infinitesimally small next to the great man, I yet was bold enough to advance where many besides angels would have feared to tread. I had lived in France for some years under the second Empire, and had, perhaps, more respect for the successful than I have now. I had witnessed the rebuilding of Paris, the revival11 of art, and many evidences of increasing prosperity, and—always allowing for the needs of France and the French of that day—I looked upon Louis Napoleon as rather the right man in the right place.
But Mazzini reviled12 him, and at the mention of his name would burst forth13 into a passionate14 philippic, crushing "the adventurer, the perjurer15, the tyrant16" with all the weight of his glowing indignation. "But apart from all that," he would say, "we hate each other personally."
He was certainly the most uncompromising enemy of royalty17, disdaining18 threats and blandishments alike, and preferring exile to the acceptance of such favours as the amnesty which at a later period recalled him and his friends to their native land. "He who can debase himself," he said, "by accepting the royal clemency19 will some day stand in need of the people's clemency."
If he was grand in his wrath20, he was grand also in his ideal aspirations21; whether he thundered with the withering22 eloquence23 of a Cicero, or pleaded for the Brotherhood24 of Man with the accents of love; whether he bowed his head humbly25 before the power of one great God, or rose fanatically to preach the new Gospel: "Dio e il popolo," God the first cause, the People sole legitimate26 interpreter of His law of eternal progress.
The conviction that spoke27 from that man's lips was so intense, that it kindled28 conviction; his soul so stirred that one's soul could not but vibrate responsively. To be sure, at the time I am speaking of, every conversation seemed to lead up to the one all-absorbing topic, the unification of Italy. She must be freed from the yoke30 of the Austrian or the Frenchman; the dungeons31 of King Bomba must be opened and the fetters32 forged at the Vatican shaken off. His eyes sparkled as he spoke, and reflected the ever-glowing and illuminating33 fire within; he held you magnetically. He would penetrate34 into some innermost recess35 of your conscience and kindle29 a spark where all had been darkness. Whilst under the influence of that eye, that voice, you felt as if you could leave father and mother and follow him, the elect of Providence36, who had come to overthrow37 the whole wretched fabric38 of falsehoods holding mankind in bondage39. He gave you eyes to see, and ears to hear, and you too were stirred to rise and go forth to propagate the new Gospel, "The Duties of Man."
What he wrote, what he spoke, was something beyond revealed religion, the outcome of a faith that looked upwards40 to gather a new revelation of the eternal law that governs the universe. Gospel, Koran, Talmud, merged41 in his mind in the new faith, rising over the horizon to illuminate42 humanity.
There was another side of his nature that many a time deeply impressed me. The enthusiast43, the conspirator44, would give way to the poet, the dreamer, as he would speak of God's nature, and of its loveliest creation, Woman; of innocent childhood, of sunshine and flowers.
I have heard much said about Woman and Woman's Rights since the days of Mazzini, from pulpit and platform, from easy-chair and office-stool. It often seemed to me to be said in beautiful prose; but still in prose. Mazzini spoke the language of poetry; not in hexameters or blank verse, but still it was poetry. We of to-day look forward, create a new ideal, a new woman; he looked backward to the days of his childhood, and conjured45 up a vision of Maria Mazzini, his mother.
He loved children, too, and they him. There were boys and girls of all ages in the Roche family, clever and active, and, consequently, what wise and sapient46 parents call naughty. Some of these now ex-children tell me they have a distinct recollection of having been on more than one occasion turned out and sent to bed prematurely47. "We often got into trouble," they say, "when Louis Blanc was there, but we were always good for Mazzini; that was because he was so kind, and never failed to inquire after the dolls; and then we loved to sit and listen to him. To be sure we sometimes didn't understand a word of the conversation going on, but his voice was so beautiful that it fascinated us."
Overawed, I think, would frequently have been more correct, when I remember how they must have heard him denouncing the Austrian rule, or holding up to execration48 his crowned enemies. I always looked upon him, as I certainly believe he did upon himself, as the ordained49 champion of the oppressed, and as a menacing tool in the hands of an unflinching Providence. He was as unflinching as the Fates themselves, and, regarding himself as the embodiment of a good cause, he cared little for the obloquy50 his opponents ever heaped upon his head. To name but one instance: When Orsini attempted the life of Napoleon III., throwing a bomb at the imperial carriage as it was approaching the Opera House in the Rue5 Drouot, killing51, not the object of his hatred52, but so many innocent people, a cry of horror went through the civilised world, and Mazzini got his full share of execration. Nobody entertained a doubt that he was at the bottom of the plot. It could only be he who had organised it; he had supplied the bombs, and Orsini was but a tool sent to the post of danger, whilst he himself remained on the safe side of the water that separated hospitable54 England from the realm of the French Emperor and his ever-watchful police.
The world was mistaken. Mazzini may have hatched plots and prepared coups55; indeed, to do so was his daily task, and sometimes when I asked him: "Eh bien, comment ?a va? Qu'est ce que vous faites?" he would pleasantly answer: "Je conspire"; but in this case we knew that he could not have had any communication with Orsini. What had happened between them had led to an irreparable breach56. During one of Mazzini's secret visits to the Continent, his friend Sir James Stansfeld, then Mr. Stansfeld, had undertaken to open his letters for him, and to forward what he deemed desirable. Among others a letter from Orsini thus came into his hands, which contained the vilest57 accusations58 against two most deservedly respected ladies, friends both of Mr. Stansfeld and of Mazzini. The indignant answer with which the former met the slander59 led in true Continental60 fashion to a challenge from Orsini, which, it is needless to say, was treated with contempt. Mazzini, to whom woman was ever an ideal to be looked up to and revered61, was deeply incensed62. He never met Orsini after the incident, and he never forgave him the libels he had penned.
Alluding63 to these circumstances, I asked him why he did not publicly contradict the reports that accused him of complicity; knowing, as I did, that they were untrue, I wondered that he did not repudiate64 the charge. To that he answered: "It matters nothing, or rather it is well the world should believe me implicated65. I never protest. Europe needs a bugbear, a watchword that threatens, a name that makes itself feared. The few syllables66 that go to make up my name will serve the purpose as well as any others."
Mr. Stansfeld was one of his earliest friends. He has often told me how great was the personal influence Mazzini exercised over him. "What could be loftier," he writes, "than his conception of duty as the standard of life for nations and individuals alike, and of right as a consequence of duty fulfilled. His earnestness and eloquence fascinated me from the first, and many young men of that time have had their after-lives elevated by his living example."
There were two associations of which all the most active members were young men, Mr. Stansfeld amongst the number: "The People's International League," and "The Society of the Friends of Italy;" the latter especially exercising considerable influence in accentuating67 and bringing to the front the expression of British public opinion in favour of the emancipation68 and unification of Italy. At the close of the revolution that in 1848 shook the very foundations on which rested European thrones, many of the most prominent leaders and revolutionary personalities69 of the period sought shelter in the sanctuary70 of the British Islands, and it was at this time that Mazzini's more intimate friends found a hospitable and cordial reception at Mr. Stansfeld's house. Mazzini himself had come to London when he was obliged to leave Switzerland in 1841. One or two of the incidents that arose out of his presence in England are worth recalling.
In 1844 a petition from Mazzini and others was presented to the House of Commons, complaining that their letters had been opened in the Post Office. Sir James Graham, under whose instructions as Secretary of State this had been done, defended his action, and roundly abused Mazzini, as did Lord Aberdeen in the House of Lords. They, however, afterwards apologised for their words. A Bill was introduced to put a stop to the power of opening letters by the Secretary of State, but was dropped. It was on this occasion that Carlyle wrote to The Times his famous defence of Mazzini "I have had the honour to know Mr. Mazzini for a series of years, and, whatever I may think of his practical insight and skill in worldly affairs, I can with great freedom testify to all men that he, if ever I have seen one such, is a man of genius and virtue71, a man of sterling72 veracity73, humanity, and nobleness of mind, one of those rare men, numerable unfortunately but as units in this world, who are worthy74 to be called martyr75 souls."
Twenty years later the subject of Mazzini's letters once more led to heated controversy76 in the House of Commons. At that time Mr. Stansfeld was a Junior Lord of the Admiralty. His friendship for the champion of Italy's rights had ripened77 as years went on, and he was ever ready to serve him and the good cause. It happened that the French Procureur-Impérial, while engaged in prosecuting78 a State conspiracy79, discovered that one of the accused persons had been found in possession of a letter telling him to write for money to Mr. Flowers, at 35 Thurloe Square, S.W. This was Mr. Stansfeld's address, and he did not hesitate to admit that he had allowed Mazzini to have his letters addressed there, under the name of M. Fiori (Anglicè, Flowers), to prevent those letters from being opened, while at the same time he knew nothing of their contents. The incident was used by Disraeli to make an attack on the Palmerston Government, for containing in its ranks so dangerous a man as Stansfeld—a man actually engaged in sheltering a conspirator, and "the great promoter of assassination," as he was pleased to call Mazzini. Bright made a strong speech, defending Stansfeld and Mazzini, and declaring that Disraeli himself had justified80 regicide, as he had in the "Revolutionary Epic81." Stansfeld also spoke, saying that he was proud of the intimate friendship of Mazzini, and denying that the great patriot82 could be properly described in the scurrilous83 language Disraeli had used.
It was in consequence of this incident that Mr. Stansfeld resigned office, "perfectly84 satisfied," he says in a letter on the subject, "in being able by so doing, to reconcile the duties of private friendship with my obligations to the Government, of which I was the youngest member." In his long and honourable85 career, whether as Mr. or Sir James, Stansfeld was always a good knight86 and true, labouring with the zeal87 of the reformer and the foresight88 of the statesman. In Mazzini he admired not only the patriot who served his own country with passionate devotion, but the teacher who, seeing far beyond the narrow limits of each separate nation, could realise the ideal of international unity6, and foreshadow a future, in which the aim of statesmanship among free nations would no longer be to perpetuate89 the weakness of others, but "to secure the amelioration of all, and the progress of each, for the benefit of all the others."
Thus impressed with the solidarity90 of nations, and the community of their interests, Stansfeld at all times advocated the cause of international unity and the establishment of tribunals of arbitration91; and, if a powerful figure-head was wanted to represent those causes, be it to preside over a meeting or to introduce a deputation to the prime minister, we looked to Sir James as the man round whom the best and most influential92 politicians would rally, and whom they would cordially support, confident as they were both of his strength and of his discretion93.
From the arena94 of politics, national and international, to the four walls of my little studio is an abrupt95 transition; but with the name of Mazzini as a connecting link, it needs no apology. So I make straight for Cadogan Gardens, in order to mention a pleasant recollection I have of a certain October evening in 1862, when Mazzini unexpectedly dropped in. My cousin, Ernst Jaques, and two friends, Felix Simon and Herr von Keudell, had met there on a short visit to London to "make music." Mazzini and myself formed an appreciative96 audience, as well we might, for they played Mendelssohn's D Minor97 Trio in masterly fashion, von Keudell at the piano, Simon taking the violin, and my cousin the violoncello part. Mazzini loved music and was in full sympathy with the performers, so naturally the conversation first turned on the beauties of Mendelssohn's work and on the excellence98 of its interpretation99; but it soon gravitated to the subjects always uppermost in his mind. Herr von Keudell was particularly successful in drawing him out, perhaps because he held views opposed to those of the great patriot, and was well prepared to discuss them. He was soon to become Bismarck's confidential100 secretary, and as such to take an active and influential part in the chapter of history that was ere long to be enacted101. In later years he rose to occupy the post of ambassador to Italy. There was much in his aspirations that interested Mazzini, and when presently my cousin asked him for his autograph, he wrote, "Ah, si l'Allemagne agissait comme elle pense." Then it was on matters revolutionary that he talked, on the organisation102 of secret societies, on his clandestine103 visits to countries in which a price had been set upon his head, and finally, as he got up to leave us, on the detectives he would not keep waiting any longer. They had shadowed him as usual from his house, and would not fail to shadow him back. Very sensational104 stories were current in reference to those clandestine visits and the disguises under which Mazzini was supposed to have travelled, but they were mere105 inventions, he told us. To keep his counsel about the end of his journey and the time of his leaving, to shave off his moustache, sometimes to wear spectacles, and to travel quickly, were his sole precautions.
He always carried a certain walking-stick with a carved ivory handle, a most innocent-looking thing, but in reality a scabbard holding a sharply pointed106 blade. This is now in the possession of Mr. Joseph Stansfeld, to whom it was given by Mr. Peter Taylor, the old and trusted friend of Mazzini. He also preserves a volume of "The Duties of Man" with the dedication107 in his godfather's hand: "To Joseph, in memoriam of Joseph Mazzini." There is too a portrait of Maria Mazzini (Giuseppe's mother). It is a very poor production, and whilst it may, perhaps, give us some idea of her features, it certainly in no way reflects her lovable nature. When I knew Mazzini he was living in the simplest of lodgings108, at 2 Onslow Terrace, Brompton. His room was littered with papers and pamphlets. Birds were his constant companions; the room was their cage, wire netting being stretched across the windows. They flew around and hopped109 about most unceremoniously on the writing-table amongst the conspirator's voluminous correspondence. He had a curious way of holding his pen, the thumb not closing upon it as he wrote, a peculiarity110 which accounts for the crabbed111 character of his handwriting. Being an inveterate112 smoker113, he and the birds were mostly enveloped114 in a cloud. Smoking cheap, but many, Swiss cigars was the only luxury he allowed himself. He was the austerest of Republicans, had few wants, and but slender means with which to satisfy them. Whatever he may have possessed116 in early life he had spent for the cause he was devoted117 to; afterwards he lived on a small annuity118 which his mother had settled on him.
When he sat for me I always took good care to place a box of cigars, and wherewith to light one after the other, on a little table by his side. Thus equipped he proved an admirable model; he sat, or rather stood, with untiring energy, dictating119, as it were, the character of the picture, and enabling me to put every touch from nature; posing for those nervous, sensitive hands of his, for the coat and the black velvet120 waistcoat buttoned up to the chin—he never showed a trace of white collar or cuff—and for the long Venetian gold chain, the only slender line of light I could introduce in the sombre figure. He was indeed, I felt, a subject to stir up an artist, and to sharpen whatever of wits he might have at the end of his brush.
From Mazzini I first heard of the new enterprise Garibaldi had embarked121 on in August 1862. He had once more left Caprera, and had crossed over to Calabria with the avowed122 intention of driving the French garrison124 from Rome. Mazzini was most emphatic125 in his condemnation126 of the scheme, and used strong and uncomplimentary language in censuring127 the action of his colleague. "But the die is cast," he said, "and under the circumstances I cannot do otherwise than give instructions to all our groups and societies to support him."
How disastrously128 the expedition ended we all remember. It was denounced as treasonable by the Italian Government in a royal proclamation, and Garibaldi was wounded at Aspromonte in an encounter with troops sent to stop his advance. Great and spontaneous was the outburst of sympathy in England for the hero of Marsala. A small group of his friends arranged, at a cost of ￡1000, to send out an English surgeon, Mr. Partridge, to attend him. It was not by him, however, but by the eminent129 French surgeon Nélaton that the bullet was found and extracted.
More than once Mazzini's impulsiveness130, not to say na?veté, struck me. Thus one day he rushed breathlessly into my studio, with the words, "Have you heard the news? We are going to have Rome and Venice." I forget what particular news he alluded131 to, but remember pulling him up with unwarrantable audacity132. "At what o'clock?" I asked. "Ah," he answered, "go on, go on. I am too well accustomed to jeers133 and epigrams to mind." I humbly apologised for my disrespectful retort, uttered on the spur of the moment; but to do so seemed scarcely necessary, for the lion evidently did not mind my taking liberties with his tail; and presently, when I said, "Well, if not at what o'clock, tell me in how much time you will have Rome and Venice," he answered, "Within a twelvemonth. You will see." I made a note of this date, but never reminded him of the incident. In his enthusiasm he had been over-sanguine. "Id fere credunt quod volunt," says C?sar in his "De Bello Gallico" ("they readily believe what they wish"), and Mazzini was the man of faith and aspirations. Four years were yet to elapse before Venice was liberated134, and eight before the Italians gained possession of Rome.
One of the subjects on which he felt strongly was that of compulsory135 insurance. I cannot remember that he favoured any particular scheme, but he was wedded136 to the principle that no man has a right to become a pauper137, and that he should be compelled by law to save a fraction of his earnings138, to be entrusted139 to the State. In old age he should be able to draw upon a fund thus constituted, and in doing so he would be under no greater obligation to the State than any man is to the banker with whom he has opened an account.
Some little notes which I received from him mostly refer to the sittings for his portrait. On one occasion I must have written that I was again conspiring140 against his peace, and wanted him to make an appointment. In allusion141 to this he answers, addressing me as "Mon cher conspirateur." On another occasion I had put that I was one of the several tyrants142 who were clamouring for his head, to which his answer commenced, "Mon cher tyran." That autograph I always particularly prized, the juxtaposition143 of the words "Dear" and "Tyrant" in Mazzini's handwriting being, I believe, unique. In my album he quotes Goethe, "Im Ganzen, Guten, Wahren resolut zu leben," words that strike one as the appropriate motto for the man who ever sought to live resolutely144 for all that is good and true. His quotation145, however, was not quite correct, for he had substituted, characteristically perhaps, the "True" for the "Beautiful."
Some letters addressed to his friend, Allessandro Cicognani, which have recently come into my possession, are characteristic. He writes:—
"Fratello mio,—La vostra lettera mi è giunta carissima; ora tanto più che io sento il bisogno di riannodare intelligenze coi buoni della città di Romagna e stava cercandone i modi; dopo tre anni d'agitazione nelle quali abbiamo lasciato fare perchè l'esperimento fosse intero e i fatti parlassero, noi ci troviamo a un dipresso là donde eravamo partiti, colla Lombardia rioccupata, coi principi più o meno proclivi a retrocedere.
"è tempo146 che ci dichiariamo in faccia all'Europa inetti a essere liberi, o che cominciamo ad agire da per noi. Noi vogliamo cacciare lo straniero d' Italia, e vogliamo che il paese intero decida liberamente delle proprie sorti. Guerra dunque e costituente. Se vi è chi dissenta da quegli due punti, merita condanna da ogni Italiano che ama il Paese. Non si tratta più di un partito o dell' altro, si tratta di esistere come nazione e di riconoscere nella nazione la sovranità. In questi limiti noi vogliamo stare, al di qua noi non diamo ormai più tregua ad alcuno.
"Questa posizione che noi repubblicani abbiamo presa io la esprimerò nettamente in un opuscolo, che escirà fra cinque o sei giorni e che vorrei mandarvi; vogliate indicarmi il modo più conveniente e se io debba via via scrivere al vostro o ad altro indirizzo. Su quel terreno intanto è necessario che rapidamente ci organizziamo per l'azione concentrata a raggiungere il doppio intento. Io vi manderò tra due giorni una circolare della nostra Giunta centrale contenente appunto le norme d'organizzazione generale che dovremmo dare uniforme a quanti consentano in quella bandiera. Voi farete il meglio che potrete.
"Vi suppongo in contatto con8 Malioni ed amici. Fra qualche giorno giungerà tra voi un amico mio, Lauri di Forli col quale desidero vi teniate in perfetto accordo.
"Addio, possiam noi far davvero un ultimo sforzo che levi il Paese da questa vergognosissima via di ciarle di progetti impossibili e di transazione fra il fianciullesco ed il gesuitico, che ci fanno parere decrepiti all' Europa quando si tratta di ringiovanire ed iniziare una nuova era di vita!—Amate il vostro,
"Giuseppe Mazzini.
"Frontiera Lombarda,
15 Novembre 1849."
Translation.
"My Brother,—Your letter received was most welcome, all the more so, as I feel the want of putting myself once more in communication with the good friends of the cities of the Romagna, and I was seeking for the best means of doing so. After three years of agitation148, during which we have let things take their course in order to allow the experiment to be complete, and facts to speak for themselves, we find ourselves about at the point from which we started, with Lombardy re-occupied and the princes more or less inclined to retrogression. It is time that in the sight of Europe we should either openly avow123 ourselves incapable149 of being free, or that we should begin to act for ourselves. We are resolved to drive the foreigner from Italy, and to let the whole country be the free arbiter150 of its own destiny.
"This means war. If there is any one who dissents151 from these two points he deserves the condemnation of every Italian who loves his country. It is no longer a question of one party or another; it is a question of existing as a nation, and of recognising the sovereignty of the nation. Within these limits we will stand; beyond them we will henceforth concede no truce152 to any one.
"The position which we Republicans have thus taken I shall define in unequivocal terms in a pamphlet which will appear in five or six days, and which I should like to send you. Please let me know which is the best way of doing so, and whether I should for the present write to your address or to another. In the meanwhile it is, however, necessary that we should rapidly organise53 in order to attain153 by concentrated action the two objects in view. I shall send you in two days a circular issued by our Central Giunta, containing definite instructions for general organisation, which must be made uniform for all those who rally round this banner. You will do the best you can.
"I take it that you are in touch with Melioni and friends. In a few days you will receive the visit of a friend of mine, Lauri di Forli, with whom I wish you to hold yourself in perfect agreement.
"Good-bye. May we in full earnest make a final effort that shall lead the country out of that most disgraceful rut of useless chatter154 of impossible schemes and of compromises between the childish and the jesuitical, that make us appear decrepit147 in the eyes of Europe when we speak of regeneration and of the introduction of a new era in our lives. Love me.—Yours,
Giuseppe Mazzini.
"Lombard Frontier,
Nov. 15, 1849."
I have two short letters written to the same friend and dated 1869 and 1871, not of general interest, but the latter concluding with the characteristic sentence:
"Il meglio sarebbe che si aprisse la via cercata per lunghi anni da noi; e s'aprirà; ma siamo corrotti e privi di coraggio morale155.
"Persisto nondimeno e persisterò finchè vivo."
"The best would be, that the road should open which we have sought for many years, and open it will; but we are corrupt156 and devoid157 of moral courage. I persist nevertheless, and shall persist as long as I live."
The epistles he received he sometimes showed me as curiosities. Some came from his admirers, other from his detractors, either frequently total strangers to him. There were letters couched in terms of most eccentric adulation, others that unceremoniously relegated158 him to the regions of perdition. One merely requested him to go to the antipodes, in order that he might be well out of the way of regenerated159 Italy. Another, less urbane160, addressed him as "Uomo aborrito!" ("abhorred man"), and continued in a similar strain of abuse. Mazzini took it all pleasantly; the lion's tail was once for all proof against any amount of pulling.
The patriotic161 dreams of Mazzini were gradually to be realised, in a measure, at least; for although his ideal—a Republic in place of a Monarchy—seemed hopeless of attainment162, the hated foreigner was expelled, or had retired from Italian soil, and a united people joined hands from the Alps to the Adriatic.
He had returned to his native land, and there, active and uncompromising to the last, he died at Pisa, on March 10, 1872, in the Casa Rosselli. A private letter in the possession of Mr. Stansfeld gives some particulars of his last hours. He was perfectly tranquil163, and free from suffering, but sank into a gradual stupor164. During the day, at times, his hands moved mechanically, as if he were holding and smoking a cigar. Madame Rosselli asked him why he did that; but his mind was wandering, he did not understand her, and answered an imaginary question. He roused himself, and looking straight at her, he said, with great animation165 and intenseness, "Believe in God? Yes, indeed I do believe in God." These were his last words of consciousness.
A friend of his, writing a few days after the fatal 10th of March, tells how the mystery which surrounded him all his life continued to envelop115 him to the moment when death broke the seals of secrecy166. Then, for the first time, the good people of Pisa learnt that the mild and retiring Mr. Francis Braun, who had long lived within their walls, was no other than the redoubtable167 Mazzini. He had come to their city in the February of the preceding year, and had remained till August, returning from Switzerland with the first frosts of November. The authorities doubtless knew perfectly well who the supposed Englishman was, who spent all his days in study and all his evenings in the company of the self-same small family circle. But they were to let him alone. It was not for the first time that they wisely ignored his presence. The chief difficulty of the Italian Government had been, not to find him and seize him, but to find and not to molest168 him. On one occasion the Neapolitan police put the Government into much perturbation by telegraphing that it was "impossible to avoid arresting Mazzini."
On another occasion—it was in 1857—the house of the Marchese Pareto, where Mazzini was staying, was surrounded by the police, and a large military force in attendance made a portentous169 show. The Qu?stor, an old schoolfellow of Mazzini, formally demands admittance in the King's name, when the door is opened by Mazzini himself, disguised as a servant. The Qu?stor asks to speak to the Marquis, and is forthwith introduced by the obsequious170 flunkey. Did the Qu?stor recognise his old friend? Our informant believes he did. He tells us that diligent171 search was made throughout the house; that nothing was found but a stove full of ashes, the remains172 of papers just burnt; that the Marquis was carried off by the police in his carriage, to make certain depositions173, which meant nothing; and that the servant was left behind.
In like manner Mazzini was suffered to remain undisturbed in Pisa. Dangerous though some timorous174 officials deemed him to be, the Government knew full well that he would be far more dangerous as a captive than as a free man.
To the citizens of Pisa his incognito175 was so complete, that even the doctor who attended him in his last illness did not know his patient.
On the Wednesday before his death he wrote an article for the Unità Italiana on Renan's book, "La Réforme Intellectuelle et Morale de la France." He talked rarely about politics even to his intimate friends. Occasionally he would, however, break out into anathemas176 against the "International"; his eyes would then flash fire, and he would use strong language against Ledru Rollin, Quinet, "e tutti quanti," who, he would say, "might have saved France, but who, by mere inaction, had abandoned her to the most pernicious of impossible delusions177."
The news that his remains had been embalmed178 by Professor Zorini and placed in a metal coffin179, into which a glass had been inserted, with a view to exhibiting them on the anniversary of his death, raised an indignant protest from some of his nearest friends in England. They wrote warmly denouncing what they declared would most have wounded and outraged180 him. "His whole life," says Madame Venturi, in a letter to an Italian friend, "was one long protest against materialism181, and they make of his sacred corpse182 a lasting183 statue of materialism, and of his monument an altar to the idolatry of matter. Write to the people and tell them that he expressed a wish to lie by the side of his mother."
The truth concerning the matter which led to so warm a protest, is this: Mazzini was only partially184 embalmed, and lay in state in a small room on the ground floor of the Casa Rosselli. A tricolour flag covered his breast, and a laurel wreath crowned his head. A plaster cast and a photograph had been taken by Alinari. On the birthday of the King of Italy and of his son the remains of their potent185 adversary186 were carried on a simple car to the railway station outside the Porta Nuova. The pall-bearers were six of his nearest friends, besides a student and a working-man; deputations from neighbouring cities, and crowds of sympathisers, formed a procession and lined the streets. Conspicuous187 on the coffin was a wreath with the inscription188, "The Americans to Mazzini"; it had been placed there by the consular189 representatives of the United States. On its arrival in Genoa, the remains lay in state again, but for one day only. Then better counsels, more in harmony with the patriot's wishes, prevailed, and his body was placed in the sepulchre, where no human eye has seen it since. His burial-place was selected next to that of his mother, and now her tomb is enclosed with his.
It was after his death only that the great agitator's life-work began to be fully190 recognised by his countrymen. A reaction set in in his favour; the Parliament of Rome passed a resolution expressing the grief of the nation at the death of "The Apostle of Italian Unity"; public meetings were held, and many were the marks of respect paid to him throughout Italy.
This seemed to me an opportune191 moment to add my small tribute to his memory, so I called on the Marquis d'Azeglio, then Italian ambassador to England, and offered to present my portrait of Mazzini to the Italian nation, that it might be placed in one of their public galleries. But I was to be disappointed, for the marquis bowed me out, very politely, I must say, but fully giving me to understand that it was one thing to tolerate the demonstrations192 in favour of Mazzini, and another to do honour to him and his portrait. The picture has since gone through one or two similar experiences. What will become of it eventually I do not know, but I am happy to have it with me still.
On the second of November, some ten years ago, I happened to be in Genoa. It was the day of "Tutti Morti" (All Souls' Day), the great holiday, tearful and cheerful, on which all good Catholics make their pilgrimage to the cemeteries193 where rest their departed friends. A steady stream of visitors was flowing towards the "Cimetéro di Staglieno." I joined it, and was soon wandering through arcades194 filled with marble tributes to the memory of the dead, some of the sculptors195' work being very beautiful. Then, across the Campo Santo—the consecrated196 field—all bedecked with flowers and garlands, I came to where the path winds upwards to the graves and monuments that dot the hills above. There stands Mazzini's tomb, a mausoleum worthy of the man, severe and solemn. Two short, thick-set columns mark the entrance and carry a massive stone, on which is inscribed197 in plain large characters the name "Giuseppe Mazzini." That day the monument and the surroundings seemed doubly impressive, for a guard of honour had been placed to hold watch by the great liberator's tomb. It was here, then, that the exile and the outlaw198 had at last found rest in the land he loved so well—in Genoa, the city of his birth.
I sought out a place from which I could make a water-colour sketch199, and, as I sat painting, my thoughts reverted200 with reverence201 and with love to the master and to the friend.
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1
reverently
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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appendage
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| n.附加物 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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philistine
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| n.庸俗的人；adj.市侩的，庸俗的 | |
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rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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reverencing
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| v.尊敬，崇敬( reverence的现在分词 )；敬礼 | |
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revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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reviled
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| v.辱骂，痛斥( revile的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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perjurer
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| n.伪誓者，伪证者 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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disdaining
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| 鄙视( disdain的现在分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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20
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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21
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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withering
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| 使人畏缩的，使人害羞的，使人难堪的 | |
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23
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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24
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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27
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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28
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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29
kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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30
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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31
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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32
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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33
illuminating
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| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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34
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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38
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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39
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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42
illuminate
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| vt.照亮，照明；用灯光装饰；说明，阐释 | |
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43
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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conspirator
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| n.阴谋者，谋叛者 | |
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conjured
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| 用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 )； 祈求，恳求； 变戏法； （变魔术般地） 使…出现 | |
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46
sapient
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| adj.有见识的，有智慧的 | |
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prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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50
obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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52
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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organise
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| vt.组织，安排，筹办 | |
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hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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55
coups
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| n.意外而成功的行动( coup的名词复数 )；政变；努力办到难办的事 | |
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56
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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57
vilest
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| adj.卑鄙的( vile的最高级 )；可耻的；极坏的；非常讨厌的 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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61
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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63
alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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64
repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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syllables
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| n.音节( syllable的名词复数 ) | |
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67
accentuating
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| v.重读( accentuate的现在分词 )；使突出；使恶化；加重音符号于 | |
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68
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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70
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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ripened
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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81
epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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scurrilous
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| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
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84
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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appreciative
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| adj.有鉴赏力的，有眼力的；感激的 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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clandestine
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| adj.秘密的，暗中从事的 | |
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sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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lodgings
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| n. 出租的房舍, 寄宿舍 | |
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hopped
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| 跳上[下]( hop的过去式和过去分词 )； 单足蹦跳； 齐足（或双足）跳行； 摘葎草花 | |
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110
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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111
crabbed
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| adj.脾气坏的；易怒的；（指字迹）难辨认的；（字迹等）难辨认的v.捕蟹( crab的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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113
smoker
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| n.吸烟者，吸烟车厢，吸烟室 | |
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114
enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
envelop
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| vt.包，封，遮盖；包围 | |
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116
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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117
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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118
annuity
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| n.年金；养老金 | |
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119
dictating
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的现在分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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120
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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121
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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122
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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123
avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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124
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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125
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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126
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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127
censuring
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的现在分词 ) | |
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128
disastrously
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| ad.灾难性地 | |
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129
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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130
impulsiveness
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| n.冲动 | |
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131
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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133
jeers
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| n.操纵帆桁下部（使其上下的）索具；嘲讽( jeer的名词复数 )v.嘲笑( jeer的第三人称单数 ) | |
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134
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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135
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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136
wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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138
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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139
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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141
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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142
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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143
juxtaposition
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| n.毗邻，并置，并列 | |
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144
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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145
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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146
tempo
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| n.(音乐的)速度；节奏，行进速度 | |
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147
decrepit
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| adj.衰老的，破旧的 | |
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148
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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149
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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150
arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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151
dissents
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| 意见的分歧( dissent的名词复数 ) | |
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152
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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153
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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154
chatter
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| vi.／n.喋喋不休；短促尖叫；(牙齿)打战 | |
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155
morale
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| n.道德准则，士气，斗志 | |
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156
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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157
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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158
relegated
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| v.使降级( relegate的过去式和过去分词 )；使降职；转移；把…归类 | |
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159
regenerated
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| v.新生，再生( regenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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160
urbane
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| adj.温文尔雅的，懂礼的 | |
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161
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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162
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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163
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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164
stupor
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| v.昏迷；不省人事 | |
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165
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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166
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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167
redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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168
molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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169
portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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170
obsequious
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| adj.谄媚的，奉承的，顺从的 | |
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171
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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172
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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173
depositions
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| 沉积（物）( deposition的名词复数 )； （在法庭上的）宣誓作证； 处置； 罢免 | |
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174
timorous
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| adj.胆怯的，胆小的 | |
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175
incognito
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| adv.匿名地；n.隐姓埋名；adj.化装的，用假名的，隐匿姓名身份的 | |
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176
anathemas
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| n.（天主教的）革出教门( anathema的名词复数 )；诅咒；令人极其讨厌的事；被基督教诅咒的人或事 | |
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177
delusions
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| n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 )；谬见；错觉；妄想 | |
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178
embalmed
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| adj.用防腐药物保存（尸体）的v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的过去式和过去分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
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179
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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180
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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181
materialism
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| n.［哲］唯物主义，唯物论；物质至上 | |
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182
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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183
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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184
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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185
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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186
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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187
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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188
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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189
consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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190
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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191
opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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192
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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193
cemeteries
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| n.（非教堂的）墓地，公墓( cemetery的名词复数 ) | |
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194
arcades
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| n.商场( arcade的名词复数 )；拱形走道（两旁有商店或娱乐设施）；连拱廊；拱形建筑物 | |
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195
sculptors
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| 雕刻家，雕塑家( sculptor的名词复数 )； [天]玉夫座 | |
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196
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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197
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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198
outlaw
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| n.歹徒，亡命之徒；vt.宣布…为不合法 | |
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199
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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200
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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201
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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