Elsie secured from the Surgeon-General temporary passes for the day, and sent her friends to the hospital with the promise that she would not leave the White House until she had secured the pardon.
The President greeted her with unusual warmth. The smile that had only haunted his sad face during four years of struggle, defeat, and uncertainty2 had now burst into joy that made his powerful head radiate light. Victory had lifted the veil from his soul, and he was girding himself for the task of healing the Nation’s wounds.
“I’ll have it ready for you in a moment, Miss Elsie,” he said, touching3 with his sinewy4 hand a paper which lay on his desk, bearing on its face the red seal of the Republic. “I am only waiting to receive the passes.”
“I am very grateful to you, Mr. President,” the girl said feelingly.
“But tell me,” he said, with quaint5, fatherly humour, “why you, of all our girls, the brightest, fiercest little Yankee in town, so take to heart a rebel boy’s sorrows?”
Elsie blushed, and then looked at him frankly6 with a saucy7 smile.
“I am fulfilling the Commandments.”
“Love your enemies?” 39
“Certainly. How could one help loving the sweet, motherly face you saw yesterday.”
The President laughed heartily8. “I see—of course, of course!”
“The Honourable9 Austin Stoneman,” suddenly announced a clerk at his elbow.
Elsie started in surprise and whispered:
“Do not let my father know I am here. I will wait in the next room. You’ll let nothing delay the pardon, will you, Mr. President?”
Mr. Lincoln warmly pressed her hand as she disappeared through the door leading into Major Hay’s room, and turned to meet the Great Commoner who hobbled slowly in, leaning on his crooked11 cane12.
At this moment he was a startling and portentous13 figure in the drama of the Nation, the most powerful parliamentary leader in American history, not excepting Henry Clay.
No stranger ever passed this man without a second look. His clean-shaven face, the massive chiselled14 features, his grim eagle look, and cold, colourless eyes, with the frosts of his native Vermont sparkling in their depths, compelled attention.
His walk was a painful hobble. He was lame15 in both feet, and one of them was deformed16. The left leg ended in a mere17 bunch of flesh, resembling more closely an elephant’s hoof18 than the foot of a man.
He was absolutely bald, and wore a heavy brown wig19 that seemed too small to reach the edge of his enormous forehead. 40
He rarely visited the White House. He was the able, bold, unscrupulous leader of leaders, and men came to see him. He rarely smiled, and when he did it was the smile of the cynic and misanthrope20. His tongue had the lash21 of a scorpion22. He was a greater terror to the trimmers and time-servers of his own party than to his political foes24. He had hated the President with sullen25, consistent, and unyielding venom26 from his first nomination27 at Chicago down to the last rumour28 of his new proclamation.
In temperament29 a fanatic30, in impulse a born revolutionist, the word conservatism was to him as a red rag to a bull. The first clash of arms was music to his soul. He laughed at the call for 75,000 volunteers, and demanded the immediate31 equipment of an army of a million men. He saw it grow to 2,000,000. From the first, his eagle eye had seen the end and all the long, blood-marked way between. And from the first, he began to plot the most cruel and awful vengeance32 in human history.
And now his time had come.
The giant figure in the White House alone had dared to brook33 his anger and block the way; for old Stoneman was the Congress of the United States. The opposition34 was too weak even for his contempt. Cool, deliberate, and venomous alike in victory or defeat, the fascination35 of his positive faith and revolutionary programme had drawn36 the rank and file of his party in Congress to him as charmed satellites.
The President greeted him cordially, and with his habitual37 deference38 to age and physical infirmity hastened to place for him an easy chair near his desk. 41
He was breathing heavily and evidently labouring under great emotion. He brought his cane to the floor with violence, placed both hands on its crook10, leaned his massive jaws39 on his hands for a moment, and then said:
“Mr. President, I have not annoyed you with many requests during the past four years, nor am I here to-day to ask any favours. I have come to warn you that, in the course you have mapped out, the executive and legislative40 branches have come to the parting of the ways, and that your encroachments on the functions of Congress will be tolerated, now that the Rebellion is crushed, not for a single moment!”
Mr. Lincoln listened with dignity, and a ripple41 of fun played about his eyes as he looked at his grim visitor. The two men were face to face at last—the two men above all others who had built and were to build the foundations of the New Nation—Lincoln’s in love and wisdom to endure forever, the Great Commoner’s in hate and madness, to bear its harvest of tragedy and death for generations yet unborn.
“Well, now, Stoneman,” began the good-humoured voice, “that puts me in mind——”
The old Commoner lifted his hand with a gesture of angry impatience42:
“Save your fables43 for fools. Is it true that you have prepared a proclamation restoring the conquered province of North Carolina to its place as a State in the union with no provision for negro suffrage44 or the exile and disfranchisement of its rebels?” 42
The President rose and walked back and forth45 with his hands folded behind him before answering.
“I have. The Constitution grants to the National Government no power to regulate suffrage, and makes no provision for the control of ‘conquered provinces.’”
“Constitution!” thundered Stoneman. “I have a hundred constitutions in the pigeonholes46 of my desk!”
“I have sworn to support but one.”
“A worn-out rag——”
“Rag or silk, I’ve sworn to execute it, and I’ll do it, so help me God!” said the quiet voice.
“You’ve been doing it for the past four years, haven’t you!” sneered47 the Commoner. “What right had you under the Constitution to declare war against a ‘sovereign’ State? To invade one for coercion50? To blockade a port? To declare slaves free? To suspend the writ51 of habeas corpus? To create the State of West Virginia by the consent of two states, one of which was dead, and the other one of which lived in Ohio? By what authority have you appointed military governors in the ‘sovereign’ States of Virginia, Tennessee, and Louisiana? Why trim the hedge and lie about it? We, too, are revolutionists, and you are our executive. The Constitution sustained and protected slavery. It was ‘a league with death and a covenant52 with hell,’ and our flag ‘a polluted rag!’”
“In the stress of war,” said the President, with a far-away look, “it was necessary that I do things as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy to save the union which I have no right to do now that the union is saved 43 and its Constitution preserved. My first duty is to re-establish the Constitution as our supreme53 law over every inch of our soil.”
“The Constitution be d——d!” hissed54 the old man. “It was the creation, both in letter and spirit, of the slaveholders of the South.”
“Then the world is their debtor55, and their work is a monument of imperishable glory to them and to their children. I have sworn to preserve it!”
“We have outgrown56 the swaddling clothes of a babe. We will make new constitutions!”
“‘Fools rush in where angels fear to tread,’” softly spoke57 the tall, self-contained man.
For the first time the old leader winced58. He had long ago exhausted59 the vocabulary of contempt on the President, his character, ability, and policy. He felt as a shock the first impression of supreme authority with which he spoke. The man he had despised had grown into the great constructive60 statesman who would dispute with him every inch of ground in the attainment62 of his sinister63 life purpose.
His hatred64 grew more intense as he realized the prestige and power with which he was clothed by his mighty65 office.
With an effort he restrained his anger, and assumed an argumentative tone.
“Can’t you see that your so-called States are now but conquered provinces? That North Carolina and other waste territories of the United States are unfit to associate with civilized66 communities?” 44
“We fought no war of conquest,” quietly urged the President, “but one of self-preservation as an indissoluble union. No State ever got out of it, by the grace of God and the power of our arms. Now that we have won, and established for all time its unity67, shall we stultify68 ourselves by declaring we were wrong? These States must be immediately restored to their rights, or we shall betray the blood we have shed. There are no ‘conquered provinces’ for us to spoil. A nation cannot make conquest of its own territory.”
“But we are acting69 outside the Constitution,” interrupted Stoneman.
“Congress has no existence outside the Constitution,” was the quick answer.
The old Commoner scowled70, and his beetling72 brows hid for a moment his eyes. His keen intellect was catching73 its first glimpse of the intellectual grandeur74 of the man with whom he was grappling. The facility with which he could see all sides of a question, and the vivid imagination which lit his mental processes, were a revelation. We always underestimate the men we despise.
“Why not out with it?” cried Stoneman, suddenly changing his tack75. “You are determined76 to oppose negro suffrage?”
“I have suggested to Governor Hahn of Louisiana to consider the policy of admitting the more intelligent and those who served in the war. It is only a suggestion. The State alone has the power to confer the ballot77.”
“But the truth is this little ‘suggestion’ of yours is only a bone thrown to radical78 dogs to satisfy our howlings for 45 the moment! In your soul of souls you don’t believe in the equality of man if the man under comparison be a negro?”
“I believe that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which will forever forbid their living together on terms of political and social equality. If such be attempted, one must go to the wall.”
“Very well, pin the Southern white man to the wall. Our party and the Nation will then be safe.”
“That is to say, destroy African slavery and establish white slavery under negro masters! That would be progress with a vengeance.”
A grim smile twitched79 the old man’s lips as he said:
“Yes, your prim80 conservative snobs81 and male waiting-maids in Congress went into hysterics when I armed the negroes. Yet the heavens have not fallen.”
“True. Yet no more insane blunder could now be made than any further attempt to use these negro troops. There can be no such thing as restoring this union to its basis of fraternal peace with armed negroes, wearing the uniform of this Nation, tramping over the South, and rousing the basest passions of the freedmen and their former masters. General Butler, their old commander, is now making plans for their removal, at my request. He expects to dig the Panama Canal with these black troops.”
“Fine scheme that—on a par1 with your messages to Congress asking for the colonization82 of the whole negro race!”
“It will come to that ultimately,” said the President 46 firmly. “The negro has cost us $5,000,000,000, the desolation of ten great States, and rivers of blood. We can well afford a few million dollars more to effect a permanent settlement of the issue. This is the only policy on which Seward and I have differed——”
“Then Seward was not an utterly83 hopeless fool. I’m glad to hear something to his credit,” growled84 the old Commoner.
“I have urged the colonization of the negroes, and I shall continue until it is accomplished85. My emancipation86 proclamation was linked with this plan. Thousands of them have lived in the North for a hundred years, yet not one is the pastor87 of a white church, a judge, a governor, a mayor, or a college president. There is no room for two distinct races of white men in America, much less for two distinct races of whites and blacks. We can have no inferior servile class, peon or peasant. We must assimilate or expel. The American is a citizen king or nothing. I can conceive of no greater calamity88 than the assimilation of the negro into our social and political life as our equal. A mulatto citizenship89 would be too dear a price to pay even for emancipation.”
“Words have no power to express my loathing90 for such twaddle!” cried Stoneman, snapping his great jaws together and pursing his lips with contempt.
“If the negro were not here would we allow him to land?” the President went on, as if talking to himself. “The duty to exclude carries the right to expel. Within twenty years we can peacefully colonize91 the negro in the tropics, and give him our language, literature, 47 religion, and system of government under conditions in which he can rise to the full measure of manhood. This he can never do here. It was the fear of the black tragedy behind emancipation that led the South into the insanity92 of secession. We can never attain61 the ideal union our fathers dreamed, with millions of an alien, inferior race among us, whose assimilation is neither possible nor desirable. The Nation cannot now exist half white and half black, any more than it could exist half slave and half free.”
“Yet ‘God hath made of one blood all races,’” quoted the cynic with a sneer48.
“Yes—but finish the sentence—‘and fixed93 the bounds of their habitation.’ God never meant that the negro should leave his habitat or the white man invade his home. Our violation94 of this law is written in two centuries of shame and blood. And the tragedy will not be closed until the black man is restored to his home.”
“I marvel95 that the minions96 of slavery elected Jeff Davis their chief with so much better material at hand!”
“His election was a tragic97 and superfluous98 blunder. I am the President of the United States, North and South,” was the firm reply.
“Particularly the South!” hissed Stoneman. “During all this hideous99 war they have been your pets—these rebel savages101 who have been murdering our sons. You have been the ever-ready champion of traitors103. And you now dare to bend this high office to their defence——”
“My God, Stoneman, are you a man or a savage100!” cried the President. “Is not the North equally responsible 48 for slavery? Has not the South lost all? Have not the Southern people paid the full penalty of all the crimes of war? Are our skirts free? Was Sherman’s march a picnic? This war has been a giant conflict of principles to decide whether we are a bundle of petty sovereignties held by a rope of sand or a mighty nation of freemen. But for the loyalty104 of four border Southern States—but for Farragut and Thomas and their two hundred thousand heroic Southern brethren who fought for the union against their own flesh and blood, we should have lost. You cannot indict105 a people——”
“I do indict them!” muttered the old man.
“Surely,” went on the even, throbbing106 voice, “surely, the vastness of this war, its titanic107 battles, its heroism108, its sublime109 earnestness, should sink into oblivion all low schemes of vengeance! Before the sheer grandeur of its history our children will walk with silent lips and uncovered heads.”
“And forget the prison pen at Andersonville!”
“Yes. We refused, as a policy of war, to exchange those prisoners, blockaded their ports, made medicine contraband110, and brought the Southern Army itself to starvation. The prison records, when made at last for history, will show as many deaths on our side as on theirs.”
“The murderer on the gallows111 always wins more sympathy than his forgotten victim,” interrupted the cynic.
“The sin of vengeance is an easy one under the subtle plea of justice,” said the sorrowful voice. “Have we not had enough bloodshed? Is not God’s vengeance enough? When Sherman’s army swept to the sea, before him lay 49 the Garden of Eden, behind him stretched a desert! A hundred years cannot give back to the wasted South her wealth, or two hundred years restore to her the lost seed treasures of her young manhood——”
“The imbecility of a policy of mercy in this crisis can only mean the reign49 of treason and violence,” persisted the old man, ignoring the President’s words.
“I leave my policy before the judgment112 bar of time, content with its verdict. In my place, radicalism113 would have driven the border States into the Confederacy, every Southern man back to his kinsmen114, and divided the North itself into civil conflict. I have sought to guide and control public opinion into the ways on which depended our life. This rational flexibility115 of policy you and your fellow radicals116 have been pleased to call my vacillating imbecility.”
“And what is your message for the South?”
“Simply this: ‘Abolish slavery, come back home, and behave yourself.’ Lee surrendered to our offers of peace and amnesty. In my last message to Congress I told the Southern people they could have peace at any moment by simply laying down their arms and submitting to National authority. Now that they have taken me at my word, shall I betray them by an ignoble117 revenge? Vengeance cannot heal and purify: it can only brutalize and destroy.”
Stoneman shuffled118 to his feet with impatience.
“I see it is useless to argue with you. I’ll not waste my breath. I give you an ultimatum119. The South is conquered soil. I mean to blot120 it from the map. Rather 50 than admit one traitor102 to the halls of Congress from these so-called States I will shatter the union itself into ten thousand fragments! I will not sit beside men whose clothes smell of the blood of my kindred. At least dry them before they come in. Four years ago, with yells and curses, these traitors left the halls of Congress to join the armies of Catiline. Shall they return to rule?”
“I repeat,” said the President, “you cannot indict a people. Treason is an easy word to speak. A traitor is one who fights and loses. Washington was a traitor to George III. Treason won, and Washington is immortal121. Treason is a word that victors hurl122 at those who fail.”
“Listen to me,” Stoneman interrupted with vehemence123. “The life of our party demands that the negro be given the ballot and made the ruler of the South. This can be done only by the extermination124 of its landed aristocracy, that their mothers shall not breed another race of traitors. This is not vengeance. It is justice, it is patriotism126, it is the highest wisdom and humanity. Nature, at times, blots127 out whole communities and races that obstruct128 progress. Such is the political genius of these people that, unless you make the negro the ruler, the South will yet reconquer the North and undo129 the work of this war.”
“If the South in poverty and ruin can do this, we deserve to be ruled! The North is rich and powerful—the South a land of wreck130 and tomb. I greet with wonder, shame, and scorn such ignoble fear! The Nation cannot be healed until the South is healed. Let the gulf131 be closed in which we bury slavery, sectional animosity, and 51 all strifes and hatreds132. The good sense of our people will never consent to your scheme of insane vengeance.”
“The people have no sense. A new fool is born every second. They are ruled by impulse and passion.”
“I have trusted them before, and they have not failed me. The day I left for Gettysburg to dedicate the battlefield, you were so sure of my defeat in the approaching convention that you shouted across the street to a friend as I passed: ‘Let the dead bury the dead!’ It was a brilliant sally of wit. I laughed at it myself. And yet the people unanimously called me again to lead them to victory.”
“Yes, in the past,” said Stoneman bitterly, “you have triumphed, but mark my word: from this hour your star grows dim. The slumbering133 fires of passion will be kindled134. In the fight we join to-day I’ll break your back and wring135 the neck of every dastard136 and time-server who fawns137 at your feet.”
The President broke into a laugh that only increased the old man’s wrath138.
“I protest against the insult of your buffoonery!”
“Excuse me, Stoneman; I have to laugh or die beneath the burdens I bear, surrounded by such supporters!”
“Mark my word,” growled the old leader, “from the moment you publish that North Carolina proclamation, your name will be a by-word in Congress.”
“There are higher powers.”
“You will need them.”
“I’ll have help,” was the calm reply, as the dreaminess of the poet and mystic stole over the rugged139 face. “I 52 would be a presumptuous140 fool, indeed, if I thought that for a day I could discharge the duties of this great office without the aid of One who is wiser and stronger than all others.”
“You’ll need the help of Almighty141 God in the course you’ve mapped out!”
“Some ships come into port that are not steered,” went on the dreamy voice. “Suppose Pickett had charged one hour earlier at Gettysburg? Suppose the Monitor had arrived one hour later at Hampton Roads? I had a dream last night that always presages142 great events. I saw a white ship passing swiftly under full sail. I have often seen her before. I have never known her port of entry, or her destination, but I have always known her Pilot!”
The cynic’s lips curled with scorn. He leaned heavily on his cane, and took a shambling step toward the door.
“You refuse to heed143 the wishes of Congress?”
“If your words voice them, yes. Force your scheme of revenge on the South, and you sow the wind to reap the whirlwind.”
“Indeed! and from what secret cave will this whirlwind come?”
“The despair of a mighty race of world-conquering men, even in defeat, is still a force that statesmen reckon with.”
“I defy them,” growled the old Commoner.
Again the dreamy look returned to Lincoln’s face, and he spoke as if repeating a message of the soul caught in the clouds in an hour of transfiguration: 53
“And I’ll trust the honour of Lee and his people. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot125 grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell144 the chorus of the union, when touched again, as they surely will be, by the better angels of our nature.”
“You’ll be lucky to live to hear that chorus.”
“To dream it is enough. If I fall by the hand of an assassin now, he will not come from the South. I was safer in Richmond, this week, than I am in Washington, to-day.”
The cynic grunted145 and shuffled another step toward the door.
The President came closer.
“Look here, Stoneman; have you some deep personal motive146 in this vengeance on the South? Come, now, I’ve never in my life known you to tell a lie.”
The answer was silence and a scowl71.
“Am I right?”
“Yes and no. I hate the South because I hate the Satanic Institution of Slavery with consuming fury. It has long ago rotted the heart out of the Southern people. Humanity cannot live in its tainted147 air, and its children are doomed148. If my personal wrongs have ordained149 me for a mighty task, no matter; I am simply the chosen instrument of Justice!”
Again the mystic light clothed the rugged face, calm and patient as Destiny, as the President slowly repeated:
“With malice150 toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives me to see the right, I 54 shall strive to finish the work we are in, and bind151 up the Nation’s wounds.”
“I’ve given you fair warning,” cried the old Commoner, trembling with rage, as he hobbled nearer the door. “From this hour your administration is doomed.”
“Stoneman,” said the kindly152 voice, “I can’t tell you how your venomous philanthropy sickens me. You have misunderstood and abused me at every step during the past four years. I bear you no ill will. If I have said anything to-day to hurt your feelings, forgive me. The earnestness with which you pressed the war was an invaluable153 service to me and to the Nation. I’d rather work with you than fight you. But now that we have to fight, I’d as well tell you I’m not afraid of you. I’ll suffer my right arm to be severed154 from my body before I’ll sign one measure of ignoble revenge on a brave, fallen foe23, and I’ll keep up this fight until I win, die, or my country forsakes155 me.”
“I have always known you had a sneaking156 admiration157 for the South,” came the sullen sneer.
“I love the South! It is a part of this union. I love every foot of its soil, every hill and valley, mountain, lake, and sea, and every man, woman, and child that breathes beneath its skies. I am an American.”
As the burning words leaped from the heart of the President the broad shoulders of his tall form lifted, and his massive head rose in unconscious heroic pose.
“I marvel that you ever made war upon your loved ones!” cried the cynic.
“We fought the South because we loved her and would 55 not let her go. Now that she is crushed and lies bleeding at our feet—you shall not make war on the wounded, dying, and the dead!”
Again the lion gleamed in the calm gray eyes.
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par
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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sinewy
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| adj.多腱的，强壮有力的 | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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saucy
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| adj.无礼的；俊俏的；活泼的 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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crook
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| v.使弯曲；n.小偷，骗子，贼；弯曲(处) | |
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crooked
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| adj.弯曲的；不诚实的，狡猾的，不正当的 | |
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cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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chiselled
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| adj.凿过的，凿光的； （文章等）精心雕琢的v.凿，雕，镌( chisel的过去式 ) | |
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lame
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deformed
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mere
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hoof
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wig
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misanthrope
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lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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scorpion
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foe
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foes
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sullen
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venom
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nomination
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rumour
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temperament
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fanatic
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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vengeance
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brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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opposition
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fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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36
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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37
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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38
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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39
jaws
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| n.口部；嘴 | |
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40
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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41
ripple
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| n.涟波，涟漪，波纹，粗钢梳；vt.使...起涟漪，使起波纹； vi.呈波浪状，起伏前进 | |
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42
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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43
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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44
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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45
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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46
pigeonholes
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| n.鸽舍出入口( pigeonhole的名词复数 )；小房间；文件架上的小间隔v.把…搁在分类架上( pigeonhole的第三人称单数 )；把…留在记忆中；缓办；把…隔成小格 | |
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47
sneered
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| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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49
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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50
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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51
writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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52
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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53
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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54
hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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55
debtor
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| n.借方，债务人 | |
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56
outgrown
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| 长[发展] 得超过（某物）的范围( outgrow的过去分词 )； 长[发展]得不能再要（某物）； 长得比…快； 生长速度超过 | |
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57
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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58
winced
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| 赶紧避开，畏缩( wince的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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59
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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60
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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61
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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62
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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63
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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64
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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65
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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66
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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67
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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68
stultify
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| v.愚弄；使呆滞 | |
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69
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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70
scowled
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| 怒视，生气地皱眉( scowl的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
scowl
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| vi.(at)生气地皱眉，沉下脸，怒视；n.怒容 | |
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72
beetling
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| adj.突出的，悬垂的v.快速移动( beetle的现在分词 ) | |
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73
catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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74
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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75
tack
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| n.大头钉；假缝，粗缝 | |
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76
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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77
ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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78
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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79
twitched
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| vt.& vi.（使）抽动，（使）颤动（twitch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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80
prim
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| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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81
snobs
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| （谄上傲下的）势利小人( snob的名词复数 )； 自高自大者，自命不凡者 | |
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82
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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83
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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84
growled
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| v.（动物）发狺狺声， （雷）作隆隆声( growl的过去式和过去分词 )；低声咆哮着说 | |
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85
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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86
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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87
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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88
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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89
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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90
loathing
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| n.厌恶，憎恨v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的现在分词)；极不喜欢 | |
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91
colonize
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| v.建立殖民地，拓殖；定居，居于 | |
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92
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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93
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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94
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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95
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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96
minions
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| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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97
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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98
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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99
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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100
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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101
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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102
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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103
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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104
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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105
indict
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| v.起诉，控告，指控 | |
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106
throbbing
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| a. 跳动的,悸动的 | |
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107
titanic
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| adj.巨人的，庞大的，强大的 | |
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108
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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109
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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110
contraband
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| n.违禁品，走私品 | |
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111
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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112
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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113
radicalism
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| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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114
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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115
flexibility
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| n.柔韧性，弹性，（光的）折射性，灵活性 | |
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116
radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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117
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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118
shuffled
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| v.洗（纸牌）( shuffle的过去式和过去分词 )；拖着脚步走；粗心地做；摆脱尘世的烦恼 | |
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119
ultimatum
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| n.最后通牒 | |
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120
blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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121
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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122
hurl
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| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
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123
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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124
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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125
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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126
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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127
blots
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| 污渍( blot的名词复数 )； 墨水渍； 错事； 污点 | |
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128
obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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129
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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130
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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131
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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132
hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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133
slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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134
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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135
wring
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| n.扭绞；v.拧，绞出，扭 | |
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136
dastard
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| n.卑怯之人，懦夫；adj.怯懦的，畏缩的 | |
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137
fawns
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| n.（未满一岁的）幼鹿( fawn的名词复数 )；浅黄褐色；乞怜者；奉承者v.（尤指狗等）跳过来往人身上蹭以示亲热( fawn的第三人称单数 )；巴结；讨好 | |
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138
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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139
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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140
presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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141
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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142
presages
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| v.预示，预兆( presage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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143
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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144
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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145
grunted
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| （猪等）作呼噜声( grunt的过去式和过去分词 )； （指人）发出类似的哼声； 咕哝着说 | |
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146
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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147
tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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148
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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149
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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150
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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151
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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152
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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153
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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154
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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155
forsakes
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| 放弃( forsake的第三人称单数 )； 弃绝； 抛弃； 摒弃 | |
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156
sneaking
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| a.秘密的，不公开的 | |
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157
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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