The first bill sent to the White House to Africanize the “conquered provinces” the President vetoed in a message of such logic1, dignity, and power, the old leader found to his amazement2 it was impossible to rally the two-thirds majority to pass it over his head.
At first, all had gone as planned. Lynch and Howle brought to him a report on “Southern Atrocities3,” secured through the councils of the secret oath-bound union League, which had destroyed the impression of General Grant’s words and prepared his followers4 for blind submission5 to his Committee.
Yet the rally of a group of men in defence of the Constitution had given the President unexpected strength.
Stoneman saw that he must hold his hand on the throat of the South and fight another campaign. Howle and Lynch furnished the publication committee of the union League the matter, and they printed four million five hundred thousand pamphlets on “Southern Atrocities.”
The Northern States were hostile to negro suffrage6, the first step of his revolutionary programme, and not a dozen men in Congress had yet dared to favour it. Ohio, Michigan, 137 New York, and Kansas had rejected it by overwhelming majorities. But he could appeal to their passions and prejudices against the “Barbarism” of the South. It would work like magic. When he had the South where he wanted it, he would turn and ram7 negro suffrage and negro equality down the throats of the reluctant North.
His energies were now bent9 to prevent any effective legislation in Congress until his strength should be omnipotent10.
A cloud disturbed the sky for a moment in the Senate. John Sherman, of Ohio, began to loom11 on the horizon as a constructive12 statesman, and without consulting him was quietly forcing over Sumner’s classic oratory14 a Reconstruction15 Bill restoring the Southern States to the union on the basis of Lincoln’s plan, with no provision for interference with the suffrage. It had gone to its last reading, and the final vote was pending16.
The house was in session at 3 a. m., waiting in feverish17 anxiety the outcome of this struggle in the Senate.
Old Stoneman was in his seat, fast asleep from the exhaustion18 of an unbroken session of forty hours. His meals he had sent to his desk from the Capitol restaurant. He was seventy-four years old and not in good health, yet his energy was tireless, his resources inexhaustible, and his audacity19 matchless.
Sunset Cox, the wag of the House, an opponent but personal friend of the old Commoner, passing his seat and seeing the great head sunk on his breast in sleep, laughed softly and said:
“Mr. Speaker!” 138
The presiding officer recognized the young Democrat20 with a nod of answering humour and responded:
“The gentleman from New York.”
“I move you, sir,” said Cox, “that, in view of the advanced age and eminent21 services of the distinguished22 gentleman from Pennsylvania, the Sergeant-at-Arms be instructed to furnish him with enough poker23 chips to last till morning!”
The scattered24 members who were awake roared with laughter, the Speaker pounded furiously with his gavel, the sleepy little pages jumped up, rubbing their eyes, and ran here and there answering imaginary calls, and the whole House waked to its usual noise and confusion.
The old man raised his massive head and looked to the door leading toward the Senate just as Sumner rushed through. He had slept for a moment, but his keen intellect had taken up the fight at precisely25 the point at which he left it.
Sumner approached his desk rapidly, leaned over, and reported his defeat and Sherman’s triumph.
“For God’s sake throttle26 this measure in the House or we are ruined!” he exclaimed.
“Don’t be alarmed,” replied the cynic. “I’ll be here with stronger weapons than articulated wind.”
“You have not a moment to lose. The bill is on its way to the Speaker’s desk, and Sherman’s men are going to force its passage to-night.”
The Senator returned to the other end of the Capitol wrapped in the mantle27 of his outraged29 dignity, and in 139 thirty minutes the bill was defeated, and the House adjourned30.
As the old Commoner hobbled through the door, his crooked31 cane33 thumping34 the marble floor, Sumner seized and pressed his hand:
“How did you do it?”
Stoneman’s huge jaws35 snapped together and his lower lip protruded36:
“I sent for Cox and summoned the leader of the Democrats37. I told them if they would join with me and defeat this bill, I’d give them a better one the next session. And I will—negro suffrage! The gudgeons swallowed it whole!”
Sumner lifted his eyebrows38 and wrapped his cloak a little closer.
The Great Commoner laughed as he departed:
“He is yet too good for this world, but he’ll forget it before we’re done this fight.”
On the steps a beggar asked him for a night’s lodging39, and he tossed him a gold eagle.
The North, which had rejected negro suffrage for itself with scorn, answered Stoneman’s fierce appeal to their passions against the South, and sent him a delegation40 of radicals41 eager to do his will.
So fierce had waxed the combat between the President and Congress that the very existence of Stanton’s prisoners languishing42 in jail was forgotten, and the Secretary of War himself became a football to be kicked back and forth44 in this conflict of giants. The fact that Andrew 140 Johnson was from Tennessee, and had been an old-line Democrat before his election as a unionist with Lincoln, was now a fatal weakness in his position. Under Stoneman’s assaults he became at once an executive without a party, and every word of amnesty and pardon he proclaimed for the South in accordance with Lincoln’s plan was denounced as the act of a renegade courting favour of traitors46 and rebels.
Stanton remained in his cabinet against his wishes to insult and defy him, and Stoneman, quick to see the way by which the President of the Nation could be degraded and made ridiculous, introduced a bill depriving him of the power to remove his own cabinet officers. The act was not only meant to degrade the President; it was a trap set for his ruin. The penalties were so fixed47 that its violation48 would give specific ground for his trial, impeachment49, and removal from office.
Again Stoneman passed his first act to reduce the “conquered provinces” of the South to negro rule.
President Johnson vetoed it with a message of such logic in defence of the constitutional rights of the States that it failed by one vote to find the two-thirds majority needed to become a law without his approval.
The old Commoner’s eyes froze into two dagger-points of icy light when this vote was announced.
With fury he cursed the President, but above all he cursed the men of his own party who had faltered51.
As he fumbled52 his big hands nervously53, he growled54:
“If I only had five men of genuine courage in Congress, I’d hang the man at the other end of the avenue from the 141 porch of the White House! But I haven’t got them—cowards, dastards, dolts55, and snivelling fools——”
His decision was instantly made. He would expel enough Democrats from the Senate and the House to place his two-thirds majority beyond question. The name of the President never passed his lips. He referred to him always, even in public debate, as “the man at the other end of the avenue,” or “the former Governor of Tennessee who once threatened rebels—the late lamented56 Andrew Johnson, of blessed memory.”
He ordered the expulsion of the new member of the House from Indiana, Daniel W. Voorhees, and the new Senator from New Jersey57, John P. Stockton. This would give him a majority of two thirds composed of men who would obey his word without a question.
Voorhees heard of the edict with indignant wrath58. He had met Stoneman in the lobbies, where he was often the centre of admiring groups of friends. His wit and audacity, and, above all, his brutal59 frankness, had won the admiration60 of the “Tall Sycamore of the Wabash.” He could not believe such a man would be a party to a palpable fraud. He appealed to him personally:
“Look here, Stoneman,” the young orator13 cried with wrath, “I appeal to your sense of honour and decency61. My credentials62 have been accepted by your own committee, and my seat been awarded me. My majority is unquestioned. This is a high-handed outrage28. You cannot permit this crime.”
The old man thrust his deformed63 foot out before him, 142 struck it meditatively64 with his cane, and looking Voorhees straight in the eye, boldly said:
“There’s nothing the matter with your majority, young man. I’ve no doubt it’s all right. Unfortunately, you are a Democrat, and happen to be the odd man in the way of the two-thirds majority on which the supremacy65 of my party depends. You will have to go. Come back some other time.” And he did.
In the Senate there was a hitch66. When the vote was taken on the expulsion of Stockton, to the amazement of the leader it was a tie.
He hobbled into the Senate Chamber67, with the steel point of his cane ringing on the marble flags as though he were thrusting it through the vitals of the weakling who had sneaked68 and hedged and trimmed at the crucial moment.
He met Howle at the door.
“What’s the matter in there?” he asked.
“They’re trying to compromise.”
“Compromise—the Devil of American politics,” he muttered. “But how did the vote fail—it was all fixed before the roll-call?”
“Roman, of Maine, has trouble with his conscience! He is paired not to vote on this question with Stockton’s colleague, who is sick in Trenton. His ‘honour’ is involved, and he refuses to break his word.”
“I see,” said Stoneman, pulling his bristling69 brows down until his eyes were two beads70 of white gleaming through them. “Tell Wade71 to summon every member of the party in his room immediately and hold the Senate in session.” 143
When the group of Senators crowded into the Vice-president’s room the old man faced them leaning on his cane and delivered an address of five minutes they never forgot.
His speech had a nameless fascination72. The man himself with his elemental passions was a wonder. He left on public record no speech worth reading, and yet these powerful men shrank under his glance. As the nostrils73 of his big three-angled nose dilated74, the scream of an eagle rang in his voice, his huge ugly hand held the crook32 of his cane with the clutch of a tiger, his tongue flew with the hiss75 of an adder76, and his big deformed foot seemed to grip the floor as the claw of a beast.
“The life of a political party, gentlemen,” he growled in conclusion, “is maintained by a scheme of subterfuges77 in which the moral law cuts no figure. As your leader, I know but one law—success. The world is full of fools who must have toys with which to play. A belief in politics is the favourite delusion78 of shallow American minds. But you and I have no delusions79. Your life depends on this vote. If any man thinks the abstraction called ‘honour’ is involved, let him choose between his honour and his life! I call no names. This issue must be settled now before the Senate adjourns80. There can be no to-morrow. It is life or death. Let the roll be called again immediately.”
The grave Senators resumed their seats, and Wade, the acting81 Vice-president, again put the question to Stockton’s expulsion. 144
The member from New England sat pale and trembling, in his soul the anguish43 of the mortal combat between his Puritan conscience, the iron heritage of centuries, and the order of his captain.
When the Clerk of the Senate called his name, still the battle raged. He sat in silence, the whiteness of death about his lips, while the clerk at a signal from the Chair paused.
And then a scene the like of which was never known in American history! August Senators crowded around his desk, begging, shouting, imploring82, and demanding that a fellow Senator break his solemn word of honour!
For a moment pandemonium83 reigned84.
“Vote! Vote! Call his name again!” they shouted.
High above all rang the voice of Charles Sumner, leading the wild chorus, crying:
“Vote! Vote! Vote!”
The galleries hissed85 and cheered—the cheers at last drowning every hiss.
Stoneman pushed his way among the mob which surrounded the badgered Puritan as he attempted to retreat into the cloakroom.
“Will you vote?” he hissed, his eyes flashing poison.
“My conscience will not permit it,” he faltered.
“To hell with your conscience!” the old leader thundered. “Go back to your seat, ask the clerk to call your name, and vote, or by the living God I’ll read you out of the party to-night and brand you a snivelling coward, a copperhead, a renegade, and traitor45!” 145
Trembling from head to foot, he staggered back to his seat, the cold sweat standing86 in beads on his forehead, and gasped87:
“Call my name!”
The shrill88 voice of the clerk rang out in the stillness like the peal8 of a trumpet89:
“Mr. Roman!”
And the deed was done.
A cheer burst from his colleagues, and the roll-call proceeded.
When Stockton’s name was reached he sprang to his feet, voted for himself, and made a second tie!
With blank faces they turned to the leader, who ordered Charles Sumner to move that the Senator from New Jersey be not allowed to answer his name on an issue involving his own seat.
It was carried. Again the roll was called, and Stockton expelled by a majority of one.
In the moment of ominous90 silence which followed, a yellow woman of sleek91 animal beauty leaned far over the gallery rail and laughed aloud.
The passage of each act of the Revolutionary programme over the veto of the President was now but a matter of form. The act to degrade his office by forcing him to keep a cabinet officer who daily insulted him, the Civil Rights Bill, and the Freedman’s Bureau Bill followed in rapid succession.
Stoneman’s crowning Reconstruction Act was passed, two years after the war had closed, shattering the union again into fragments, blotting92 the names of ten great 146 Southern States from its roll, and dividing their territory into five Military Districts under the control of belted satraps.
When this measure was vetoed by the President, it came accompanied by a message whose words will be forever etched in fire on the darkest page of the Nation’s life.
Amid hisses93, curses, jeers94, and cat-calls, the Clerk of the House read its burning words:
“The power thus given to the commanding officer over the people of each district is that of an absolute monarch95. His mere96 will is to take the place of law. He may make a criminal code of his own; he can make it as bloody97 as any recorded in history, or he can reserve the privilege of acting on the impulse of his private passions in each case that arises.
“Here is a bill of attainer against nine millions of people at once. It is based upon an accusation98 so vague as to be scarcely intelligible99, and found to be true upon no credible100 evidence. Not one of the nine millions was heard in his own defence. The representatives even of the doomed101 parties were excluded from all participation102 in the trial. The conviction is to be followed by the most ignominious103 punishment ever inflicted104 on large masses of men. It disfranchises them by hundreds of thousands and degrades them all—even those who are admitted to be guiltless—from the rank of freemen to the condition of slaves.
“Such power has not been wielded105 by any monarch in England for more than five hundred years, and in all that time no people who speak the English tongue have borne such servitude.” 147
When the last jeering106 cat-call which greeted this message of the Chief Magistrate107 had died away on the floor and in the galleries, old Stoneman rose, with a smile playing about his grim mouth, and introduced his bill to impeach50 the President of the United States and remove him from office.
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1
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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2
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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5
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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7
ram
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| (random access memory)随机存取存储器 | |
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8
peal
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| n.钟声；v.鸣响 | |
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9
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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10
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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loom
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| n.织布机，织机；v.隐现，(危险、忧虑等)迫近 | |
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12
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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14
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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15
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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17
feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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18
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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19
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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poker
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| n.扑克；vt.烙制 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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throttle
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| n.节流阀，节气阀，喉咙；v.扼喉咙，使窒息，压 | |
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27
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31
crooked
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| adj.弯曲的；不诚实的，狡猾的，不正当的 | |
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crook
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| v.使弯曲；n.小偷，骗子，贼；弯曲(处) | |
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33
cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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34
thumping
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| adj.重大的，巨大的；重击的；尺码大的；极好的adv.极端地；非常地v.重击(thump的现在分词)；狠打；怦怦地跳；全力支持 | |
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35
jaws
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| n.口部；嘴 | |
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protruded
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| v.（使某物）伸出，（使某物）突出( protrude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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eyebrows
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| 眉毛( eyebrow的名词复数 ) | |
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lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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42
languishing
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| a. 衰弱下去的 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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48
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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49
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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impeach
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| v.弹劾；检举 | |
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51
faltered
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| （嗓音）颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 )； 支吾其词； 蹒跚； 摇晃 | |
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52
fumbled
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| （笨拙地）摸索或处理（某事物）( fumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 乱摸，笨拙地弄； 使落下 | |
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53
nervously
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| adv.神情激动地，不安地 | |
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54
growled
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| v.（动物）发狺狺声， （雷）作隆隆声( growl的过去式和过去分词 )；低声咆哮着说 | |
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dolts
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| n.笨蛋，傻瓜( dolt的名词复数 ) | |
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56
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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58
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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59
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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61
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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62
credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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64
meditatively
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| adv.冥想地 | |
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65
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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66
hitch
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| v.免费搭(车旅行)；系住；急提；n.故障；急拉 | |
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67
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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sneaked
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| v.潜行( sneak的过去式和过去分词 )；偷偷溜走；（儿童向成人）打小报告；告状 | |
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bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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70
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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71
wade
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| v.跋涉，涉水；n.跋涉 | |
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72
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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nostrils
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| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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74
dilated
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| adj.加宽的，扩大的v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
hiss
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| v.发出嘶嘶声；发嘘声表示不满 | |
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76
adder
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| n.蝰蛇；小毒蛇 | |
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77
subterfuges
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| n.（用说谎或欺骗以逃脱责备、困难等的）花招，遁词( subterfuge的名词复数 ) | |
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78
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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79
delusions
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| n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 )；谬见；错觉；妄想 | |
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80
adjourns
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的第三人称单数 ) | |
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81
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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83
pandemonium
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| n.喧嚣，大混乱 | |
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84
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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85
hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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86
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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87
gasped
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| v.喘气( gasp的过去式和过去分词 )；喘息；倒抽气；很想要 | |
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88
shrill
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| adj.尖声的；刺耳的；v尖叫 | |
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89
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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sleek
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| adj.光滑的，井然有序的；v.使光滑，梳拢 | |
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92
blotting
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| 吸墨水纸 | |
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hisses
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| 嘶嘶声( hiss的名词复数 ) | |
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94
jeers
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| n.操纵帆桁下部（使其上下的）索具；嘲讽( jeer的名词复数 )v.嘲笑( jeer的第三人称单数 ) | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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96
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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97
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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99
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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100
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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101
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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102
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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103
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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104
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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106
jeering
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| adj.嘲弄的，揶揄的v.嘲笑( jeer的现在分词 ) | |
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107
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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