The women had begun a house to house canvass3 of voters and the number of fairy-tales they had started for the purpose of undermining his position and influence was a startling revelation of their skill in the art of lying.
Virginia Holland was booked for a canvass of each election district the last week in October. He knew what that meant. Waldron had held his trump4 card for the supreme5 moment.
The depths of vituperation, mendacity and open corruption6 to which the campaign descended7 on the part of his opponents was another revelation to Vassar of woman’s adaptability8 to practical methods. Never since the days of Tweed’s régime had the East Side seen anything that approached it.
He steadfastly9 refused to lower his standard to their level. That Virginia Holland knew the methods which Waldron had adopted was inconceivable. Vassar watched the approach of her canvass with indifference10. If his people were weak enough to fall for Waldron and his crowd of hirelings, he had no desire longer to represent the district.
He ceased to worry about results. He foresaw that his majority would be reduced. He decided11 to let it go at that.
The gulf12 which separated him now from the woman he loved was apparently13 too deep to be bridged. On the last night of the canvass he slipped into the meeting at which she spoke14 just to hear her voice again. He half hoped that she might say something so false and provoking about his record that he might hate her for it. Her address was one of lofty and pure appeal for the redemption of humanity through the trained spiritual power of womanhood. She even expressed her regret at the necessity of opposing a man of the type of John Vassar.
A hundred of Vassar’s partisans15 were present and burst into a fierce round of applause at the mention of his name. He watched the effect with breathless interest. The cheers were utterly16 unexpected on the part of the speaker, and threw her for the moment off her balance. She blushed and smiled and hesitated, fumbling17 for words.
Vassar’s heart was pounding like a trip hammer. He could have taken the boys in his arms and carried them through the streets for that cheer. No one knew of his presence. He had slipped into a back seat in the gallery unrecognized in the dim light.
Why had she blushed when they cheered his name? The crowd, of course, could not know of the secret between them. Would she have blushed from the mere18 confusion of mind which the hostile sentiment of her hearers had provoked? It was possible. And yet the faintest hope thrilled his heart that she cared for him. He had played the fool to lose his head that day. He realized it now. Such a woman could not be taken by storm. Every instinct of pride and intellectual dignity had resented it.
He went home happy over the incident with the memory of her scarlet19 cheeks and the sweet seriousness of her voice filling his soul. His managers brought glowing reports of the situation in his district. It didn’t matter if he had a chance to win Virginia.
The results proved that his guess of a reduced majority was correct. He barely pulled through by the skin of his teeth. His margin20 was a paltry21 seven hundred and fifty. At the election two years before it had been more than six thousand.
When Congress met in December he was confronted with a situation unique in the history of the Republic. A lobby had gathered in Washington so distinguished22 in personnel, so great in numbers, so aggressive in its purpose to control legislation, that the national representatives were afraid of their shadows.
The avowed23 aim of this vast gathering24 was the defeat of his bill for the adequate defense25 of the nation. The outlines of his measures had been published and had the unanimous backing of the Army and Navy Boards, the National Security League and all the leaders of the great political parties.
Both of our ex-Presidents, Roosevelt and Taft, had endorsed26 it and asked for its adoption27. It was known that the President and his Cabinet approved its main features. And yet its chances of adoption were considered extremely doubtful.
The lobby, which had swarmed29 into Washington, overran its hotels, and camped in the corridors of the Capitol, was composed of a class of men and women who had never before ventured on such a mission. What they lacked of experience they made up in aggressive insolence30—an insolence so cocksure of itself that a Congressman31 rarely ventured from the floor of the Chamber32 if he could avoid it.
The leaders of the movement were apparently acting33 under the orders of the Reverend A. Cuthbert Pike, President of the Peace union. Vassar was amazed to find that this union was composed of more than six hundred chartered peace societies. He had supposed that there might be half a dozen such associations in the country. To be suddenly confronted by five thousand delegates representing six hundred organizations was the shock of his political life. But one society alone, the National Security League, was there to preach the necessity of insurance against war by an adequate defense.
Against this lone34 organization were arrayed in a single group the five thousand delegates from the six hundred peace societies. They demanded the defeat of any bill to increase our armaments in any way, shape or form. Their aim was the ultimate complete disarmament of every fort and the destruction of our navy.
In co-operation with this host of five thousand fanatics36 stood the Honorable Plato Barker with a personal following in the membership of Congress as amazing as it was dangerous to the future of the Republic. The admirers of the silver-tongued orator37 labored39 under the conviction that their leader had been inspired of God to guide the destinies of America. They believed this with the faith of children. For sixteen years they had accepted his leadership without question and his word was the law of their life.
Barker was opposed to the launching of another ship of war, or the mounting of another gun for defense. He was the uncompromising champion of moral suasion as the solution of all international troubles. He believed that an eruption40 of Mount Vesuvius could be soothed41 by a poultice and cured permanently42 by an agreement for arbitration43. He preached this doctrine44 in season and out of season. The more seriously out of season the occasion, the louder he preached it.
That he would have a following in Congress was early developed in the session. Barker was not only on the ground daily; his headquarters had been supplied with unlimited45 money for an active propaganda and his office was thronged46 by delegates from his mass meetings called in every state of the union.
The Socialists48 had once more swamped the American labor38 unions with their missionaries49 and the labor federations50 were arrayed solidly against an increase of our army or navy.
But by far the most serious group of opponents by whom Vassar was confronted were the United Women Voters of America, marshalled under the leadership of the brilliant young Joan of Arc of the Federated Clubs. In the peculiar51 alignment52 of factions53 produced by the crisis of the world war the women voters held the balance of power. They practically controlled the Western states while the fear of their influence dominated the Middle West and seriously shaped public opinion in the East. Pennsylvania, New Jersey54 and New York had defeated the amendments55 for woman’s suffrage56, yet the vote polled by their advocates had been so large the defeat was practically a triumph of their principles.
A convention of five hundred delegates, representatives of the women voters, had been called to decide on the casting of the votes of their senators and representatives. That their orders would be obeyed was a foregone conclusion. To refuse meant political suicide.
The thing which puzzled Vassar beyond measure was the mysterious unifying57 power somewhere in the shadows. The hand of this unseen master of ceremonies had brought these strangely incongruous forces together in a harmony so perfect that they spoke and wrote and campaigned as one man. Behind this master hand there was a single master mind tremendous in grip, baffling, inscrutable, always alert, always there. That Waldron was this mysterious force he suspected from the first. On the day he was booked to make the final address in closing the debate on his bill, the banker boldly appeared in the open as the responsible leader of the movement for the defeat of national defense.
Vassar, with a sense of sickening rage, saw him in conference with Virginia Holland and her executive committee. They held their little preliminary caucus58 at the door of the House of Representatives, as if to insult him with a notice of coming defeat. The young leader knew that if there were yet a man in the House who could be reached by money, Waldron would find him. And he knew that there were some who had their price.
The influence of such a man in a free democracy was to Vassar a cause of constant grief and wonder. That he despised the principles of a democratic government he scarcely took the trouble to conceal59. His pose was for higher ends than party gains or even the selfish glory of nation. He was large, his vision world-wide. He pleaded always for the advancement60 of humanity. His following was numerous and eminently61 respectable. Vassar had never for one moment believed in Waldron’s adherence62 to the principles of American democracy. That he would form a monarchy63 if given the chance was a certainty. One of his hobbies was the criminal extravagance and inefficiency64 of our state and municipal governments as compared to the imperial kingdoms of the Old World. In season and out of season he proclaimed the superiority of centralized power over the ignorant, slipshod ways of the Republic. The Emperor of Germany and the German ways of ruling were his models.
To accuse Waldron of a conspiracy65 with the crowned heads of the Old World would be received with scornful incredulity. And yet there were moments in his brooding and thinking when Vassar felt that that was the only rational solution of the man’s life and character. That he was the personal friend of three crowned heads was well known. That he was in constant consultation66 with the ambassadors of a dozen European nations was also well known. The explanation of this fact, however, was so simple and plausible67 that no suspicion of treachery would find credence68 in America. His bank had branch establishments in London, Paris, Berlin, Petrograd, Vienna, Constantinople and Rome.
And yet, why in God’s name, Vassar kept asking himself, should all these peace societies and all these labor organizations and all these women’s clubs move heaven and earth in unison69 to kill this one measure of defense, and leave our nation at the mercy of any first-class European power? Their sentimental70 leanings were against arms and armaments—of course. But who set them all barking at the same moment? Who had kept them at it in chorus continuously from the first throb71 of the patriotic72 impulse to put ourselves in readiness to defend our life? Who had held them together in this fierce and determined73 assault on the Capitol to arouse and threaten Congress? No such movement could be caused by spontaneous combustion74. Such an agitation75 against patriotic defense could not happen by accident. The world war could not have caused it. The great war should have been the one influence to have had precisely76 the opposite effect. The world war should have spoken to us in thunder tones:
“Remember Belgium! Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty!”
Instead of this, the advocates of peace suddenly rose as a swarm28 of locusts77 to tell us that, as umbrellas cause rain so guns cause war, and the only way to save ourselves in a world of snarling78, maddened wild beasts is to lay down our arms and appeal to their reason! This strange crusade to make the richest nation of the world defenseless was no accident. The movement was sinister79. Vassar felt this on the last day of his struggle in the House with increased foreboding.
He rose to deliver his final appeal with quivering heart. His eye rested on Waldron’s stolid80, sneering81 face in the gallery. On his right sat Barker, on his left Virginia Holland.
Every seat on the floor and in the galleries was packed. Every foot of standing82 room above and below was crowded. A solemn hush83 fell on the throng47 as the young leader of the House rose.
He began his address in low tones of intense emotion:
“Mr. Speaker, I rise to give to this House my solemn warning that on the fate of this bill for the defense of the nation hangs our destiny. I’ve done my work. I’ve fought a good fight. The decision is in your hands. A few things I would repeat until they ring their alarm in every soul within the sound of my voice today.
“I tell you with the certainty of positive knowledge that while we are the richest nation of the known world we are the least prepared to defend ourselves under the conditions of modern war. Our navy is good—what there is of it. But if it is inadequate84, it is of no value whatever. I tell you that it is inadequate and my statement is backed by every expert in the service. If we were attacked tomorrow by any nation of Germany’s sea power our ships would sink to their graves, our men to certain death.
“No braver men walk this earth than ours. They are ready to die for their country. We have no right to murder them for this reason. If they die, it should be to some purpose. We should give them the best weapons on earth and the best training. They have the right to a fair chance with any foe85 they face. We have a mobile army of thirty thousand men with which to defend a hemisphere! We assert our guardianship86 of all America. It is known to all men that a modern army of one hundred and fifty thousand landed on our shores could complete the conquest of the Atlantic seaboard in twelve days.
“Our friends who clamor for peace in a world at war tell us that an attack on our nation is a possibility too remote for discussion. The same men in June, 1914, declared that war in Europe was a physical and psychological impossibility. Now they tell us with equal solemnity that this war, which they declared could never be, is so appalling87 that it will be the last. They tell us that the world will now disarm35 and we must lead the way!
“If the world disarms88, Europe must lead the way. We are already practically disarmed89.
“Who in Europe will dare to lead in such a movement!
“Will Germany disarm?
“Will she at this late hour surrender her ambitions to expand? Will she sign the death warrant to the aspirations90 of the men who created her mighty91 Empire? Will she expose her eastern frontier to the raids of Cossack hordes92?
“Could Russia disarm?
“Would she consent to risk the dismemberment of her vast domain93?
“Could England with her empire on which the sun does not set—could England disarm and lay her centers of civilization open to the attack of black and yellow millions?
“To ask the question is to answer it.
“The disarmament of the modern world is the dream of an unbalanced mind.
“Take any group of nations. If the Allies win, would Germany and Austria-Hungary agree to disarm? If they should ever tear the German Empire into pieces could they stamp out the fighting soul of the Germanic race?
“If Germany and Austria-Hungary win, can England, France, Italy, and Russia disarm before the menace of world dominion94?
“Do you believe that out of the vast horror of this war a compact of international peace may be signed by all nations?
“Let us remind you that the heart of Europe is aristocratic and imperial. Their rulers hate democracy as the devil hates holy water. The lion and the lamb cannot yet lie down together—except the lamb be inside the lion.
“This nation is the butt95 of ridicule96, jibes97, caricatures and coarse jests of the aristocrats98 of the Old World. Our government and our people are cordially loathed99.
“International peace can rest only on international democracy. The great war has brought us face to face with grim realities. We must see the thing that is—not the thing our fancy says ought to be.
“Belgium has taught us that the only scrap100 of paper we can be sure of is one backed by millions of stout101 hearts with guns in their hands, aeroplanes above their heads, ships under the seas and afloat and big black steel eyes high on their shores bent102 seaward.
“Men of America! I call you from your sleep of fancied safety! The might of kings is knocking at your doors demanding that you give a reason for your existence! If you are worthy103 to live you will prove it by defending your homes and your flag. If you are not worth saving, your masters will make your children their servants.
“The fate of a nation is in your hands. The sea is no more. The world has become a whispering gallery. And such a world cannot remain half slave and half free. It is for you to decide whether your half shall sink again into the abyss of centuries of human martyrdom and human tyranny.
“I warn you that the fight between autocracy104 and democracy has just begun. Poland attempted to establish a free commonwealth105 in Central Europe. She was ground to powder between imperial powers. The one big issue in this world today is the might of kings against the liberties of the people. Never before in human history has imperial power been so firmly entrenched106. And the rulers of Europe know that sooner or later they must crush American democracy or be crushed by its reflex influence.”
Vassar ceased to speak and resumed his seat amid a silence that was painful. His eloquence107 had swept the House with tremendous force. So intense was the spell that a demonstration108 of any kind was impossible. A murmur109 of relief rippled110 the crowd and the hum of whispered comment at last broke the tension.
Waldron’s keen cold eye had seen the effect of the young leader’s appeal. He lost no time in taking measures to neutralize111 its influence.
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1
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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canvass
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| v.招徕顾客，兜售；游说；详细检查，讨论 | |
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trump
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| n.王牌，法宝；v.打出王牌，吹喇叭 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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adaptability
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| n.适应性 | |
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steadfastly
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| adv.踏实地，不变地；岿然；坚定不渝 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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15
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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fumbling
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| n. 摸索,漏接 v. 摸索,摸弄,笨拙的处理 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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23
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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24
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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28
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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29
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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Congressman
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| n.（美）国会议员 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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lone
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| adj.孤寂的，单独的；唯一的 | |
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disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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40
eruption
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| n.火山爆发；（战争等）爆发；（疾病等）发作 | |
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41
soothed
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| v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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42
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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43
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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44
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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45
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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46
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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48
socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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49
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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50
federations
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| n.联邦( federation的名词复数 )；同盟；联盟；联合会 | |
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51
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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alignment
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| n.队列；结盟，联合 | |
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53
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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54
jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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55
amendments
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| （法律、文件的）改动( amendment的名词复数 )； 修正案； 修改； （美国宪法的）修正案 | |
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56
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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57
unifying
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| 使联合( unify的现在分词 )； 使相同； 使一致； 统一 | |
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caucus
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| n.秘密会议；干部会议；v.（参加）干部开会议 | |
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59
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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62
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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63
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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inefficiency
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| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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unison
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| n.步调一致，行动一致 | |
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sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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throb
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| v.震颤，颤动；(急速强烈地)跳动，搏动 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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combustion
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| n.燃烧；氧化；骚动 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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locusts
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| n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 )；贪吃的人；破坏者；槐树 | |
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snarling
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| v.（指狗）吠，嗥叫， （人）咆哮( snarl的现在分词 )；咆哮着说，厉声地说 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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stolid
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| adj.无动于衷的，感情麻木的 | |
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sneering
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| 嘲笑的，轻蔑的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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hush
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| int.嘘，别出声；n.沉默，静寂；v.使安静 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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disarms
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| v.裁军( disarm的第三人称单数 )；使息怒 | |
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disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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jibes
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| n.与…一致( jibe的名词复数 )；（与…）相符；相匹配v.与…一致( jibe的第三人称单数 )；（与…）相符；相匹配 | |
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aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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loathed
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| v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的过去式和过去分词 )；极不喜欢 | |
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scrap
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| n.碎片；废料；v.废弃，报废 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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104
autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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108
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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109
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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110
rippled
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| 使泛起涟漪（ripple的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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neutralize
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| v.使失效、抵消，使中和 | |
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