He saw a man above the average height, weighing nearly two hundred, with cheeks flabby but inclined to fat. It was not until he spoke3 that he caught the unmistakable note of effeminacy in his voice and saw it clearly reflected in his features.
He was dressed with immaculate neatness and wore a tie of an extraordinary shade of lavender which matched the silk hose that showed above his stylish4 low-cut shoes.
"Major Norton, I believe?" he said with a smile.
The editor bowed without rising:
"At your service, Professor Magraw. Have a seat, sir."
"Thank you! Thank you!" the dainty voice murmured with so marked a resemblance to a woman's tones that Norton was torn between two impulses—one to lift his eyebrows5 and sigh, "Oh, splash!" and the other to kick him down the stairs. He was in no mood for the amenities6 of polite conversation, turned and asked bluntly:
"May I inquire, professor, why you have honored[Pg 200] me with this unexpected call—I confess I am very curious?"
"No doubt, no doubt," he replied glibly7. "You have certainly not minced8 matters in your personal references to me in the paper of late, Major Norton, but I have simply taken it good-naturedly as a part of your day's work. Apparently9 we represent two irreconcilable10 ideals of Southern society——"
"There can be no doubt about that," Norton interrupted grimly.
"Yet I have dared to hope that our differences are only apparent and that we might come to a better understanding."
He paused, simpered and smiled.
"About what?" the editor asked with a frown.
"About the best policy for the leaders of public opinion to pursue to more rapidly advance the interests of the South——"
"And by 'interests of the South' you mean?"
"The best interest of all the people without regard to race or color!"
Norton smiled:
"You forgot part of the pass-word of your order, professor! The whole clause used to read, 'race, color or previous condition of servitude'——"
The sneer11 was lost on the professor. He was too intent on his mission.
"I have called, Major Norton," he went on glibly, "to inform you that my distinguished12 associates in the great Educational Movement in the South view with increasing alarm the tendency of your paper to continue the agitation13 of the so-called negro problem."
"And may I ask by whose authority your distinguished[Pg 201] associates have been set up as the arbiters14 of the destiny of twenty millions of white citizens of the South?"
The professor flushed with amazement15 at the audacity16 of such a question:
"They have given millions to the cause of education, sir! These great Funds represent to-day a power that is becoming more and more resistless——"
Norton sprang to his feet and faced Magraw with eyes flashing:
"That's why I haven't minced matters in my references to you, professor. That's why I'm getting ready to strike a blow in the cause of racial purity for which my paper stands."
"But why continue to rouse the bitterness of racial feeling? The question will settle itself if let alone."
"How?"
"By the process of evolution——"
"Exactly!" Norton thundered. "And by that you mean the gradual breaking down of racial barriers and the degradation17 of our people to a mongrel negroid level or you mean nothing! No miracle of evolution can gloss18 over the meaning of such a tragedy. The Negro is the lowest of all human forms, four thousand years below the standard of the pioneer white Aryan who discovered this continent and peopled it with a race of empire builders. The gradual mixture of our blood with his can only result in the extinction19 of National character—a calamity20 so appalling21 the mind of every patriot22 refuses to accept for a moment its possibility."
"I am not advocating such a mixture!" the professor mildly protested.
"In so many words, no," retorted Norton; "yet you[Pg 202] are setting in motion forces that make it inevitable23, as certain as life, as remorseless as death. When you demand that the patriot of the South let the Negro alone to work out his own destiny, you know that the mere24 physical contact of two such races is a constant menace to white civilization——"
The professor raised the delicate, tapering25 hands:
"The old nightmare of negro domination is only a thing with which to frighten children, major, the danger is a myth——"
"Indeed!" Norton sneered26. "When our people saw the menace of an emancipated27 slave suddenly clothed with the royal power of a ballot28 they met this threat against the foundations of law and order by a counter revolution and restored a government of the wealth, virtue29 and intelligence of the community. What they have not yet seen, is the more insidious30 danger that threatens the inner home life of a Democratic nation from the physical contact of two such races."
"And you propose to prevent that contact?" the piping voice asked.
"Yes."
"And may I ask how?"
"By an ultimate complete separation through a process covering perhaps two hundred years——"
The professor laughed:
"Visionary—impossible!"
"All right," Norton slowly replied. "I see the invisible and set myself to do the impossible. Because men have done such things the world moves forward not backward!"
The lavender hose moved stealthily:
"You will advocate this?" the professor asked.[Pg 203]
"In due time. The Southern white man and woman still labor32 under the old delusion33 that the negro's lazy, slipshod ways are necessary and that we could not get along without him——"
"And if you dare to antagonize that faith?"
"When your work is done, professor, and the glorious results of Evolution are shown to mean the giving in marriage of our sons and daughters, my task will be easy. In the mean time I'll do the work at hand. The negro is still a voter. The devices by which he is prevented from using the power to which his numbers entitle him are but temporary. The first real work before the statesmen of the South is the disfranchisement of the African, the repeal34 of the Fifteenth Amendment35 to our Constitution and the restoration of American citizenship36 to its original dignity and meaning."
"A large undertaking," the professor glibly observed. "And you will dare such a program?"
"I'll at least strike a blow for it. The first great crime against the purity of our racial stock was the mixture of blood which the physical contact of slavery made inevitable.
"But the second great crime, and by far the most tragic37 and disastrous38, was the insane Act of Congress inspired by the passions of the Reconstruction40 period by which a million ignorant black men, but yesterday from the jungles of Africa, were clothed with the full powers of citizenship under the flag of Democracy and given the right by the ballot to rule a superior race.
"The Act of Emancipation41 was a war measure pure and simple. By that act Lincoln sought to strike the South as a political power a mortal blow. He did not free four million negroes for sentimental42 reasons. He[Pg 204] destroyed four billion dollars' worth of property invested in slaves as an act of war to save the union. Nothing was further from his mind or heart than the mad idea that these Africans could be assimilated into our National life. He intended to separate the races and give the Negro a nation of his own. But the hand of a madman struck the great leader down in the hour of his supreme43 usefulness.
"In the anarchy44 which followed the assassination45 of the President and the attempt of a daring coterie46 of fanatics47 in Washington to impeach48 his successor and create a dictatorship, the great crime against Democracy was committed. Millions of black men, with the intelligence of children and the instincts of savages49, were given full and equal citizenship with the breed of men who created the Republic.
"Any plan to solve intelligently the problem of the races must first correct this blunder from which a stream of poison has been pouring into our life.
"The first step in the work of separating the races, therefore, must be to deprive the negro of this enormous power over Democratic society. It is not a solution of the problem, but as the great blunder was the giving of this symbol of American kingship, our first task is to take it from him and restore the ballot to its original sanctity."
"Your movement will encounter difficulties, I foresee!" observed the professor with a gracious smile.
He was finding his task with Norton easier than he anticipated. The editor's madness was evidently so hopeless he had only to deliver his ultimatum50 and close the interview.
"The difficulties are great," Norton went on with[Pg 205] renewed emphasis, "but less than they have been for the past twenty years. Until yesterday the negro was the ward31 of the Nation. Any movement by a Southern state to remove his menace was immediately met by a call to arms to defend the union by Northern demagogues who had never smelled powder when the union was in danger.
"A foolish preacher in Boston who enjoys a National reputation has been in the habit of rousing his hearers to a round of cheers by stamping his foot, lifting hands above his head and yelling:
"'The only way to save the union now is for Northern mothers to rear more children than Southern mothers!'
"And the sad part of it is that thousands of otherwise sane39 people in New England and other sections of the North and West believed this idiotic51 statement to be literally52 true. It is no longer possible to fool them with such chaff——"
The professor rose and shook out his finely creased53 trousers until the lavender hose scarcely showed:
"I am afraid, Major Norton, that it is useless for us to continue this discussion. You are quite determined54 to maintain the policy of your paper on this point?"
"Quite."
"I am sorry. The Eagle and Phoenix55 is a very powerful influence in this state. The distinguished associates whom I represent sent me in the vain hope that I might persuade you to drop the agitation of this subject and join with us in developing the material and educational needs of the South——"
Norton laughed aloud:
"Really, professor?"[Pg 206]
The visitor flushed at the marked sneer in his tones, and fumbled56 his lavender tie:
"I can only deliver to you our ultimatum, therefore——"
"You are clothed with sovereign powers, then?" the editor asked sarcastically57.
"If you choose to designate them so—yes. Unless you agree to drop this dangerous and useless agitation of the negro question and give our people a hearing in the columns of your paper, I am authorized58 to begin at once the publication of a journal that will express the best sentiment of the South——"
"So?"
"And I have unlimited59 capital to back it."
Norton's eyes flashed as he squared himself before the professor:
"I've not a doubt of your backing. Start your paper to-morrow if you like. You'll find that it takes more than money to build a great organ of public opinion in the South. I've put my immortal60 soul into this plant. I'll watch your experiment with interest."
"Thank you! Thank you," the thin voice piped.
"And now that we understand each other," Norton went on, "you've given me the chance to say a few things to you and your associates I've been wanting to express for a long time——"
Norton paused and fixed61 his visitor with an angry stare:
"Not only is the Negro gaining in numbers, in wealth and in shallow 'culture,' and tightening62 his grip on the soil as the owner in fee simple of thousands of homes, churches, schools and farms, but a Negroid party has once more developed into a powerful and sinister63 influence[Pg 207] on the life of this state! You and your associates are loud in your claims to represent a new South. In reality you are the direct descendants of the Reconstruction Scalawag and Carpetbagger.
"The old Scalawag was the Judas Iscariot who sold his people for thirty pieces of silver which he got by licking the feet of his conqueror64 and fawning65 on his negro allies. The Carpetbagger was a Northern adventurer who came South to prey66 on the misfortunes of a ruined people. A new and far more dangerous order of Scalawags has arisen—the man who boldly preaches the omnipotence67 of the dollar and weighs every policy of state or society by one standard only, will it pay in dollars and cents? And so you frown on any discussion of the tragic problem the negro's continued pressure on Southern society involves because it disturbs business.
"The unparalleled growth of wealth in the North has created our enormous Poor Funds, organized by generous well-meaning men for the purpose of education in the South. As a matter of fact, this new educational movement had its origin in the same soil that established negro classical schools and attempted to turn the entire black race into preachers, lawyers, and doctors just after the war. Your methods, however, are wiser, although your policies are inspired, if not directed, by the fertile brain of a notorious negro of doubtful moral character.
"The directors of your Poor Funds profess1 to be the only true friends of the true white man of the South. By a 'true white man of the South' you mean a man who is willing to show his breadth of vision by fraternizing occasionally with negroes.[Pg 208]
"An army of lickspittles have begun to hang on the coat-tails of your dispensers of alms. Their methods are always the same. They attempt to attract the notice of the Northern distributors by denouncing men of my type who are earnestly, fearlessly and reverently68 trying to face and solve the darkest problem the centuries have presented to America. These little beggars have begun to vie with one another not only in denouncing the leaders of public opinion in the South, but in fulsome69 and disgusting fawning at the feet of the individual negro whose personal influence dominates these Funds."
Again the lavender socks moved uneasily.
"In which category you place the author of a certain book, I suppose?" inquired the professor.
"I paused in the hope that you might not miss my meaning," Norton replied, smiling. "The astounding70 power for the debasement of public opinion developing through these vast corruption71 funds is one of the most sinister influences which now threatens Southern society. It is the most difficult of all to meet because its protestations are so plausible72 and philanthropic.
"The Carpetbagger has come back to the South. This time he is not a low adventurer seeking coin and public office. He is a philanthropist who carries hundreds of millions of dollars to be distributed to the 'right' men who will teach Southern boys and girls the 'right' ideas. So far as these 'right' ideas touch the negro, they mean the ultimate complete acceptance of the black man as a social equal.
"Your chief spokesman of this New Order of Carpetbag, for example, has declared on many occasions that the one thing in his life of which he is most proud is[Pg 209] the fact that he is the personal friend of the negro whose influence now dominates your dispensers of alms! This man positively73 grovels74 with joy when his distinguished black friend honors him by becoming his guest in New York.
"With growing rage and wonder I have watched the development of this modern phenomenon. I have fought you with sullen75 and unyielding fury from the first, and you have proven the most dangerous and insidious force I have encountered. You profess the loftiest motives76 and the highest altruism77 while the effects of your work can only be the degradation of the white race to an ultimate negroid level, to say nothing of the appalling results if you really succeed in pauperizing the educational system of the South!
"I expected to hear from your crowd when the movement for a white ballot was begun. Through you the society of Affiliated78 Black League Almoners of the South, under the direction of your inspired negro leader, have sounded the alarm. And now all the little pigs who are feeding on this swill79, and all the hungry ones yet outside the fence and squealing80 to get in, will unite in a chorus that you hope can have but one result—the division of the white race on a vital issue affecting its purity, its integrity, and its future.
"The possible division of my race in its attitude toward the Negro is the one big danger that has always hung its ugly menace over the South. So long as her people stand united, our civilization can be protected against the pressure of the Negro's growing millions. But the moment a serious division of these forces occurs the black man's opportunity will be at hand. The question is, can you divide the white race on this issue?"[Pg 210]
"We shall see, major, we shall see," piped the professor, fumbling81 his lavender tie and bowing himself out.
The strong jaw82 closed with a snap as Norton watched the silk hose disappear.
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1
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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stylish
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| adj.流行的，时髦的；漂亮的，气派的 | |
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eyebrows
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| 眉毛( eyebrow的名词复数 ) | |
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6
amenities
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| n.令人愉快的事物；礼仪；礼节；便利设施；礼仪( amenity的名词复数 )；便利设施；（环境等的）舒适；（性情等的）愉快 | |
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glibly
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| adv.流利地，流畅地；满口 | |
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minced
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| v.切碎( mince的过去式和过去分词 )；剁碎；绞碎；用绞肉机绞（食物，尤指肉） | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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12
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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13
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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arbiters
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| 仲裁人，裁决者( arbiter的名词复数 ) | |
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amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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17
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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gloss
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| n.光泽，光滑；虚饰；注释；vt.加光泽于；掩饰 | |
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extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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24
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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tapering
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| adj.尖端细的 | |
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sneered
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| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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28
ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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40
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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42
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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46
coterie
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| n.(有共同兴趣的)小团体，小圈子 | |
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47
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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48
impeach
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| v.弹劾；检举 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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50
ultimatum
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| n.最后通牒 | |
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51
idiotic
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| adj.白痴的 | |
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52
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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53
creased
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| （使…）起折痕，弄皱( crease的过去式和过去分词 )； （皮肤）皱起，使起皱纹； 皱皱巴巴 | |
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54
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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phoenix
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| n.凤凰，长生(不死)鸟；引申为重生 | |
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56
fumbled
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| （笨拙地）摸索或处理（某事物）( fumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 乱摸，笨拙地弄； 使落下 | |
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sarcastically
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| adv.挖苦地，讽刺地 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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tightening
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| 上紧，固定，紧密 | |
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63
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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64
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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65
fawning
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| adj.乞怜的，奉承的v.（尤指狗等）跳过来往人身上蹭以示亲热( fawn的现在分词 )；巴结；讨好 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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68
reverently
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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69
fulsome
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| adj.可恶的，虚伪的，过分恭维的 | |
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70
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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71
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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72
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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73
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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74
grovels
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| v.卑躬屈节，奴颜婢膝( grovel的第三人称单数 )；趴 | |
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75
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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76
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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77
altruism
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| n.利他主义，不自私 | |
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78
affiliated
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| adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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79
swill
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| v.冲洗；痛饮；n.泔脚饲料；猪食；（谈话或写作中的）无意义的话 | |
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80
squealing
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| v.长声尖叫，用长而尖锐的声音说( squeal的现在分词 ) | |
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81
fumbling
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| n. 摸索,漏接 v. 摸索,摸弄,笨拙的处理 | |
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82
jaw
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| n.颚，颌，说教，流言蜚语；v.喋喋不休，教训 | |
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