Captain Wilkes had overhauled1 the British Steamer Trent on the high seas, searched her and taken the Confederate Commissioners2 Mason and Slidell by force from her decks.
The people of the North were mad with joy over the daring act. Congress, swept off its feet by the wave of popular hysteria, proclaimed Wilkes a hero and voted their thanks. The President did not move with current opinion. He had formed the habit in boyhood of thinking for himself, and had never allowed himself to take his cues for action from second-hand3 suggestions. From the first he raised the question of Wilkes' right to stop the vessel4 of a friendly nation on the high seas, search her and take her passengers prisoners by force of arms.
The backwoods lawyer questioned, too, the right of a naval5 officer to turn his quarter-deck into a court and decide questions of international law offhand6. He raised the point at once whether these men thus captured might not be white elephants on the hands of the Government. Moreover he reminded his Cabinet that we had fought England once for daring to do precisely7 this thing.
Great Britain promptly8 drew her sword and made ready for war.
Queen Victoria's Government not only demanded that the return of these passengers be made at once with an apology, but did it in a way so offensive that a less balanced man in power would have lost his head and committed the fatal blunder.
The tall, quiet Chief Magistrate9 was equal to the occasion. Great Britain had ordered her navy on a war footing, dispatched eight thousand troops to Canada to strike by land as well as sea, allowing us but seven days in which to comply with all her demands or hand Lord Lyons his passports.
The President immediately dictated11 a reply which forced her Prime Minister to accept it and achieved for the Nation the establishment of a principle for which we had fought in vain in 1812.
He ordered the prisoners returned and an apology expressed. His apology was a two-edged sword thrust which Great Britain was compelled to take with a groan12.
"In 1812," the President said, "the United States fought because you claimed the right to stop our vessels13 on the high seas, search them and take by force British subjects found thereon. Our country in making this surrender, adheres to the ancient principle for which we contended and we are glad to find that Her Majesty's Government in demanding this surrender thereby14 renounces15 an error and accepts our position."
Lord Palmerston made a wry16 face, but was compelled to accept the surrender, and with it seal his own humiliation17 as a beaten diplomat18. War with England at this moment would have meant unparalleled disaster. France had ambitions in Mexico and she was bound in friendship to England. The two great Nations of Europe would have been hurled20 against our divided country with the immediate10 recognition of the Confederacy.
The President forced this return of the prisoners and apparent surrender to Great Britain in the face of the blindest and most furious outbursts of popular rage.
Gilbert Winter rose in the Senate and in thunderous oratory21 voiced the well-nigh unanimous feeling of the millions of the North of all parties and factions22:
"I warn the administration against this dastardly and cowardly surrender to a foreign foe23! The voice of the people demand that we stand firm on our dignity as a Sovereign Nation. If the President and his Cabinet refuse to listen they will find themselves engulfed24 in a fire that will consume them like stubble. They will find themselves helpless before a power that will hurl19 them from their places!"
The President was still under the cloud of public wrath25 over this affair when the crisis of the problem of emancipation26 became acute. The gradual growth of the number of his bitter foes27 in Washington he had seen with deep distress28. And yet it was inevitable29. No man in his position could administer the great office whose power he was wielding30 without fear or favor and not make enemies. And now both friend and foe were closing in on him with a well-nigh resistless demand for emancipation.
Hour after hour he sat patiently in his office receiving these impassioned delegations31.
Old Edward was standing33 at the door again smiling and washing his hands:
"A delegation32 of editors, presenting Mr. Horace Greeley's 'Prayer of Twenty Millions.'"
The patient eyes were lifted front his desk, and the strong mouth firmly pressed:
"Let them in."
The President rose in his easy, careless manner:
"I'm glad to see you, gentlemen. You are the leaders of public opinion. The people rule this country and I am their servant. What is it?"
The Chairman of the Committee stepped forward and gravely handed him an engrossed34 copy of Greeley's famous editorial, "The Prayer of Twenty Millions," demanding the immediate issue of a proclamation of emancipation.
The Chairman bowed and spoke35 in earnest tones:
"As the representatives of millions of readers we present this 'Prayer' with our endorsement36 and the request that you act. In particular we call your attention to these paragraphs:
"'A great portion of those who brought about your election and all those who desire the unqualified suppression of the rebellion, are sorely disappointed, pained and surprised by the policy you seem to be pursuing with regard to the slaves of rebels. I write to set before you succinctly38 and unmistakably what we require, what we have a right to expect and of what we complain.
"'We think you are unduly39 influenced by the counsels, the representations and the menaces of certain fossil politicians from the Border Slave States, knowing as you do, that the loyal citizens of these States do not expect that Slavery shall be upheld, to the prejudice of the union.
"'We complain that the union cause has suffered and is now suffering immensely from the mistaken course which you are pursuing and persistently40 cling to, in defense41 of slavery. We complain that the confiscation42 act which you approved is being wantonly and wholly disregarded by your Generals, apparently43 with your knowledge and consent.
"'The seeming subserviency44 of your policy to the slave holding, slave upholding interest is the perplexity and the despair of statesmen of all parties. Whether you will choose to listen to their admonishment45 or wait for your verdict through future history, or at the bar of God, I do not know. I can only hope.'"
The President's sombre eyes met his with a penetrating46 flash and rested on Senator Winter who remained in the background. He took the paper, laid it carefully on his desk, threw his right leg across the corner of the long table in easy, friendly attitude and began his reply persuasively47:
"The editor of the Tribune, gentleman, if on my side, is equal to an army of a hundred thousand men in the field. I've known this from the first. Against me he throws this army in the rear and fires into my back. My grievance48 is that his Prayer which you have made yours is being used for ammunition49 in this rear attack. It should have been presented to me first, if it were a genuine prayer. I have read it carefully. It is full of blunders of fact and reasoning, but it fairly expresses the discontent in the minds of many. Its unfair assumptions will poison millions of readers against me——"
He paused, opened a drawer in his desk, took from it a sheet of paper on which he had written in firm, clear hand a brief message in reply, and turned to his petitioners50:
"And therefore, gentlemen, I have written a few words in answer to this attack. I ask you to give it the same wide hearing you have accorded the assault. I'll read it to you:
"'Dear Sir:—I have just read yours of the 19th instant addressed to myself through the New York Tribune.
"'If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact, which I know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert51 them.
"'If there be any influences which I believe to be falsely drawn52, I do not now and here argue against them.
"'If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial53 tone, I waive54 it in deference55 to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right.
"'As to the policy I seem to be pursuing, as you say, I have not meant to leave anyone in doubt. I would save the union. I would save it in the shortest way under the Constitution.
"'The sooner the National authority can be restored, the nearer the union will be,—the union as it was.
"'If there be those who would not save the union, unless they could at the same time save Slavery, I do not agree with them.
"'If there be those who would not save the union, unless they could at the same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree with them.
"'My paramount56 object is to save the union, and not either to save or destroy Slavery.
"'If I could save the union without freeing any slave I would do it. And if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it. And if I could save it by freeing some, and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
"'What I do about Slavery and the colored race I do because I believe it helps to save the union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the union.
"'I shall do less whenever I believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more, whenever I believe doing more will help the cause.
"'I shall try to correct errors, when shown to be errors, and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.
"'I have stated my purpose, according to my view of official duty, and I intend no modification57 of my oft expressed personal wish, that all men everywhere could be free.'"
A moment of death-like stillness followed the reading. The members of the committee had unconsciously pressed nearer. Some of them stood with shining eyes gazing at the rugged58, towering figure as if drawn by a magnet. The stark59 earnestness and simplicity60 of his defense had found their hearts. The daring of it fairly took their breath.
Senator Winter turned to his nearest neighbor and growled61:
"Bah! The trouble is Lincoln's a Southerner—born in the poisoned slave atmosphere of the South. He grew up in Southern Indiana and Illinois. His neighbors there were settlers from the South. He has never breathed anything but Southern air and ideals. It's in his blood. Only a man born in the South could have written that document——"
The listener looked up suddenly:
"I believe you are right. Excuse me—I want to speak to the long-legged Southerner. I've never seen him before."
To the astonishment62 of the Senator, the editor pushed his way into the group who were shaking hands with the President.
He paused an instant, extended his hand and felt the rugged fingers close on it with a hearty63 grip. Before he realized it he was saying something astounding—something the farthest possible removed from his thoughts on entering the room.
"I want to thank you, sir, for that document. The heart of an unselfish patriot64 speaks through every word. I came here to criticise65 and find fault. I'm going home to stand by you through thick and thin. You've given us a glimpse inside."
Both big hands were now clasping his and a mist was clouding the hazel-grey eyes.
"The Senator accuses you," he went on, "of being a Southerner. He must be right. No Northern man could have seen through the clouds of passion to-day clearly enough to have written that letter. You can see things for all the people, North, South, East and West. God bless you—I'm going home to fight for you and with you——"
In angry amazement66 Senator Winter saw most of the men he had led to this carefully planned attack walk up and pledge their loyalty67 to his smiling foe. He turned on his heel and left, his jaw68 set, his blue eyes dancing with fury.
Old Edward was again rubbing his hands apologetically at the door:
"A body of clergymen from Chicago, sir——"
"Clergymen from Chicago?"
"Yes, sir."
"I didn't know they ever used such things in Chicago!"
He caught his knee in his big hands, leaned back and laughed heartily69. The doorman looked straight ahead and managed to keep his solemn countenance70 under control.
"All right, let them in, Edward."
The reverend gentlemen solemnly filed into the executive office. They looked around in evident amazement at its bare poverty-stricken appearance. They had been shocked at the threadbare appearance of the White House grounds as they entered. This room was a greater shock—this throbbing71 nerve centre of the Nation. In the middle stood the long, plain table around which the storm-racked Cabinet were wont72 to gather. There was not a single piece of ornamental73 or superfluous74 furniture visible. It appeared almost bare. A second-hand upright desk stood by the middle window. In the northwest corner of the room there were racks with map rollers, and folios of maps on the floor and leaning against the wall.
The well-dressed, prosperous-looking gentlemen gazed about in a critical way.
Their spokesman was a distinguished75 Bishop76 who knew that he was distinguished and conveyed the information in every movement of his august body.
"We have come, Mr. President," he solemnly began, "as God's messengers to urge on you the immediate and universal emancipation of every slave in America."
The faintest suggestion of a smile played about the corners of the big, firm mouth as he rose and began a reply which greatly astonished his visitors. They had come to lecture him and before they knew it the lamb had risen to slay77 the butchers.
"I am approached, gentlemen," he said softly, "with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are equally certain that they represent the Divine Will. I am sure that either one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal His will to others on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed He would reveal it directly to me——"
He paused just an instant and his bushy eyebrows78 were raised a trifle as if in search of one friendly face in which the sense of humor was not dead. He met with frozen silence and calmly continued:
"Unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence79 in this matter. And if I can learn what it is I will do it! These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain80 what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right. The subject is difficult and good men do not agree——"
"We are all agreed to-day!" the leader interrupted.
"Even so, Bishop, but we are not all here to-day."
The gentle irony81 was lost on the great man, and the President went on good-naturedly:
"What good would a proclamation of emancipation do as we are now situated82? Shall I issue a document that the whole world will see must be of no more effect that the Pope's bull against the comet? Will my words free the slaves when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court or magistrate, or individual that will be influenced by it there? I approved the law of Congress which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines. Yet I can not learn that the law has caused a single slave to come over to us.
"Now then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? The greatest evils might follow it—among them the revolt of the Border Slave States which we have held loyal with so much care, and the desertion from the ranks of our armies of thousands of Democratic soldiers who tell us plainly that they are not fighting and they're not going to fight to free negroes!
"Understand me, I raise no objection against it on legal grounds. As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy in time of war, I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue83 the enemy. Nor do I urge objections of a moral nature in view of possible consequences of servile insurrection and massacre84 in the South. I view this matter now as a practical war measure. Has the moment arrived when I can best strike with this weapon?
"Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned objections. They indicate some of the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desire. I have not decided85 against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves. I hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night more than any other. What shall appear to be God's will I will do——"
He stopped suddenly and a smile illumined his dark face:
"But I cannot see, gentlemen, why God should be sending his message to me by so roundabout route as the sinful city of Chicago. I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed86 your views and expressed my own, I have not in any respect injured your feelings."
The ice was broken at last and the men of God began to smile, press forward and shake his hand. They came his critics, and left his friends.
And yet no hint was given to a single man present that his Emancipation Proclamation had been written two months before and at this moment was lying in the drawer of the old desk before which he sat. Long before the revelation of God's will through these clergymen he had discussed its provisions before his Cabinet and enjoined87 absolute secrecy88. Men from all walks of life came to advise the backwoods lawyer on how to save the country. He listened to all and then did exactly what he believed to be best.
His plan had long been formed on the subject of the destruction of Slavery. His purpose was to accomplish this great task in a way which would give his people a just and lasting89 peace. He held the firm conviction that the North was equally responsible with the South for the existence of Slavery, and that the Constitution which he had sworn to defend and uphold guaranteed to the slave owner his rights. He was determined90 to free the slaves if possible, but to do it fairly and honestly and then settle the question for all time by colonizing91 the negro race and removing them forever from physical contact with the white.
At his request Congress had already passed a bill providing for the colonization92 of emancipated93 slaves. He now sent for a number of representative negroes to hear his message and deliver it to their people.
Old Edward ushered94 them into his office with a look of unmistakable superiority.
It was a strange meeting—this facing for the first time between the supreme95 representative of the dominant96 race of the new era and the freed black men whose very existence the President held to be an eternal menace against the Nation's future. It is remarkable97 that the first words Abraham Lincoln ever addressed as President to an assemblage of negroes should have been the words which fell from his lips.
The ebony faces, their cream-colored teeth showing with smiles and their wide rolling eyes roaming the room made a striking and dramatic contrast to the rugged face and frame of the man who addressed them.
"Your race is suffering," he began with distinct, clean cut emphasis, "in my judgment98 the greatest wrong inflicted99 on any people. But even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being placed on an equality with the white race. On this broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated best and the ban is still upon you. I cannot alter it if I would.
"It is better for us both, therefore, to be separated. One of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your present comfort. In the American Revolution sacrifices were made by the men engaged in it. They were cheered by the future.
"The Colony of Liberia is an old one, is in a sense a success and it is open to you. I am arranging to open another in Central America. It is nearer than Liberia—within seven days by steamer. You are intelligent and know that success does not so much depend on external help as on self-reliance. Much depends on yourself. If you will engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the money intrusted to me. This is the practical part of my wish to see you. I ask you then to consider it seriously, not for yourselves merely, nor for your race and ours for the present time, but for the good of mankind."
He dismissed his negro hearers and sent again for the representatives of the Border Slave States. Here his plan must be set in motion. He proposed to pay for the slaves set free and arrange for their colonization.
He spoke with deep emotion. His soul throbbed100 with passionate101 tenderness in every word.
"You are patriots102 and statesmen," he solemnly declared, "and as such I pray you to consider this proposition, and at the least commend it to the consideration of your States and people. Our common country is in grave peril103 demanding the loftiest views and boldest action to bring it speedy relief. You can make it possible to accomplish the just destruction of this curse of our life. It will bring emancipation as a voluntary process, leaving the least resentment104 in the minds of our slave-holders. It will not be a violent war measure, to be remembered with fierce rebellious105 anger. It will pave the way for good feeling at last between all sections when reunited. It is reasonable. It is just. It will leave no cause for sectional enmity. This plan of gradual emancipation with pay for each slave to his owner will secure peace more speedily and maintain it more permanently106 than can be done by force alone. Its cost could be easier paid than the additional cost of war and would sacrifice no blood at all.
"In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free—honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth. Other means may succeed. This could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just—a way which if followed, the world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless."
His tender, eloquent107 appeal fell on deaf ears. The men who represented the Border Slave States refused to permit the question of tampering108 with Slavery to be submitted to their people—no matter by what process, with or without pay.
They demanded with sullen109 persistence110 that the President defy all shades of Northern opinion and stand squarely by his Inaugural111 address. In vain he pointed37 out to them that the fact of a desperate and terrible war, costing two million dollars a day and threatening the existence of the Government itself, had changed the conditions under which he made that pledge.
When the President at last introduced into Congress through his spokesman the bill appropriating fifteen million dollars with which to pay for their slaves, the men from the Border States united with the Democrats112 and defeated it!
With a sorrowful heart and deep forebodings of the future he turned to his desk and drew forth113 the document he had written declaring as an act of war against the States in rebellion that their slaves should be free.
He read its provisions again with the utmost care. He made no attack on Slavery, or the slave-holder. He was striking the blow against the wealth and power of the South for the sole purpose of crippling her resources and weakening her power to continue the struggle to divide the union. There was in it not one word concerning the rights of man or the equal rights of black and white men. His mind was absolutely clear on that point. The negro when freed would be an alien race so low in the scale of being, so utterly114 different in temperament115 and character from the white man that their remaining in physical contact with each other in our Republic was unthinkable. In the Emancipation Proclamation itself, therefore, he had written the principles of the colonization of the negro race. The two things were inseparable. He could conceive of no greater calamity116 befalling the Nation than to leave the freed black man within its borders as an eternal menace to its future happiness and progress.
He called his Secretary and ordered a Cabinet meeting to fix the date on which to issue this momentous117 document to the world—a challenge to mortal combat to his foes in all sections.
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overhauled
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| v.彻底检查( overhaul的过去式和过去分词 )；大修；赶上；超越 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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second-hand
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| adj.用过的，旧的，二手的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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offhand
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| adj.临时，无准备的；随便，马虎的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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promptly
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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thereby
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renounces
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的第三人称单数 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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wry
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humiliation
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diplomat
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| n.外交官，外交家；能交际的人，圆滑的人 | |
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hurl
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| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
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hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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factions
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foe
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engulfed
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wrath
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emancipation
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foes
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distress
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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wielding
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的现在分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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delegations
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delegation
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standing
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engrossed
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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endorsement
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| n.背书；赞成，认可，担保；签(注)，批注 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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succinctly
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| adv.简洁地；简洁地，简便地 | |
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unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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42
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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43
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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44
subserviency
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| n.有用，裨益 | |
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45
admonishment
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| n.警告 | |
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46
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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47
persuasively
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| adv.口才好地；令人信服地 | |
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48
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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49
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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50
petitioners
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| n.请求人，请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 )；离婚案原告 | |
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51
controvert
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| v.否定；否认 | |
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52
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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53
dictatorial
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| adj. 独裁的，专断的 | |
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54
waive
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| vt.放弃，不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
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55
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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56
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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57
modification
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| n.修改，改进，缓和，减轻 | |
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58
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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59
stark
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| adj.荒凉的；严酷的；完全的；adv.完全地 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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61
growled
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| v.（动物）发狺狺声， （雷）作隆隆声( growl的过去式和过去分词 )；低声咆哮着说 | |
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62
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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63
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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65
criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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66
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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67
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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68
jaw
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| n.颚，颌，说教，流言蜚语；v.喋喋不休，教训 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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throbbing
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| a. 跳动的,悸动的 | |
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72
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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73
ornamental
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| adj.装饰的；作装饰用的；n.装饰品；观赏植物 | |
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74
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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75
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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76
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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77
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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eyebrows
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| 眉毛( eyebrow的名词复数 ) | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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82
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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83
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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84
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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86
canvassed
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的过去式和过去分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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89
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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90
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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91
colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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92
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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96
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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97
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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98
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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99
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
throbbed
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| 抽痛( throb的过去式和过去分词 )； （心脏、脉搏等）跳动 | |
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101
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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102
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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103
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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104
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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105
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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106
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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107
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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108
tampering
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| v.窜改( tamper的现在分词 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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109
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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110
persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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111
inaugural
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| adj.就职的；n.就职典礼 | |
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112
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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113
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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114
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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115
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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116
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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117
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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