She thought of the lonely figure in the White House treading the wine press of a Nation's sorrow alone and asked the mother to go with her to the President, meet him and repeat what she had said. She consented at once.
For the first time Betty failed to gain admission promptly2. Mr. Stoddard, his third Secretary, was at the door.
"We must let him eat something, Miss Winter," he whispered. "All night the muffled3 sound of his footfall came from his room. I heard it at nine, at ten, at eleven. At midnight Stanton left his door ajar and his steady tramp, tramp, tramp, came with heavier sound. The last thing I heard as I left at three was the muffled beat upstairs. The guard told me it never stopped for a moment all night."
Betty was surprised to see his face illumined by a cheerful smile as she entered. She gazed with awe4 into the deep eyes of the man whose single word could stop the war and divide the union. She wondered if he had fought the Nation's battle alone with God through the night until his prophetic vision had seen through cloud and darkness the dawn of a new and more wonderful life.
She spoke5 softly:
"I've brought you a good mother who lost a son at Fredericksburg. She has a message for you."
The tall form bent6 reverently7 and pressed her hand. A wonderful smile transfigured his rugged8 face as he listened:
"God help you in your trials, Mr. President, as he has helped me in mine——"
"And you lost your son at Fredericksburg?"
"Yes. It was long before I could feel reconciled. But I've been praying for you day and night since——"
"For me?"
"You must be strong and courageous9, and God will bring the Nation through!"
"You say that to me, standing10 beside the grave of your son?"
"Yes, and beside the cot of my other boy who is here wounded from Chancellorsville. I'm proud that God gave me such sons to lay on the altar of my country. Remember, I am praying for you day and night!"
Both big hands closed over hers and he was silent a moment.
"It's all right then. I'll get new strength when I remember that such mothers are praying for me."
He pressed Betty's hand at the door:
"Thank you, child. You bring medicine that reaches soul and body!"
The hour of despair had passed and the President returned to his task patient, watchful11, strong.
Daily the shadows deepened over the Nation's life. Blacker and denser12 rose the clouds. Four Northern Generals had now gone down before Lee's apparently13 invincible14 genius—McClellan, Pope, Burnside, and Hooker, and with each fall the corpses15 of young men were piled higher.
Again the clamor rose for the return of McClellan to command. This cry was not only heard in the crushed Army of the Potomac, it was backed by the voice of two million Democrats16 who had chosen the man on horseback as their leader.
It was for precisely17 this reason that McClellan could not be considered again for command. His party had fallen under the complete control of its Copperhead leaders who demanded the ending of the war at once and at any sacrifice of principle or of the union.
The only way the President could stop desertions and prevent the actual secession of the great Northern States of the Middle West, now under the control of these men, was to use his arbitrary power to suspend the civil law and put them in prison. Through the State and War Departments he did this sorrowfully, but promptly.
His answer to his critics was the soundest reasoning and it justified18 him in the judgment19 of thinking men.
"I make such arrests," he declared, "because these men are laboring20 to prevent the raising of troops and encouraging desertion. Armies cannot be maintained unless desertion shall be punished by the penalty of death.
"I will not shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, and refuse to touch a wily agitator21 who induces him to commit the crime. To silence the agitator and save the boy is not only Constitutional, but withal a great mercy."
Volunteers were no longer to be had and a draft of five hundred thousand men had been ordered for the summer. The Democratic leaders in solid array were threatening to resist this draft by every means in their power, even to riot and revolution.
The masses of the North were profoundly discouraged at the unhappy results of the war. In thousands of patriotic loyal homes, men and women had begun to ask themselves whether it were not cruel folly22 to send their brave boys to be slaughtered23.
The prestige of the Southern army was at its highest point and its terrible power was nowhere more gravely realized than in the North, whose thousands of mourning homes attested24 its valor25.
Europe at last seemed ready to spring on the throat of America. Distinct reports were in circulation in the Old World that the Emperor of France, Napoleon III, intended to interfere26 in our affairs. On the 9th of January, the French Government denied this. The Emperor himself, however, sent to the President an offer of mediation27 so blunt and surprising it could not be doubted that it was a veiled hint of his purpose to intervene. Beyond a doubt he expected the union to be dismembered and he proposed to form an alliance between the Latin Empire which he was founding in Mexico and the triumphant28 Confederate States.
Great Britain was behind this Napoleonic adventure. Outwitted by the President in the affair of the Trent, the British Government was eager for the chance to strike the Republic.
To cap the climax29 of disasters Lee was preparing to invade the North with his victorious30 army. The announcement struck terror to the Northern cities and produced a condition among them little short of panic.
The move would be the height of audacity31 and yet Lee had good reasons for believing its success possible and probable. His grey veterans were still ragged32 and poorly shod. With Southern ports blockaded and no manufacturing this was inevitable33, but they had proven in two years' test of fire Lee's proud boast:
"There never were such men in an army before. They will go anywhere and do anything if properly led."
This opinion was confirmed to the President by Charles Francis Adams, a veteran of his own Army of the Potomac, whom he summoned to the White House for a conference.
"I do not believe," said Adams gravely, "that any more formidable or better organized and animated34 force was ever set in motion than that which Lee is now leading toward the North. It is essentially35 an army of fighters—men who individually, or in the mass, can be depended on for any feat36 of arms in the power of mere37 mortals to accomplish. They will blanch38 at no danger. Lee knows this from experience and they have full confidence in him."
He could not hope to enter Pennsylvania with more than sixty-five thousand men, but his plan was reasonable. With such an army he had hurled39 McClellan's hundred and ten thousand soldiers back from the gates of Richmond and scattered40 them to the winds. With a less number he had all but annihilated41 Pope's men and flung them back into Washington a disorganized rabble42. With thirty-seven thousand grey soldiers he had repelled43 in a welter of blood McClellan's eighty-six thousand at Antietam and retired44 at his leisure. With seventy thousand men he had crushed Burnside's host of one hundred and thirteen thousand at Fredericksburg. With sixty thousand he had just struck Hooker's grand army of a hundred and thirty thousand men and four hundred and thirty-eight guns, rolled it up as a scroll45 and thrown it across the Rappahannock in blinding, bewildering defeat.
From every prisoner taken at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville he knew the Northern army was discouraged and heartsick. That he could march his ragged men, the flower of Southern manhood, into Pennsylvania and clothe and feed them on her boundless46 resources he couldn't doubt. Virginia was swept bare, and the demoralization of Hooker's army with the profound depression of the North left his way open.
To say that Lee's invasion, as it rapidly developed under such conditions, struck terror to the Capital of the Republic is to mildly express it. The movement of his army from Culpepper in June indicated clearly that his objective point was Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. If the Capital of the State fell, nothing could withstand the onward47 triumphant rush of his army into Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington.
To meet the extraordinary danger the President called for one hundred thousand militia48 for six months' emergency service from the five States clustering around Pennsylvania. And yet as the two armies drew near to each other, General George Meade, the new union Commander who had succeeded Hooker, had but one hundred and five thousand against Lee's sixty-two thousand. So terrible had been the depression following Chancellorsville, so rapid the desertions, so numerous the leaves of absence, that the combined forces of the Army of the Potomac with the State troops under the new call reached only this pitiful total.
Lee's swift column penetrated49 almost to the gates of Harrisburg before Meade's advance division of twenty-five thousand men had caught up with his rear at Gettysburg on July 1st.
Seeing that a battle was inevitable, Lee drew in his advance lines and made ready for the clash. The Northern army was going into this fight with the smallest number of men relatively50 which he had ever met—though outnumbering him nearly two to one. The difference was that here the North was defending her own soil.
It was not surprising that on the eve of such a battle in the light of the frightful51 experiences of the past two years that Washington should be in a condition of panic. A single defeat now with Lee's victorious army north of the Capital meant its fall, the inevitable dismemberment of the union, and the bankruptcy52 and ruin of the remaining Northern States.
Brave men in Congress who had fought heroically with their mouths inveighing53 with bitter invective54 against the weak and vacillating policy of the President in temporizing55 with the South were busy packing their goods and chattels56 to fly at a moment's notice.
The President realized, as no other man could, the deep tragedy of the crisis. He sat by his window for hours, his face a grey mask, his sorrowful eyes turned within, the deep-cut lines furrowed57 into his cheeks as though burned with red hot irons.
He was struggling desperately58 now to forestall59 the possible panic which would follow defeat.
He had sent once more for McClellan and in painful silence, all others excluded from the Executive Chamber60, awaited his coming.
"You are doubtless aware, General," the President began, "that a defeat at Gettysburg might involve the fall of the Capital and the dismemberment of the union?"
"I am, sir."
"First, I wish to speak to you with perfect frankness about some ugly matters which have come to my ears—may I?"
The compelling blue eyes flashed and the General spoke with an accent of impatience61:
"Certainly."
"A number of Secret Societies have overspread the North and Northwest, whose purpose is to end the war at once and on any terms. I have the best of reasons for believing that the men back of these Orders are now in touch with the Davis Government in Richmond. I am informed that a coterie62 of these conspirators63, a sort of governing board, have gotten control or may get control of the organization of your Party. I have heard the ugly rumor64 that they are counting on you——"
"Stop!" McClellan shouted.
The General sprang to his feet, the President rose and the two men confronted each other in a moment of tense silence.
The compact figure of McClellan was trembling with rage—the tall man's sombre eyes holding his with steady purpose.
"No man can couple the word treason with my name, sir!" the General hissed65.
"Have I done so?"
"You are insinuating66 it—and I demand a retraction67!"
The President smiled genially68:
"Then I apologize for my carelessness of expression. I have never believed you a traitor69 to the union."
"Thank you!"
"I don't believe it now, General. That's why I've sent for you."
"Then I suggest that you employ more caution in the use of words if this conversation is to continue."
"Again I apologize, General, with admiration70 for your manner of meeting the ugly subject. I'm glad you feel that way—and now if you will be seated we can talk business."
McClellan resumed his seat with a frown and the President went on:
"I have sent for you to ask an amazing thing——"
"Hence the secrecy71 with which I am summoned?"
"Exactly. I'm going to ask you to take my place and save the union."
McClellan's handsome face went white:
"What do you mean?"
"Exactly what I've said."
"And your conditions?" the General asked, with a quiver in his voice.
"They are very simple: Preside to-morrow night at a great Democratic union Mass Meeting in New York and boldly put yourself at the head of the union Democracy——"
"And you?"
"I will withdraw from the race."
"What race?"
"For the next term of the Presidency72."
"Oh——"
"My convention is but ten months off. Yours can meet a day earlier. I will withdraw in your favor and force my Party to endorse73 you. Your election will be a certainty."
The General lifted his hand with a curious smile:
"You're in earnest?"
"I was never more so. It is needless for me to say that I came into this office with high ambitions to serve my country. My dream of glory has gone—I have left only agony and tears——" He paused and drew a deep breath.
"I did want the chance," he went on wistfully, "to stay here another term to see the sun shine again, to heal my country's wounds, and show all my people, North, South, East, and West, that I love them! But I can't risk this new battle, if you will agree to take my place and save the union. Will you preside over such a meeting?"
"No," was the sharp, clear answer.
"I am sorry—why?"
"Perhaps I am already certain of that election without your assistance?"
"Oh—I see."
"Besides, what right have you to ask anything of me?"
"Only the right of one who sinks all thought of himself in what he believes to be the greater good."
"You who, with victory in my grasp before Richmond, snatched it away! You, who nailed me to the cross on the bloody74 field of Antietam with your accursed Proclamation of Emancipation75 and removed me from my command before I could win my campaign!"
The big hand rose in kindly76 protest:
"Can't you believe me, General, when I tell you, with God as my witness, that I have never allowed a personal motive77 or feeling to enter into a single appointment or removal I have made? What I've done has always been exactly what I believed was for the best interests of the country. Can't you believe this?"
"No."
"In spite of the fact that I risked the dissolution of my Cabinet and the united opposition78 of my party when I restored you to command?"
"No—you had to do it."
"Grant then," the persuasive79 voice went on, "that I have treated you unfairly, that I had personal feelings. Surely you should in this hour of my reckoning, this hour of my Golgotha, when I climb the hill alone and ask the man I have wronged to take my place—surely you should be content with my humiliation80? I shall not hesitate to proclaim it from the housetop when I ask for your election. If I have wronged you, my anguish81 could not be more pitifully complete! Will you do as I ask, and assure the safety of our country?"
"I'll do my best to save my country," was the slow, firm answer, "but in my own way."
The General rose, bowed stiffly and left the President standing in sorrowful silence, his deep eyes staring into space and seeing nothing.
On the morning of July 1st the two armies were rapidly approaching each other, marching in parallel lines stretched over a vast distance—the extreme wings more than forty miles apart.
Buford, commanding the advance guard of the union army, struck Hill's division of the Confederates before the town of Gettysburg and the first gun of the great battle echoed over the green hills and valleys of Pennsylvania.
The President caught the flash of the shock from the telegraph wires with a sense of sickening dread82. The rear guard of his army was yet forty miles away. What might happen before they were in line God alone could tell. He could not know, of course, that but twenty-two thousand Confederates had reached the field and stood confronting twenty-four thousand under John F. Reynolds, one of the ablest and bravest generals of the union army.
Through every hour of this awful day he sat in the telegraph office of the War Department and read with bated breath the news.
The brief reports were not reassuring83. The battle was raging with unparalleled fury. At ten o'clock General Reynolds fell dead from his horse in front of his men, and when the news was flashed to Meade he sent Hancock forward riding at full speed to take command.
The President read the message announcing Reynolds' death with quivering lip. He put his big hand blindly over his heart as if about to faint.
At three o'clock the smoke which had enveloped84 the battle line was lifted by a breeze as Hancock dashed on the field. He had not arrived a moment too soon. His superb bearing on his magnificent horse, his shouts of confidence, his promise of heavy reinforcements, stayed the tide of retreat and brought order out of chaos85.
The day had been won again by Lee's apparently invincible men. They had driven the union army from their line a mile in front of Gettysburg back through the town and beyond it, captured the town, taken five thousand men in blue prisoners with two generals, besides inflicting86 a loss of three thousand killed and wounded, including among the dead the gallant87 and popular commander, John F. Reynolds.
When this message reached the President late at night he had eaten nothing since breakfast. He rose from his seat in the telegraph office and walked from the building alone in silence. His step was slow, trance-like, and uncertain as if he were only half awake or had risen walking in his sleep.
He went to his bedroom, locked the door and fell on his knees in prayer. Hour after hour he wrestled88 alone with God in the darkness, while his tired army rushed through the night to plant themselves on the Heights beyond Gettysburg, before Lee's men could be concentrated to forestall them.
Over and over again, through sombre eyes that streamed with tears, the passionate89 cry was wrung90 from his heart:
"Lord God of our fathers, have mercy on us! I have tried to make this war yours—our cause yours—if I have sinned and come short, forgive! We cannot endure another Fredericksburg or Chancellorsville. Into thy hands, O Lord, I give our men and our country this night—save them!"
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收听单词发音
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1
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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reverently
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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denser
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| adj. 不易看透的, 密集的, 浓厚的, 愚钝的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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agitator
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| n.鼓动者；搅拌器 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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blanch
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| v.漂白；使变白；使(植物)不见日光而变白 | |
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hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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scroll
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| n.卷轴，纸卷；(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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53
inveighing
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的现在分词 ) | |
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invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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temporizing
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| v.敷衍( temporize的现在分词 )；拖延；顺应时势；暂时同意 | |
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chattels
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| n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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furrowed
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| v.犁田，开沟( furrow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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forestall
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| vt.抢在…之前采取行动；预先阻止 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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coterie
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| n.(有共同兴趣的)小团体，小圈子 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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insinuating
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| adj.曲意巴结的，暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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retraction
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| n.撤消；收回 | |
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genially
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| adv.亲切地，和蔼地；快活地 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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endorse
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| vt.(支票、汇票等)背书，背署；批注；同意 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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persuasive
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| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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reassuring
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| a.使人消除恐惧和疑虑的，使人放心的 | |
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enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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wrestled
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| v.（与某人）搏斗( wrestle的过去式和过去分词 )；扭成一团；扭打；（与…）摔跤 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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