The President of the United States was quick to seize the favorable moment to call for 75,000 volunteers. That these troops were to fight the Confederacy was not questioned for a moment.
The effect of this proclamation on the South was a political earthquake. In a single day all differences of opinion were sunk in the common cause. A feeling of profound wonder swept every thoughtful man within the Southern States. To this moment, even a majority of those who favored the policy of secession had done so under the belief that it was the surest way of securing redress1 of grievances2 and of bringing the Federal Government back to its original Constitutional principles. Many of them believed, and all of their leaders in authority hoped, that a re-formation of the union would soon take place in peaceful ways on the basis of the new Constitution proclaimed at Montgomery. Many Northern newspapers, led by the New York Herald3, had advocated this course. The hope of the majority of the Southern people was steadfast4 that the union would thus be continued and strengthened, and made more perfect, as it had been in 1789 after the withdrawal5 of nine States from the Old union by the adoption6 of the Constitution of 1787.
Abraham Lincoln's proclamation shattered all hope of such peaceful adjustment.
Thousands of the best men in Virginia and North Carolina had voted against secession. Not one of them, in the face of this proclamation, would dispute longer with their brethren. Whatever they might think about the expediency7 of withdrawing from the union, they were absolutely clear on two points. The President of the United States had no power under the charter of our Government to declare war. Congress only could do that. If the Cotton States were out of the union, his act was illegal because the usurpation8 of supreme9 power. If they were yet in the union, the raising of an army to invade their homes was a plain violation10 of the Constitution.
The heart of the South beat as one man. The cause of the war had been suddenly shifted to a broader and deeper foundation about which no possible difference could ever again arise in the Southern States.
The demand for soldiers to invade the South was a bugle11 call to Southern manhood to fight for their liberties and defend their homes. It gave even to the staunchest union men of the Old South the overt12 act of an open breach13 of the Constitution. From the moment Abraham Lincoln proclaimed a war without the act of Congress, from that moment he became a dictator and a despot who deliberately14 sought to destroy their liberties.
The cause of the South not only meant the defense15 of their homes from foreign invasion; it became a holy crusade for the re?stablishment of Constitutional freedom.
Virginia immediately seceded18 from the union by the vote of the same men who had refused to secede17 but a few weeks before. The old flag fell from its staff on her Capitol and the new symbol of Southern unity19 was unfurled in its place. As if by magic the new flag fluttered from every hill, housetop and window, while crowds surged through the streets shouting and waving it aloft. Cannon20 boomed its advent21 and cheering thousands saluted22 it.
A great torchlight parade illumined the streets on April 19. In this procession walked the men who a week ago had marched through Franklin Street waving the old flag of the union and shouting themselves hoarse23 in their determination to uphold it. They had signed the ordinance24 of secession with streaming eyes, but they signed it with firm hands, and sent their sons to the muster25 fields next day.
Augusta County, a Whig and union center, and Rockingham, an equally strong Democratic union county, each contributed fifteen hundred soldiers to the new cause. Women not only began to prepare the equipment for their men, but many of them began to arm and practice themselves. Boys from ten to fourteen were daily drilling. In Petersburg three hundred free negroes offered their services to fight or to ditch and dig.
The bitterness of the answers of the Southern Governors from the Border States yet in the union amazed the President at Washington.
His demand for troops was refused in tones of scorn and defiance26.
Governor Magoffin of Kentucky replied:
"The State will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing27 her sister Southern States."
Governor Harris telegraphed from Nashville:
"The State of Tennessee will not furnish a single man for coercion28, but fifty thousand if necessary for the defense of her rights."
The message of Governor Ellis of North Carolina was equally emphatic29:
"I will be no party to this wicked violation of the laws of our country, and to this war upon the liberties of a free people."
Governor Rector of Arkansas replied:
"Your demand adds insult to injury."
Governor Jackson of Missouri was indignant beyond all others:
"Your requisition in my judgment30 is illegal, unconstitutional, and revolutionary—its objects inhuman31 and diabolical32."
Tennessee followed Virginia by seceding33 on May 6. Arkansas on May 18, and North Carolina by unanimous vote on May 21.
North Carolina had been slow to announce her final separation from the old union. But she had been prompt in proclaiming her own sovereign rights within her territory when the National Government had dared to call them in question. On the day the President had issued his proclamation she seized Fort Macon at Beaufort. Fort Caswell was taken and garrisoned34 by her volunteers, and on April 19, the arsenal36 at Fayetteville was captured without bloodshed. The value of this achievement to the South was incalculable. The Confederacy thus secured sixty-five thousand stand of arms, of which twenty-eight thousand were of the most modern pattern.
Virginia had seceded on April 17 and immediately moved to secure under the resumption of her complete sovereignty all the arms, munitions37 of war, ship stores and military posts within her borders. Two posts of tremendous importance she attempted to seize at once—the great navy yard at Norfolk and the arsenal and shops at Harper's Ferry. The navy yard contained a magnificent dry dock worth millions, huge ship houses, supplies, ammunition38, small arms and cannon, and had lying in its basin several vessels39 of war, complete and incomplete.
Harper's Ferry contained ten thousand muskets40, five thousand rifles and a complete set of machinery41 for the manufacture of arms capable of turning out two thousand muskets a month.
A force of Virginia volunteers moved on Harper's Ferry. The small Federal garrison35 asked for a parley42, which was granted. In a short time flames were pouring from the armory44 and arsenal. The garrison had set fire to the buildings and escaped across the railroad bridge into Maryland.
The Virginia troops rushed into the burning buildings, and saved five thousand muskets and three thousand unfinished rifles. The garrison had laid trains of powder to blow up the workshops, but the Virginians extinguished the flames and saved to the South the invaluable45 machinery for making and repairing muskets and rifles. It was shipped to Fayetteville and Richmond and installed for safety.
The destruction of the navy yard at Norfolk was more complete and irreparable. The dry dock was little damaged, but the destruction of stores and property was enormous. All ships in the harbor were set on fire and scuttled46.
Events moved now with swift and terrible certainty.
Massachusetts attempted, on April 19, to send a regiment47 through the streets of Baltimore to invade the South, and the indignant wrath48 of her citizens could not be controlled by the mayor or police. The street cars on which they were riding across town to the Camden station were thrown from the tracks. The crowds jammed the streets and shouted their curses in the face of the advancing volunteers. Stones were hurled50 into their ranks and two soldiers dropped. A volley was poured into the crowd and several fell dead and wounded.
The crowd went mad. Revolvers were drawn51 and fired point blank into the ranks of the soldiers and those who were unarmed rushed to arm themselves. From Frederic to Smith Streets the firing on both sides continued with the regular crash of battle. Citizens were falling, but even the unarmed men continued to press forward and hurl49 stones into the ranks of the New Englanders.
The troops began to yield before the determined52 onslaughts of the infuriated crowds, bewildered and apparently53 without real commanders. They pressed through the streets, staggering, confused, breaking into a run and turning to fire on their assailants as they retreated.
Harassed54, bleeding and exhausted55, the regiment at last reached the Baltimore & Ohio station. The fight continued without pause. Volleys of stones were hurled into the cars, shattering windows and paneling. The troops were ordered to lie down on the floors and keep their heads below the line of the windows. Maddened men pressed to the car windows, cursing and yelling their defiance. For half a mile along the tracks the crowd struggled and shouted, piling the rails with new obstructions56 as fast as policemen could remove them. Through a steady roar of hoots57, yells and curses the train at last pulled slowly out, the troops pouring a volley into the crowd.
In this first irregular battle of the sections the Massachusetts regiment lost four killed and thirty-six wounded. The Baltimoreans lost twelve killed and an unknown number wounded.
A wave of tremendous excitement swept the State of Maryland. Bridges on all railroads leading north were immediately burned and the City of Washington cut off from communication with the outside world. Troops were compelled to avoid Baltimore and find transportation by water to Annapolis. Mass meetings were held and speeches of bitter defiance hurled against the Federal Government. The Baltimore Council appropriated five hundred thousand dollars to put the city in a state of defense, though the State had proclaimed its neutrality.
The shrewd, good-natured, even-tempered President at Washington used all his powers of personal diplomacy58 to pour oil on the troubled waters of Maryland. In the meantime with swift, sure, and merciless tread he moved on the turbulent State with the power of Federal arms. It was impossible to hold the Capital of the Nation with a hostile State separating it from the loyal North.
The steps he took were all clearly unconstitutional, but they were necessary to save the Capital. They were the acts of a dictator, for Congress was not in session, but he dared to act. Troops were suddenly thrown into the city of Baltimore and its streets and heights planted with cannon. The chief of police was arrested and imprisoned59, the police board was suspended and the city brought under the rule of drumhead court-martial60. The writ61 of habeas corpus was suspended by Federal authorities in a free and sovereign State whose Legislature had proclaimed its neutrality in the sectional conflict. Blank warrants were issued by military officers and the house of every suspect entered by force and searched. The mayor and his Council were arrested without warrant, held without trial, and imprisoned in a military fortress62, and when the Legislature dared to protest, its members were arrested and its session closed by bayonets.
So thoroughly63 was this work done that within thirty days from the attack on the troops of New England, Maryland's Governor by proclamation called for four regiments64 of volunteers to assist the Washington Government in the proposed invasion of the South.
In like manner, with hand of steel within a velvet65 glove, Mr. Lincoln prevented the secession of Kentucky and Missouri. It was done with less violence, but it was done, and these rich and powerful States saved to the union.
The swift and bloodless conquest of Maryland inspired the North with the most grotesque66 conception of the war and its outcome.
The British and French Governments had immediately recognized the Confederate States as belligerents67 under the terms of international law and closed their ports to the armed vessels of both contestants68. Mr. Seward, Lincoln's Secretary of State, hastened to assure the nations of Europe that a dissolution of the union was an absurd impossibility. It had never entered the mind of any candid69 statesman in America and should be dismissed at once by statesmen in Europe. And yet at this time eleven Southern States, stretching from the James to the Rio Grande, with a population of eight millions, had by solemn act of their Legislatures withdrawn70 from the union and their armies were camping within a few miles of the City of Washington.
In all the North not a single statesman or a single newspaper appeared to have any conception of the serious task before them. The fusillades of rant43, passion and bombast71 which filled the air would have been comic but for the grim tragedy which was stalking in their wake.
The "Rebellion" was ridiculed72 and sneered73 at in terms that taxed the genius of the writers for words of contempt.
The New York Tribune, the greatest and most powerful organ of public opinion in the North, a paper which had boldly from the first proclaimed the right of the South to peaceable secession, was now swept away with the popular fury.
Its editor gravely declared:
"The Southern rebellion is nothing more or less than the natural recourse of all mean-spirited and defeated tyrannies to rule or ruin, making of course a wide distinction between the will and the power, for the hanging of traitors74 is soon to begin before a month is over. The Nations of Europe may rest assured that Jeff Davis and Co. will be swinging from the battlements at Washington, at least by the fourth of July. We spit upon a later and longer deferred76 justice."
The New York Times gave its opinion with equal clearness:
"Let us make quick work. The Rebellion is an unborn tadpole77. Let us not fall into the delusion78 of mistaking a local commotion79 for a revolution. A strong active pull together will do our work in thirty days. We have only to send a column of twenty-five thousand men across the Potomac to Richmond to burn out the rats there; another column of twenty-five thousand to Cairo to seize the Cotton ports of the Mississippi and retain the remaining twenty-five thousand called for by the President at Washington—not because there is any need for them there but because we do not require their services elsewhere."
The staid old Philadelphia Press declared:
"No man of sense can for a moment doubt that all this much-ado-about-nothing will end in a month. The Northern people are invincible80. The rebels are a band of ragamuffins who will fly like chaff81 before the wind on our approach."
The West vied with the East in boastful clamor.
The Chicago Tribune shouted from the top of its columns:
"We insist that the West be allowed the honor of settling this little trouble by herself since she is most interested in its suppression to insure the free navigation of the Mississippi River. Let the East stand aside. This is our war. We can end it successfully in two months. Illinois can whip the whole South by herself. We insist on the affair being turned over to us."
With prospects82 of a short war and cheaply earned glory the rage for volunteering was resistless. The war for three months was to be a holiday excursion and every man would return a hero crowned with garlands of flowers, the center of admiring thousands. The blacksmiths of Brooklyn were busy making handcuffs for one of her crack regiments. Each volunteer had sworn to lead at least one captive rebel in chains through the crowded streets in the great parade on their return.
Socola on his arrival at Montgomery from Charleston read these fulminations from the North with amazement83 and rage. He sent his bitter and emphatic protest against such madness to Holt. The faithful Joseph had been rewarded with an office to his liking84. He was now the Judge Advocate General of the United States Army. He turned Socola's letters over to Cameron, the new Secretary of War, who read them with rising wrath.
"The author of those letters," he said with a scowl85, "is either a damned fool, or traitor75."
Holt's lower lip was thrust out and the lines of his big mouth drawn into a knot.
"I assure you, sir—he is neither. He is absolutely loyal. His patriotism86 is a religion. He has entered his dangerous and important mission with the zeal88 of a religious fanatic89."
"That accounts for it then—he's insane. I don't care to read any more such twaddle and I won't pay for the services of such a man out of the funds of the War Department."
With the utmost difficulty Holt secured the consent of the Secretary of War to continue Socola's commission for two months longer.
The only consolation90 the young patriot87 found in the contemptuous reply his Government made to his solemn warnings was the almost equal fatuity91 with which the Southern people were now approaching their first test of battle.
Until the proclamation of President Lincoln, both Jefferson Davis and the South had believed in the possibility of a peaceful reconciliation92. Even when the proclamation had been made and the wild response of the North had been instantly given, the Southern people refused to believe that the millions of Northern voters who still clung to the old forms of Constitutional Government under the leadership of Stephen A. Douglas would surrender their principles, arm themselves and march to coerce93 a State at the command of a President against whom they had voted.
Senator Barton, from his new position in the Confederate Senate, scouted94 the idea of serious war.
"Bah!" he growled95 to Socola, who was drawing him out. "The Yankees won't fight!"
"That's what they say about you, sir," was the cool response.
"Who ever heard of a race of shopkeepers turning into soldiers?" The Senator laughed. "Such men have no martial prowess! They are unequal to mighty96 deeds of valor97."
The white teeth of the young observer gleamed in a smile.
"On the other hand, Senator, I'm afraid history proves that commercial communities, once aroused, are the most dogged, pugnacious98, ambitious and obstinate99 fighters of the world—Carthage, Venice, Genoa, Holland and England have surely proven this—"
"There's one thing certain," Barton roared. "We'll bring England to her knees if there is a war. Cotton is the King of Commerce, and we hold the key of his empire. The population of England will starve without our cotton. If we need them they've got to come to our rescue, sir!"
Socola did not argue the point. It was amazing how widespread was this idea in the South. He wrote his Government again and again that the whole movement of secession was based on this conception.
There was one man in Washington who read these warnings with keen insight—Gideon Welles, the Secretary of the Navy. The part this quiet, unassuming man was preparing to play in the mighty drama then unfolding its first scene was little known or understood by those who were filling the world with the noise of their bluster100.
Jefferson Davis at his desk in Montgomery saw with growing anxiety the confidence of his people in immediate16 and overwhelming success. In answer to Abraham Lincoln's proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteers to fight the South, he called for 100,000 to defend it. The rage for volunteering in the South was even greater than the North. An army of five hundred thousand men could have been enrolled101 for any length of service if arms and equipment could have been found. It was utterly102 impossible to arm and equip one hundred thousand, before the first battle would be fought.
Ambitious Southern boys, raging for the smell of battle, rushed from post to post, begged and pleaded for a place in the ranks. They offered big bounties103 for the places assigned to men who were lucky enough to be accepted.
The Confederate Congress, to the chagrin104 of their President, fixed105 the time of service at six months. Jefferson Davis was apparently the only man in the South who had any conception of the gigantic task before his infant government. He begged and implored106 his Congress for an enrollment107 of three years or the end of the war. The Congress laughed at his absurd fears. The utmost they would grant was enlistment108 for the term of one year.
With grim foreboding but desperate earnestness the President of the Confederacy turned his attention to the organization and equipment of this force with which he was expected to defend the homes of eight million people scattered109 over a territory of 728,000 square miles, with an open frontier of a thousand miles and three thousand leagues of open sea.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
redress
|
|
| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
grievances
|
|
| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
herald
|
|
| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
steadfast
|
|
| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
withdrawal
|
|
| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
adoption
|
|
| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
expediency
|
|
| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
usurpation
|
|
| n.篡位；霸占 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
supreme
|
|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
violation
|
|
| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
bugle
|
|
| n.军号，号角，喇叭；v.吹号，吹号召集 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
overt
|
|
| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
breach
|
|
| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
deliberately
|
|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
defense
|
|
| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
immediate
|
|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
secede
|
|
| v.退出，脱离 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
seceded
|
|
| v.脱离，退出( secede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
unity
|
|
| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
cannon
|
|
| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
advent
|
|
| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
saluted
|
|
| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
hoarse
|
|
| adj.嘶哑的，沙哑的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
ordinance
|
|
| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
muster
|
|
| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
defiance
|
|
| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
subduing
|
|
| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
coercion
|
|
| n.强制，高压统治 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
emphatic
|
|
| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
judgment
|
|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
inhuman
|
|
| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
diabolical
|
|
| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
seceding
|
|
| v.脱离，退出( secede的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
34
garrisoned
|
|
| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
garrison
|
|
| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
arsenal
|
|
| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
munitions
|
|
| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
ammunition
|
|
| n.军火，弹药 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
vessels
|
|
| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
muskets
|
|
| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
machinery
|
|
| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
parley
|
|
| n.谈判 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
rant
|
|
| v.咆哮；怒吼；n.大话；粗野的话 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
armory
|
|
| n.纹章，兵工厂，军械库 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
invaluable
|
|
| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
scuttled
|
|
| v.使船沉没( scuttle的过去式和过去分词 )；快跑，急走 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
regiment
|
|
| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
wrath
|
|
| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
hurl
|
|
| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
hurled
|
|
| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
harassed
|
|
| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
exhausted
|
|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
obstructions
|
|
| n.障碍物( obstruction的名词复数 )；阻碍物；阻碍；阻挠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
hoots
|
|
| 咄，啐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
diplomacy
|
|
| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
imprisoned
|
|
| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
martial
|
|
| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
writ
|
|
| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
fortress
|
|
| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
thoroughly
|
|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
regiments
|
|
| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
velvet
|
|
| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
grotesque
|
|
| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
belligerents
|
|
| n.交战的一方（指国家、集团或个人）( belligerent的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
contestants
|
|
| n.竞争者，参赛者( contestant的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
candid
|
|
| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
withdrawn
|
|
| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
bombast
|
|
| n.高调，夸大之辞 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
ridiculed
|
|
| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
sneered
|
|
| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
traitors
|
|
| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
traitor
|
|
| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
deferred
|
|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
tadpole
|
|
| n.[动]蝌蚪 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
delusion
|
|
| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
commotion
|
|
| n.骚动，动乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
invincible
|
|
| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
chaff
|
|
| v.取笑，嘲笑；n.谷壳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
prospects
|
|
| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
amazement
|
|
| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
liking
|
|
| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
scowl
|
|
| vi.(at)生气地皱眉，沉下脸，怒视；n.怒容 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
patriotism
|
|
| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
patriot
|
|
| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
fanatic
|
|
| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
consolation
|
|
| n.安慰，慰问 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
fatuity
|
|
| n.愚蠢，愚昧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
reconciliation
|
|
| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
coerce
|
|
| v.强迫，压制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
scouted
|
|
| 寻找，侦察( scout的过去式和过去分词 )； 物色（优秀运动员、演员、音乐家等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
growled
|
|
| v.（动物）发狺狺声， （雷）作隆隆声( growl的过去式和过去分词 )；低声咆哮着说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
mighty
|
|
| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
valor
|
|
| n.勇气，英勇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
pugnacious
|
|
| adj.好斗的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
obstinate
|
|
| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
bluster
|
|
| v.猛刮；怒冲冲的说；n.吓唬，怒号；狂风声 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
enrolled
|
|
| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
utterly
|
|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
bounties
|
|
| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
chagrin
|
|
| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
fixed
|
|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
implored
|
|
| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
enrollment
|
|
| n.注册或登记的人数；登记 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
enlistment
|
|
| n.应征入伍，获得，取得 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
scattered
|
|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |