The death of Jackson was to Jefferson Davis an appalling1 disaster. He had never seriously believed the Southern people could win their unequal struggle against the millions of the North backed by their inexhaustible resources until the achievements of Lee and Jackson had introduced a new element into the conflict. So resistless and terrible had become the effective war power of Southern soldiers led by these two men whose minds moved in such harmony with each other and with their Chief in Richmond that the South at last was in sight of success.
The impossible had been accomplished2. Anything now seemed possible. Jackson's death had destroyed this new equation of war.
Davis' faith in Jackson was in every way equal to Lee's and Lee but once refused to follow Jackson's lead in his veto on his Lieutenant3's plan to annihilate4 Burnside's army at Fredericksburg.
When the report reached Richmond that Jackson was dying Davis was inconsolable.
The whole evening the President of the Confederacy shut himself in his room—unable to think of anything save the impending5 calamity6. When the end was sure he sent with his own hand the handsomest flag in Richmond in which to wrap his body.
When Davis gazed on the white, cold, rugged7 features, the tears were streaming down his hollow checks. He bent8 low and the tears fell on the face of the dead.
When an officer of the Government came to the President's Mansion9 where the body lay in state to consult him on a matter of importance, the Confederate Chieftain stared at his questioner in a dazed sort of way and remained silent.
Lifting his haggard face at last he said in pathetic tones:
"You must excuse me, my friend, I am staggering from a dreadful blow—I cannot think—"
Three days and nights the endless procession passed the bier and paid their tribute of adoration10 and love. And when he was borne to his last resting place through the streets of the city, the sidewalks, the windows and the housetops were a throbbing11 mass of weeping women and men.
Jefferson Davis was perhaps the only man in the South in a position to realize the enormous loss which the Confederacy had sustained in the death of Lee's great lieutenant.
The Southern people who gloried in Jackson's deeds had as yet no real appreciation12 of the services he had rendered. They could not realize their loss until events should prove that no man could be found to take his place.
The brilliant victory of Chancellorsville, following so closely on Fredericksburg, had lifted the Confederacy to the heights.
In the West the army had held its own. The safety of Vicksburg was not seriously questioned. General Bragg confronted Rosecrans with an army so strong he dared not attack it and yet not strong enough to drive Rosecrans from Tennessee.
Two campaigns were discussed with Davis.
The members of his Cabinet, who regarded the possession of Vicksburg and the continued grip on the Mississippi River vital to the life of the Confederacy, were alarmed at Grant's purpose to fight his way to this stronghold and take it.
They urged that Lee's army be divided and half of it sent immediately to re?nforce Bragg. With this force in the West Rosecrans could be crushed and Grant driven from his design of opening the Mississippi.
Lee, flushed with his victories, naturally objected to the weakening of his army by such a division. He proposed a more daring and effective way of relieving Vicksburg.
He would raise his army to eighty-five thousand men, clear Virginia of the enemy and sweep into Pennsylvania, carry the war into the North, forage14 on its rich fields, capture Harrisburg and march on Washington.
Davis did not wish to risk this invasion of Northern soil. But his situation was peculiar15. His relations with Lee had been remarkable16 for their perfect accord. They had never differed on an essential point of political or military strategy. Davis' pride in Lee's genius was unbounded, his confidence in his judgment17 perfect.
Lee was absolutely sure that his army raised to eighty-five thousand effective men could go anywhere on the continent and do anything within human power. He had crushed McClellan's army of two hundred thousand with seventy-five thousand men, and driven him from his entrenchments at Richmond down the Peninsula. With sixty thousand he had crushed Pope and hurled19 his army into the entrenchments at Washington, a bleeding, disorganized mob. With sixty-two thousand he had cut to pieces Burnside's hundred and thirteen thousand. With fifty thousand he had rolled up Hooker's host of one hundred and thirty thousand in a scroll20 of flame and death and flung them across the Rappahannock.
His fame filled the world. His soldiers worshiped him. At his command they would charge the gates of hell with their bare hands. His soldiers were seasoned veterans in whose prowess he had implicit21 faith. His faith was not a guess. It was founded on achievements so brilliant there was scarcely room for a doubt.
Lee succeeded in convincing Davis that he could invade the North, live on its rich fields and win a battle which would open the way, not only to save Vicksburg from capture, but secure the peace and independence of the South.
A single great victory on Northern soil with his army threatening Washington would make peace a certainty. Davis was quick to see the logic22 of Lee's plan. It was reasonable. It was a fair risk. And yet the dangers were so enormous he consented with reluctance23.
Reagan, the Western member of his Cabinet, urged with all the eloquence24 of his loyal soul the importance of holding intact the communications with the territory beyond the Mississippi. He begged and pleaded for the plan to re?nforce Bragg and play the safe game with Vicksburg. Davis listened to his advice with the utmost respect and weighed each point with solemn sense of his responsibility.
The one point he made last he tried to drive home in a sharp personal appeal.
"You cannot afford, Mr. President," he urged with vehemence25, "to further expose your own people of Mississippi to the ravages26 of such men as now control the invading army. They have laid your own home waste. The people of Vicksburg are your neighbors. They know you personally. The people of this territory have sent their sons and brothers into Virginia by thousands. There are no soldiers left to defend them—"
The President lifted his thin hand in protest.
"I can't let the personal argument sway me, Reagan. Our own people must endure what is best for the cause. All I wish to know is what is best—your plan or General Lee's."
Lee persuaded him against his personal judgment to consent to the daring scheme of Northern invasion.
So intent was Reagan on the plan of direct relief to Vicksburg that after Lee had begun his preparations for the advance, Davis called a Cabinet meeting and reconsidered the whole question. Reagan pleaded with tears at last for what he knew his Chief felt to be best. Davis weighed for the second time each point with care and again decided27 that Lee's plan promised the greater end—peace.
The moment his final decision was made Davis at once commissioned Vice13 President Alexander H. Stephens, who knew Lincoln personally, to go to Washington to make the proposition for an armistice28 and begin the negotiations29 for a permanent peace on the day Lee should make good his promise.
The letter with which Stephens started to Washington asked on its face that the President of the United States arrange for an exchange of prisoners which would be prompt and effective and prevent all suffering by Northern men in Southern climates and Southern men in Northern prisons. Davis had asked again and again that all prisoners be exchanged. The Federal War Department had obstructed30 this exchange until thousands of Northern soldiers crowded the prisons of the South and it was impossible for the Confederate authorities to properly care for them. Medicine had been made contraband31 of war by the North and the simplest remedies could not be had for the Confederate soldiers or their prisoners. Behind this humane32 purpose of Stephens' mission lay the bigger proposition, which was a verbal one, to propose peace on Lee's victory on Northern soil.
Lee's army lay on the plains of Culpeper during the beautiful month of May. The vast field was astir with the feverish33 breath of preparations for the grand march. Trains rushed to the front loaded with munitions34 of war. New batteries of artillery35 with the finest equipment ever known were added to his army. The ordnance36 trains were packed to their capacity. His troops were better equipped than ever before in the history of the war. Every department of the huge, pitiless machine was running like clockwork.
Fifteen thousand cavalry37 were reviewed at Brandy Station led by Stuart's waving plume—Stuart, the matchless leader who had twice ridden round a hostile army of a hundred thousand men. Crowds of cheering women watched this wonderful pageant38 and waved their handkerchiefs to the handsome young cavalier as he passed on his magnificent horse draped with garlands of flowers.
It required an entire week to review the cavalry, infantry39, and artillery.
On June the first, the advance began.
Ewell's corps40, once commanded by Jackson, led the way. They swung rapidly through the Blue Ridge41 Mountains, into the Valley and suddenly pounced42 on General Milroy at Winchester. Milroy with a few of his officers escaped through the Confederate lines at night and succeeded in crossing the Potomac at Harper's Ferry. Ewell captured three thousand prisoners, thirty pieces of artillery, a hundred wagons43 and great stores. Seven hundred more men were taken at Martinsburg.
On June twenty-seventh, the whole of Lee's army was encamped at Chambersburg in Pennsylvania in striking distance of the Capital of the State.
The execution of this march had been a remarkable piece of strategy. He had completely baffled the Northern Commanders, spread terror through the North and precipitated44 the wildest panic in Washington.
Within twenty-odd days the Southern General had brought his forces from Fredericksburg, Virginia, confronted by an army of one hundred thousand men, through the Blue Ridge, and the Shenandoah Valley into Pennsylvania. He had done this in the face of one of the most powerful and best equipped armies the North had put into the field. He had swept the hostile garrisons45 at Winchester, Martinsburg and Harper's Ferry into his prisons and camped in Pennsylvania without his progress being once arrested or a serious battle forced upon him. He had cleared Virginia of the army which threatened Richmond and they were rushing breathlessly after him in a desperate effort to save the Capital of Pennsylvania.
So far Lee had made good every prediction on which he had based his plan of campaign.
Davis felt so sure that he would make good his promised victory that he hurriedly dispatched Stephens to Fortress47 Monroe under a flag of truce48 and asked for a safe conduct for his Commissioner49 to Washington.
In alarm the Governors of Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland, and West Virginia called out their militia50. Lee was not deterred51 by their panic. He knew that those raw troops would cut no figure in the swift and terrible drama which was being staged among the ragged52 crags around Gettysburg. The veteran armies of the North and South would decide the issue. If he won, he would brush aside the militia as so many school boys and march into Washington.
Meade was rushing his army after his antagonist53 with feverish haste. His advance guard struck Lee before the town of Gettysburg on July first, 1863. A desperate struggle ensued. Neither Meade nor Lee had yet reached the field.
Within a mile of the town the Confederates made a sudden and united charge and smashed the Federal line into atoms. General Reynolds, their Commander, was killed and his army driven headlong into the streets of Gettysburg. Ewell, charging through the town, swept all before him and took five thousand prisoners.
The crowded masses of fugitives54, fleeing for their lives, passed out of the town and rushed up the slopes of the hills beyond.
At five o'clock Lee halted his men until the rest of his army should reach the field.
During the night General Meade rallied his disorganized men, poured his fresh troops among them and entrenched55 his army on the heights where his defeated advance guard had taken refuge.
Had Lee withdrawn56 the next morning when he scanned those hills which looked down on him through bristling57 brows of brass58 and iron the history of the Confederacy might have been longer. It could not have been more illustrious.
His reasons for assault were sound. To his council of war he was explicit59.
"I had not intended, gentlemen," he said, "to fight a general battle at such distance from our base, unless attacked by the enemy. We find ourselves confronted by the Federal army. It is difficult to withdraw through the mountains with our large trains. The country is unfavorable for collecting supplies while in the presence of the main body of the enemy as he can restrain our foraging60 parties by occupying the mountain passes. The battle is in a measure unavoidable. We have won a great victory to-day. We can defeat Meade's army in spite of these hills."
When Lee surveyed the heights of Gettysburg again on the morning of the second of July, he saw that the Northerners held a position of extraordinary power. Yet his men were flushed with victory after victory. They had swept their foe61 before them in the first encounter as chaff62 before a storm. They were equal to anything short of a miracle.
He ordered Longstreet to hurl18 his corps against Cemetery63 Ridge and drive the enemy from his key position before the entrenchments could be completed.
Longstreet was slow. Jackson would have struck with the rapidity of lightning. On this swift action Lee had counted. The blow should have been delivered before eight o'clock. It was two o'clock in the afternoon before Longstreet made the attack and Meade's position had been made stronger each hour.
From two o'clock until dark the long lines of gray rolled and dashed against the heights and broke in red pools of blood on their rocky slopes.
Three hundred pieces of artillery thundered their message in an Oratorio64 of Death. The earth shook. Hills and rocks danced and reeled before the excited vision of the onrushing men. For two hours the guns roared and thundered without pause. The shriek65 of shell, the crash of falling trees, the showers of flying rocks ripped from cliffs by solid shot, the shouts of charging hosts, the splash of bursting shrapnel, the neighing of torn and mangled66 horses, transformed the green hills of Pennsylvania into a smoke-wreathed, flaming hell. The living lay down that night to sleep with their heads pillowed on the dead.
On this second day Lee's men had gained a slight advantage. They had taken Round Top and held it for two hours. They had at least proven that it could be done. They had driven in the lines on the Federal left. The Southern Commander still believed his men could do the impossible. Longstreet begged his Chief that night to withdraw and choose another field. Lee ordered the third day's fight. On his gray horse he watched Pickett lead his immortal67 charge and fall back down the hill.
He rode quietly to the front, rallying the broken lines. He made no speech. He uttered no bombast68.
He calmly lifted his hand and cried:
"Never mind—boys!"
To his officers he said:
"It's all my fault. We'll talk it over afterward69. Let every good man rally now."
His army had never known a panic. The men quietly fell into line and cheered their Commander.
To an English officer on the field Lee quietly said:
"This has been a sad day for us, Colonel—a sad day; but we can't expect always to gain victories."
Lee had lost twenty thousand men and fourteen generals. Meade had lost twenty-three thousand men and seventeen generals. Lee withdrew his army across the swollen70 Potomac, carrying away his guns and all the prisoners he had taken.
General Meade had saved the North, but Lee's army was still intact, on its old invincible71 lines in Virginia, sixty-five thousand strong.
The news from Gettysburg crushed the soul of Davis. He had hoped with this battle to end the war, and stop the frightful72 slaughter73 of our noblest men, North and South. His Commissioner, Alexander H. Stephens, was halted at Fortress Monroe and sent back to Richmond with an insulting answer.
So bitter was Lee's disappointment that he offered his resignation to Davis.
The President at once wrote a generous letter in which he renewed the expressions of his confidence in the genius of his Commanding General and begged him to guard his precious life from undue74 exposure.
Gettysburg was but one of the appalling calamities75 which crushed the hopes of the Confederate Chieftain on this memorable76 fourth of July, 1863.
On the recovery of Joseph E. Johnston from his wound at Seven Pines he was assigned to the old command of Albert Sidney Johnston in the West. His department included the States of Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia and North Carolina.
He entered on the duties of his new and important field—complaining, peevish77, sulking.
On the day before his departure Mrs. Davis visited his wife and expressed to General Johnston the earnest wish of her heart for her husband's success.
"I sincerely hope, General," she said cordially, "that your campaign will be brilliant and successful."
The General pursed the hard lines of his mouth.
"I might succeed if I had Lee's chances with the army of Northern Virginia."
From the moment Johnston reached his field he began to quarrel with his generals and complain to the Government at Richmond. He made no serious effort to unite his forces for the defense78 of Vicksburg and continuously wrote and telegraphed to the War Department that his authority was inadequate79 to really command so extended a territory. He made no effort to throw the twenty-four thousand men he commanded into a juncture80 with Pemberton who was struggling valiantly81 against Grant's fifty thousand closing in on the doomed82 city.
On May eighteenth, Johnston sent a courier to Pemberton and advised him to evacuate83 Vicksburg without a fight! Pemberton held a council of war and refused to give up the Mississippi River without a struggle. Johnston sat down in his tent and left him to his fate.
Grant closed in on Vicksburg and the struggle began. Pemberton could not believe that Johnston would not march to his relief.
Women and children stood by their homes amid the roar of guns and the bursting of shells. Caves were dug in the hills and they took refuge under the ground.
A shell burst before a group of children hurrying from their homes to the hills. The dirt thrown up from the explosion knocked three little fellows down, but luckily no bones were broken. They jumped up, brushed their clothes, wiped the dirt from their eyes, and hurried on without a whimper.
When the dark days of starvation came, the women nursed the sick and wounded, lived on mule84 and horse meat and parched85 corn.
Johnston continued to send telegrams to the War Department saying he needed more troops and didn't know where to get them. Yet he was in absolute command of all the troops in his department and could order them to march at a moment's notice in any direction he wished. He hesitated and continued to send telegrams and write letters for more explicit instructions.
He got them finally in a direct peremptory86 order from the War Department.
On June fifteenth, he telegraphed his Government:
"I consider saving Vicksburg hopeless."
Davis ordered his Secretary of War to reply immediately in unmistakable language:
"Your telegram grieves and alarms us, Vicksburg must not be lost without a struggle. The interest and honor of the Confederacy forbid it. I rely on you to avert87 this loss. If better resource does not offer you must hazard attack. It may be made in concert with the garrison46, if practicable, but otherwise without. By day or night as you think best."
The Secretary of War, brooding in anxiety over the possibility of Johnston's timidity in the crisis, again telegraphed him six days later:
"Only my convictions of almost imperative88 necessity for action induced the official dispatch I have sent you. On every ground I have great deference89 to your judgment and military genius, but I feel it right to share, if need be to take the responsibility and leave you free to follow the most desperate course the occasion may demand. Rely upon it, the eyes and hopes of the whole Confederacy are upon you, with the full confidence that you will act, and with the sentiment that it were better to fail nobly daring, than through prudence90 even to be inactive. I rely on you for all possible to save Vicksburg."
On June twenty-seventh, Grant telegraphed Washington:
"Joe Johnston has postponed91 his attack until he can receive ten thousand re?nforcements from Bragg's army. They are expected early next week. I feel strong enough against this increase and do not despair of having Vicksburg before they arrive."
Pemberton's army held Vicksburg practically without food for forty-seven days. His brave men were exposed to blistering92 suns and drenching93 rains and confined to their trenches94 through every hour of the night. They had reached the limit of human endurance and were now physically95 too weak to attempt a sortie. Johnston still sat in his tent writing letters and telegrams to Richmond.
Pemberton surrendered his garrison to General Grant on July fourth, and the Mississippi was opened to the Federal fleet from its mouth to its source.
Grant telegraphed to Washington:
"The enemy surrendered this morning, General Sherman will face immediately on Johnston and drive him from the State."
But the great letter writer did not wait for Sherman to face him. He immediately abandoned the Capital of Mississippi and retreated into the interior.
In the fall of Vicksburg, the Confederacy had suffered a most appalling calamity—not only had the Mississippi River been opened to the Federal gunboats, but Grant had captured twenty-four thousand prisoners of war, including three Major Generals and nine Brigadiers, ninety pieces of artillery and forty thousand small arms.
The Johnston clique96 at Richmond made this disaster the occasion of fierce assaults on Jefferson Davis and fresh complaints of the treatment of their favorite General. The dogged persistence97 with which this group of soreheads proclaimed the infallibility of the genius of the weakest and most ineffective general of the Confederacy was phenomenal. The more miserable98 Johnston's failures the louder these men shouted his praises. The yellow journals of the South continued to praise this sulking old man until half the people of the Confederacy were hoodwinked into believing in his greatness.
The results of this Johnston delusion99 were destined100 to bear fatal fruit in the hour of the South's supreme101 trial.
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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throbbing
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| a. 跳动的,悸动的 | |
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appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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forage
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| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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hurl
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| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
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hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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scroll
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| n.卷轴，纸卷；(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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vehemence
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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armistice
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| n.休战，停战协定 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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contraband
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| n.违禁品，走私品 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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pounced
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| v.突然袭击( pounce的过去式和过去分词 )；猛扑；一眼看出；抓住机会（进行抨击） | |
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wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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chaff
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| v.取笑，嘲笑；n.谷壳 | |
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cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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oratorio
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| n.神剧，宗教剧，清唱剧 | |
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shriek
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| v./n.尖叫，叫喊 | |
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mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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bombast
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| n.高调，夸大之辞 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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peevish
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| adj.易怒的，坏脾气的 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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valiantly
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| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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parched
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| adj.焦干的；极渴的；v.（使）焦干 | |
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peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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blistering
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| adj.酷热的；猛烈的；使起疱的；可恶的v.起水疱；起气泡；使受暴晒n.[涂料] 起泡 | |
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drenching
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| n.湿透v.使湿透( drench的现在分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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clique
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| n.朋党派系，小集团 | |
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persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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