As we possess indubitable evidence that a considerable extent of this coast was formerly3 occupied by a flourishing colony, and that it contained numerous villages, with a bishop4’s see, we cannot but be anxious to know what has been the fate of so many human beings, so long cut off from all intercourse5 with the more civilized6 world. Were they destroyed by an invasion of the natives, like their countrymen on the Western coast? or have they perished by the inclemency7 of the climate, and the sterility8 of the soil? or do they still subsist9? If they subsist, it must greatly interest our curiosity to learn in what manner they have vanquished10 the{xii} difficulties with which they have had to contend, both from the climate and the soil, and the total privation of all articles of European manufacture. In the novel circumstances in which they have been placed, have the present race advanced or declined in the degree of culture which their forefathers11 possessed12? What proficiency13 have they made? or what deterioration14 have they undergone? Have they remained nearly stationary15 at the point of civilized existence at which their ancestors were placed four centuries ago? or have they entirely16 degenerated17 into a savage18 race, and preserved no memory nor vestige19 of their original extraction from, and subsequent communication with, the continent of civilized Europe? These are certainly points of interesting re{xiii}search; and to which we cannot well be indifferent as Christians21, or, indeed, as human beings.
In the mean time, though we cannot yet supply any particulars respecting the present state of the Eastern coast of Greenland, we think that the readers of this new edition of Egede will not be displeased22 with us for furnishing them with all the information which remains23, respecting its past state, as well as with some historical details, which will render the present volume more complete than it would otherwise have been.
Greenland was first discovered by Eric, surnamed Rufus, or the Red, in the year 981 or 982[1]. This chieftain was of{xiv} Norwegian extraction. His father had fled from Norway, and taken refuge in Iceland, in order to avoid the vengeance24 which menaced him, on account of a murder which he had perpetrated in his native land. Eric appears to have committed in Iceland a crime similar to that for which his father had fled from Norway. In endeavouring to escape the pursuit of justice, Eric accidentally discovered the coast which is the present object of our inquiry26. He took his departure from Iceland at the port of Sn?fellzness, which is situate in a Western promontory27 of that island. He arrived in the vicinity of a mountain called Midjokul[2]; or, as it is denominated by others, Miklajokul.{xv} Peyrere interprets this, “le grand gla?on,” the great mountain of ice. Subsequent navigators gave it the name of Bloeserken, or Blue Smock, and others of Huidserken, or White Smock, according to the variations in the hue28 of the ice in different aspects and at different periods of the year.
Eric passed the first winter after his departure from Iceland in an island which he called after his own name, Ericscun, and which Torf?us places in the midst of the cultivated Eastern district. In the following spring he entered one of the bays of Eastern Greenland, to which he gave the name of Ericsfiord; and where he formed his first settlement, which he denominated Brattahlis. In the summer of the same year he explored{xvi} parts of the more Western district, and gave names to many of the places which he visited[3]. He passed the following winter in the island of Ericscun; and in the succeeding summer he passed over to the main land, and proceeded along the Northern coast till he reached an immense rock, which he called Sneefiell, or the Rock of Snow. At this point he gave the name of Ravensfiord to another bay, on account of the multitudes of that ill-omened bird with which this spot abounds31. Other parts of the coast derived32 their appellations33 from the names of the different adventurers who accompanied Eric in this expedition, as, Hergulfsness, Ketillsfiord, Solvadal, Einarsfiord, &c[4].{xvii}
In the following summer Eric, having conciliated the forgiveness, or purchased the forbearance, of his enemies in Iceland, returned to that country to procure35 an additional supply of inhabitants for his new settlement. In order to render his proposals more attractive, he named the country for which he was endeavouring to provide colonists36, Greenland, as if, compared with the rugged37 sterility of their native Iceland, it was a region of verdure and delight. He described it as abounding38 in cattle, and as rich in every species of game and fish. And as such delusive39 representations, when assisted by the vivid eloquence40 of enthusiasm, or the unhesitating assurance of effrontery41, seldom fail of their effect, Eric returned to his recent acquisition{xviii} with numerous ships, and a large body of settlers, from Iceland.
In less than twenty years after Eric the Red had begun to colonize42 Greenland, his son Leiff, who had made a voyage into Norway, renounced43 his Pagan errors, and received the baptismal rite44. His conversion45 was owing to the example and the admonitions of King Olave Tryggwine, or Trugguerus[5], who had himself recently embraced the same doctrine46, and had been very successful in causing it to be diffused47 throughout his dominions48.
Leiff, having passed the winter at the court of the King of Norway, returned to Greenland, in company with a priest and some other missionaries49, whom the{xix} King had commissioned to instruct Eric, and the other settlers, in the faith which Leiff had embraced. On their voyage to Greenland they met some mariners52, who were floating upon a wreck53 in the open sea. These they took on board, and conveyed to the new settlement. Eric, at first, incensed54 with his son for having laid open to strangers the route to the new-discovered country, turned a deaf ear to his Christian20 admonitions. But the earnestness of the son, seconded by the instruction of the missionaries, at last prevailed over the insensibility of the father, who submitted to the rite of baptism, when the other Greenlanders followed his example.
The Christian doctrine, which had been thus introduced, was so much ap{xx}proved, and so generally received, that churches were established in twelve different parts of East Greenland, and in four of the Western district. Torf?us makes the year 1000 the era of the conversion of the Greenland colonists to the Christian faith. This historian of ancient Greenland has also preserved a list of its bishops55, from the year 1021 to 1406, after which period no mention is made of any subsequent episcopal appointments; and indeed the intercourse between Greenland and the native region of the first settlers appears to have been previously56 discontinued.
A Danish Chronicle, which M. Peyrere had consulted, refers the discovery of Greenland to a much earlier date than that which has been given upon the au{xxi}thority of Torf?us; and the earlier date of 770 is more likely to be true, if, as M. Peyrere mentions, there is a bull of Pope Gregory IV, in 835, relative to the propagation of the Christian faith in the North of Europe, in which Iceland and Greenland are particularly mentioned.
The Danish Chronicle, to which Peyrere appeals, states, that the Kings of Denmark, having been converted to Christianity during the empire of Louis le Debonaire, Greenland had become an object of general attention at this period.
The Danish Chronicle relates, that the first settlers in Greenland were succeeded by a numerous posterity57, who penetrated58 farther into the country, and discovered, among the rocky heights and icy mountains, some fertile spots, which were more{xxii} auspicious60 to pasturage and cultivation61. They followed the division of Greenland which Eric had established, and called the two settlements in the East and the West, Osterbygdt and Westerbygdt.
In the Eastern district the Greenlanders erected62 a town, to which they gave the name of Garde, where, according to Peyrere, who refers to the Chronicle, the Norwegians established a sort of emporium for the deposit and sale of their merchandize. The town of Garde became also the residence of their bishops; and the church of St. Nicholas, the patron of sailors, which was built in the same town, became the cathedral church of the Greenlanders.
As the temporal jurisdiction63 in Greenland was subject to the kings of Norway,{xxiii} so the spiritual power of the bishops was subordinate to that of the archbishops of Drontheim; and the bishops of Greenland are said frequently to have passed over to Norway, in order to consult their ecclesiastical superior.
The Danish Chronicle, which was one of the early documents upon which Peyrere founded his narrative64, relates, that an insurrection broke out in Greenland, in 1256, when the inhabitants refused any longer to submit to the tributary65 exactions of Magnus, King of Norway. On this occasion, Eric, King of Denmark, at the request of Magnus, who had married his niece, equipped a naval66 armament in order to quell67 the rebels, and restore the authority of his nephew. The Greenland insurgents68 no sooner beheld69 the flag{xxiv} of the Danish fleet approaching their coast than they were struck with a panic, and sued for peace.
This peace was ratified70 in the year 1261. Angrim Jonas, who records the above-mentioned transaction, gives the names of the three principal inhabitants of Greenland, who signed the treaty in Norway. “Declarantes,” says Angrim, as quoted by Peyrere, “suis factum auspiciis ut Groenlandi perpetuum tributum Norveguo denuo jurassent.” Under their auspices71 the Greenlanders had been again brought to swear to pay a perpetual tribute to the Norwegian.
In composing his account of ancient Greenland, Peyrere derived his principal information from an Icelandic and a Danish Chronicle. The first was the pro{xxv}duction of Snorro Sturleson, who was a native of Iceland, and chief justiciary of that island in 1215. We are also indebted to him for the compilation72 of the Edda.
In the Icelandic Chronicle above-mentioned, which appears to be a tissue of different narratives73, one of the chapters is entitled, a Description of Greenland, which Peyrere has copied into his account as literally74 as the difference of languages would admit. There is a similar description in Torf?us (p. 42, &c.), with particular but unimportant variations. Both the accounts are founded on the authority of Ivar Bert or Ivar Bevius, who had, for several years, been steward75 or maitre d’hotel to the Bishop of Garde, and was one of the persons who had been selected by the governor to expel the Skrellings{xxvi} from the Western province of Greenland or Westerbygdt, which they had invaded and depopulated.
Perhaps it will be best to insert this description of Eastern Greenland, which was the most flourishing settlement of the Norwegians in this country, as it is found in the narrative of Peyrere, and in the history of Torf?us. If the skill, the philanthropy, and the enterprize of some English navigators should ever obtain an access to this long lost settlement, and the passage should again become as safe and practicable as it was in ancient times, it will be an interesting research to compare the present state of this district with the early accounts.
The most Eastern town in Greenland, says Ivar Bert, as exhibited in the French{xxvii} version of Peyrere, is called Skagefiord[6], where is an uninhabitable rock, and farther out in the sea is a shoal, which prevents ships from entering the bay, except at high water, and it is at this time, or during a violent storm, that numbers of whales and of other fish enter the bay and are caught in abundance.
As you proceed a little higher towards the East, there is a port called Funka{xxviii}badir, from the name of a page or missionary76 of St. Olave, King of Norway, who, with several other persons, suffered shipwreck77 at that spot[7].
In a still higher latitude78, and close to the mountains of ice, or, as Torf?us says, “propius Alpes,” is an island, named Roansen or Ranseya[8], which, in early times, appears to have been celebrated79 for the quantity of animals, particularly of white bears, which it furnished for the chace. Torf?us says, that these white bears were not to be hunted without leave{xxix} of the bishop. Beyond this spot the land and ocean are said to present nothing but an accumulation of snow and ice.
To the West of Herjolfsness is Kindilfiord, or, as Peyrere spells it, Hindelfiord, which is described as a cultivated and well peopled bay. Upon the right, as you enter the bay, there is a church, called Krokskirk or Korskirk, with a monastery80 consecrated81 to St. Olave and to St. Augustin, the domain82 of which extends to Petersvic, where there are numerous habitations. It also possesses the territory on the opposite side of the bay.
Next to Kindilfiord is Rumpesinfiord, or Rumpeyarfiord[9], in an interior recess83 of which there is a convent, dedicated84 to{xxx} St. Olave, which is proprietary85 of the whole district to the shore of the bay. This bay contains many holms or little islands, the property of which the monastery divides with the episcopal see. Numerous hot springs are found in these islands, of which both Peyrere and Torf?us say, that they are so hot as to be inaccessible86 during the winter, but that in summer the temperature is so much reduced, that they become the resort of many persons in a diversity of maladies.
Next to Rumpesinfiord, is Einarsfiord, and between them is a large mansion87, named Fos, fit for a king or “regi competens” in the language of Torf?us[10]. Here is also a large church dedicated to St. Ni{xxxi}cholas. As you enter Lunesfiord, to the left, there is a little promontory called Klining; and beyond it an arm of the sea, denominated Grantvich. Farther in the interior is a house[11], named Daller, which belongs to the bishop’s see. The cathedral is at the end of the bay. Here is a large wood, in which cattle are left to browse88.
The whole of Lunesfiord, with the large island which is called Linseya by Torf?us, Reyatsen by Peyrere, is appropriated to the cathedral. This part abounds with rein89 deer, which are hunted with the consent of the bishop. The island of Reyatsen contains a species of stone or marble, out of which they cut bowls, jugs,{xxxii} and different kinds of culinary vessels90, which possess the property of resisting the fire.
More to the West is an island named Langent, where there are eight farms[12]. In the vicinity is Ericsfiord; and at the entrance of this arm of the sea there is an island called Herrieven, or the Harbour of the Lord, half of which belongs to the bishop’s see, and the other half to the church, which is called Diurnes, which is seen on entering Ericsfiord[13].
The country, says Peyrere, copying the Icelandic Chronicle, is unpeopled and desert between the Osterbygdt and Westerbygdt; and upon the borders of this desert there is a church, called Strosnes, which was{xxxiii} formerly the metropolitan92 see, and the residence of the bishops of Greenland. The Westerbygdt is represented as occupied by the Skrellings[14]. This part of the country is described as possessing horses, oxen, sheep, goats, and other animals, but no human beings, either Christian or Pagan.{xxxiv}
Such is the account which is given of the ancient state of Greenland by Ivar Bert, the author of the Chronicle, which is mentioned above, and in which, if there be some inaccurate93 representation, there is probably more truth.
Peyrere remarks, that the Icelandic Chronicle is incorrect in describing the church of Strosnes as the episcopal see, since that honour always belonged to the town of Garde. The Danish Chronicle, whilst regretting the interruption of the communication with Greenland, assures us, that, if the episcopal residence of Garde[15] were still standing94 and accessible, we should find a great number of docu{xxxv}ments for a complete and authentic95 history of Greenland.
The Iceland Chronicle, according to Peyrere, gives a varying and inconsistent account of the fertility of Greenland. In one part it says, that the country furnishes the best corn which is to be found in any part of the world; and that the oaks are of such vast bulk, and such stately growth, that they produce acorns96 as large as apples. But in another passage the same Chronicle affirms, that no seed of any kind, which is sown in Greenland, will grow on account of the cold; and that the inhabitants are unacquainted with the use of bread. The latter part of this account harmonizes with that of the Danish Chronicle, which affirms, that when the country was first discovered by{xxxvi} Eric the Red, the sterility of the soil obliged him to subsist entirely upon fish.
But in the same Danish Chronicle, which has just been mentioned, we find it asserted, that, after the death of Eric, his successors, who penetrated farther into the country, discovered some fertile spots between the mountains, and fit either for pasture or tillage. The Icelandic Chronicle contradicts itself when it says, that nothing will grow in Greenland owing to the intensity97 of the cold. Peyrere also remarks, that that part of Greenland, which was peopled by the Norwegians, is in the same latitude as Upland, which is the most fertile province in Sweden, and produces fine crops of grain. And the Icelandic Chronicle itself says, in another place, that the cold in Greenland is not{xxxvii} so great as in Norway; and very good corn is grown in that country.
Greenland, says Peyrere, like other countries, which are composed of plains and mountains, exhibits great diversities of soil, and though the close approximation to the farthest North, in many situations, destroys the process of vegetation, yet there appear to be localities, which are by no means destitute98 of fertility. There are pastures possessing excellent herbage; and amongst the animals, which contribute to the subsistence of man, or to other uses, we find[16] sheep, oxen, horses, rein deer, stags, and hares; and of the more savage animals, we find wolves, foxes, and an abundance of white and black bears. The{xxxviii} Icelandic Chronicle mentions beavers99 and martens.
Peyrere adds[17], that grey and white falcons100 abound30 more here than in any other part of the world. The superior excellence101 of these birds caused them to be formerly sent to the kings of Denmark, who made presents of them to the kings and princes in the neighbouring countries, when falconry constituted one of the amusements of the great.
The above-mentioned author, who wrote in the middle of the seventeenth century[18], says, that in Greenland nature produces a singular phenomenon, which{xxxix} is described as a sort of miracle in the Icelandic Chronicle. This phenomenon is no other than what is commonly called the Northern Lights. These lights are mentioned as appearing more particularly about the time of the new moon; and illuminating102 the whole country, as much as if the moon were at the full. “The light is more bright,” says Peyrere, “in proportion as the night is more dark.”
The Danish Chronicle, which is quoted by Peyrere, relates, that in the year 1271 a violent hurricane from the North East drove a vast accumulation of ice upon the coast of Iceland, which was covered with so many bears and so much wood that it led to the supposition, that the territory of Greenland was extended more to the North East than had been hitherto ima{xl}gined. This circumstance tempted103 some Northern sailors to attempt the discovery, but they found nothing but ice. The kings of Norway and Denmark had long before this fitted out ships for the same purpose, but without any more success than the Icelanders had experienced. The principal incitement104 to these voyages was a received opinion, or traditionary report, that this country contained numerous veins105 of gold, of silver, and precious stones.
The Danish Chronicle pretends, that some adventurous106 merchants formerly amassed107 a large treasure by these expeditions. But regions of silver and gold have always been amongst the favourite illusions of mankind; and the imagination has revelled108 in visionary mines of the pre{xli}cious metals, not only in the South but in the North; and both at the Equator and the Pole.
In the time of St. Olave, King of Norway, some sailors from Friesland, incited109 by the thirst of gold, are said to have undertaken a voyage to the North Eastern extremity110 of Greenland; but, instead of returning home with mountains of wealth, they were happy to escape the fury of the winds on this rocky coast, in any miserable111 asylum112 which they could find.
The Danish Chronicle, which is a mixture of truth and fable113, adds, that the Frieslanders, having made a landing upon the coast, discovered some wretched cabins just rising above the earth, around which lay heaps of gold and silver ore. Each of the sailors helped himself to{xlii} as much as he could carry away. But, when they were retreating to the shore, in order to re-embark with their treasure, they saw some human forms, as ugly as devils, issuing out of their earthen huts, armed with bows and arrows, and accompanied with dogs of vast size. Before all the sailors could reach the shore some of them were seized by these frightful114 archers115, who tore them limb from limb within sight of their companions. The Danish Chronicle adds, that this region is so rich that it is peopled only by devils.
Peyrere tells us, that one of the chapters in the Icelandic Chronicle describes the ancient route between Norway and Greenland, before the navigation was rendered impracticable by the{xliii} descent of accumulated mountains of ice from a more remote point of the North. But what is mentioned concerning this route contains nothing very definite or satisfactory.
The above-mentioned Icelandic Chronicle has another chapter on the affairs of Greenland, transcribed116 from an old book entitled Speculum Regale117. This chapter describes some marine51 monsters of enormous dimensions, which were formerly seen upon the coast of Greenland. The Norwegians called the first of these prodigies118 Haffstramb; and speak of it as showing itself breast high above the waves. It resembled the human form in the neck, head, visage, nose, and mouth, except that the head was more than usually elevated, and terminating in{xliv} a point. It had wide shoulders, at the end of which were two stumps119 of arms, without any hands. The body tapered120 downwards121, but it was never visible below the middle. It had a frozen look. The emersion of this phantasm above the waves was the signal of a hurricane.
The second monster received the appellation34 of Marguguer. It resembled the female form as far as the middle. It had large breasts and dishevelled hair; its stumps of arms were terminated by large hands, the fingers of which were united by a web like the toes of a goose. It has been seen holding fish in its hands, and putting them into its mouth. Its appearance always presaged122 some violent storm. If it turned its eye to the sailors, when it plunged123 into the water, it was a{xlv} sign, that they would not suffer shipwreck; but, if it turned its back, it was a sure omen29, that they would perish in the deep.
The third phenomenon received the name of Hafgierdinguer, which was not properly a monster, but consisted of three large bodies or mountains of water, which the tempest impelled124 into that form; and when, unfortunately, any ships happened to become engaged in the triangular125 surface, which these three mountains formed, there was but little chance of their escape. This marine monster appears to have been engendered126 by strong currents conflicting with opposing winds, which suddenly arise and swallow up the vessels which happen to be within the shock of these furious elements.{xlvi}
The Danish History relates, that in the year 1348, a great pestilence127, which was called the black plague, depopulated a great part of the North. It carried off most of the sailors and merchants of Norway and Denmark who were engaged in the trade between Greenland and those kingdoms. About this period the navigation to Greenland became less frequent, and the traffic began to be discontinued. But the learned Wormius assured Peyrere, that he had read in a Danish manuscript, that down to the year 1484 there was a company of more than forty sailors, at Bergen, in Norway, who went every year to Greenland and brought back some valuable products. Some German merchants had come to Bergen for the purpose of purchasing{xlvii} these products, which the Greenlandmen were not willing to dispose of; and it is added, that the Germans, resenting this disappointment, invited the Greenland traders to a supper, at which they put them treacherously128 to death. But, as Peyrere remarks, this account has not much appearance of truth; nor is it probable, that the navigation between Greenland and Norway was, at this period, so open as the above details would induce us to suppose. Those details are, besides, refuted by the following facts.
The revenue accruing129 from the province of Greenland was, in ancient times, appropriated to the domestic expenses of the Norwegian king; and no one could go to Greenland without the royal per{xlviii}mission, upon pain of death. In the year 1389, Henry, Bishop of Garde, in Greenland, embarked130 for Denmark, and was present at the meeting of the States of that kingdom, which were held at Funen in the reign131 of Queen Margaret, who united the kingdoms of Denmark and of Norway under the same crown. At this time some Norwegian merchants, who had gone to Greenland without leave, were accused of having purloined132 the revenue which was reserved for the expenditure133 of the queen. The queen showed no lenity towards these merchants, and would have proceeded to take away their lives, if they had not made oath upon the Holy Evangelists that their voyage to Greenland was unpremeditated, and that they were forced to that destination by{xlix} the violence of a sudden storm. They alleged134 that they had brought back only commodities which they had purchased, and that they had not in the least interfered135 with the revenue belonging to the queen. They were accordingly set at liberty; but the danger which they had escaped, and the more rigorous prohibitions136 which were issued, prevented any other individuals from that time from attempting to carry on any traffic with the interdicted137 coast.
Some time after this the queen herself dispatched some vessels to Greenland; but of which no tidings were ever received; and they must consequently have perished. This disastrous138 expedition contributed to put an end to the intercourse with Greenland; and the queen having{l} her attention occupied by her hostilities139 with Sweden, lost sight of this remote colony, or left it to its fate.
The Danish Chronicle relates, that in the year 1406, Eskild, Archbishop of Drontheim, wishing to exercise the same ecclesiastical authority over Greenland, which his predecessors140 had done, sent a prelate named Andrew, in order to succeed Henry, in the see of Garde, if he were dead, or to convey some intelligence concerning him if he were living. Nothing more was ever heard of Bishop Andrew, after his embarkation141 for Greenland; nor were any farther tidings ever received of Henry, Bishop of Garde. After this, the intercourse between Norway or Denmark and Greenland, suffered an interruption from that period to the present; nor is{li} there much probability that it will ever be renewed.
Queen Margaret was succeeded, upon the throne of Denmark, by Erick, of Pomerania, who gave himself little trouble about a settlement so remote as that of Greenland. His successor, Christopher of Bavaria, was employed during his whole reign in making war upon the Pomeranians.
The house of Oldenburg began its reign in Denmark in the year 1448. Christian, who was the first sovereign of that race, and of that name, neglected his dominions in the North in order to turn his attention to the South. He made a pilgrimage to Rome, where he obtained from the Pope a grant of the country of{lii} Ditmarsh, and permission to establish an academy at Copenhagen.
Christian I was succeeded by Christian II, who, at the period of his coronation, bound himself by a solemn promise to make every possible exertion142 to restore the intercourse between Denmark and Greenland, and to recover that settlement. But this monarch143, instead of recovering what his predecessors had lost, himself lost part of what they had possessed. His tyrannical barbarities caused him to be expelled from Sweden, which Queen Margaret had united with the Danish and Norwegian crown. From Sweden Christian II retired144 into Denmark; but the same conduct which had occasioned his expulsion by the Swedes, soon led to his{liii} deposition145 by the Danes. It is on this account that he is represented with a shivered sceptre amongst the Danish kings.
Eric Valkandor, who had been chancellor146 to Christian II, and was a Danish gentleman of great and generous sentiments, had been made Archbishop of Drontheim. After the disgrace of his master, he retired to his archiepiscopal see, where he exerted himself with great zeal147 and activity in order to renew the communication with Greenland, and to discover the fate of that ancient settlement. This learned prelate made it his business to read all the books in which it was mentioned, to examine all the merchants and mariners who had any knowledge of it; and he also caused a chart to{liv} be formed of the route which was supposed to have been observed. He was on the point of putting his projects in execution, when, being suspected of favouring the cause of the deposed148 monarch, he was deprived of his archbishoprick, and banished149 from the Norwegian territory. The benevolent150 scheme, which he had formed, was thus disconcerted; and the hopes, which had been excited, vanished in disappointment. The good Archbishop Valcandor retired to Rome, where he ended his days.
Frederick I was succeeded by Christian III, who had an expedition fitted out for the discovery of the lost settlement in Greenland; but this proved as abortive151 as similar attempts had previously been. This monarch now repealed{lv} the ordinances152 which his predecessors had established, by which all communication with Greenland had been strictly153 prohibited, without a special permission from the crown. The intercourse was now rendered free, without any limitations or restraints. But this act of royal grace came too late to be of any use; for the Norwegians at this period had degenerated from the enterprizing valour of their ancestors; and they were, at the same time, so impoverished154 that they did not possess the means of equipping any vessels for such a difficult and hazardous155 undertaking156.
Frederick II entertained the same project as his father, Christian III, and he dispatched Magnus Heigningsen to attempt the discovery of Greenland.{lvi} This Magnus Heigningsen, if the relation be not fabulous157, actually discovered the long lost land, but was prevented by the operation of some mysterious cause from reaching the shore. His ship, without any visible cause, was stopped in its course, though in the midst of deep water and a fresh breeze, without any obstruction158 from the ice. As this Magnus Heigningsen could not advance any farther he was happy to be able to retreat; and he accordingly sailed back to Denmark. When he got back to that country he published an account of what had happened to his ship; and pretended that its farther progress had been stopped by a great loadstone at the bottom of the sea.
The Danish Chronicle, of which Pey{lvii}rere has made such liberal use, gives the following account of the expedition of Sir Martin Frobisher to Greenland in 1576.
Frobisher set sail from England in the year just mentioned, and discovered the coast of New Greenland, but did not make any landing till he returned with another expedition in the following spring. The inhabitants of that part of the coast where he disembarked, abandoned their dwellings159, and fled in different directions at the approach of the English. The alarm of some of these natives appears to have been so great that they clambered up to the tops of some rocky precipices160, from which they threw themselves into the sea.
The English, who found it impossible to allay161 the suspicions, or conciliate the confidence of these savages162, took posses{lviii}sion of the huts which they had deserted163. They were, in fact, tents formed of sealskins, stretched upon four poles, and sewed together with sinews instead of thread. All these tents had two entrances, one of which fronted the West, and the other the South; but they were closed against the winds from the East and the North, by which they were liable to be the most incommoded.
The English discovered in these cabins only an ancient matron, who appeared a picture of hideous164 deformity, and a young woman, who was in the family way, and had a little child holding her hand. These two last they carried off, regardless of the opposition165 of the old beldam, who set up a frightful howl. Departing from this point, they steered166 along the Eastern{lix} coast, where they beheld a marine monster as large as an ox, with a horn projecting from the snout of more than two yards in length, which they took for the unicorn167. Proceeding168 in a North-east direction, they landed on another part of the coast of Greenland, which they discovered to be subject to earthquakes, that threw great rocks down into the plain. Here they found some gravel169 abounding, as they imagined, with particles of gold, of which they carried off a considerable quantity.
They spared no pains to conciliate the natives of this part of the coast, who themselves made a show of a desire to maintain an amicable170 correspondence. But these demonstrations171 of friendship appear to have been designed only to put the English off their guard; for, when{lx} Frobisher had landed, he was suddenly attacked by a body of savages, who had concealed172 themselves behind a bank for that purpose. He retreated to the shore and eluded173 their machinations. The savages, however, still imagined that the strangers might be caught in the snare174; and in order to entrap175 them, they scattered176 pieces of raw flesh along the shore, as they would have done to allure177 dogs. Finding this attempt fail, they had recourse to another stratagem178. They carried a lame179 man, or at least one who feigned180 to be lame, down to the sea-side; and, having left him there, they went away and kept themselves entirely out of sight. They supposed that the English would make an attempt to carry off this lame man in order to serve them as an in{lxi}terpreter, or to procure some intelligence by his means. But Frobisher, who suspected some deception181, ordered a shot to be fired over his head, when he instantly sprung up upon his legs and ran away with precipitate182 velocity183.
The savages now appeared in great numbers, and assailed184 the English with a shower of arrows and stones; but they were soon repulsed185 by a discharge of great and small guns.
The native Greenlanders are represented as perfidious186 and cruel, neither to be softened187 by caresses188 nor moved by benefits. This, however, is the character of very imperfect knowledge and limited observation. They are described as plump in their appearance, active in their limbs, and with an aspect of olive hue. Some of{lxii} them are reported to be as black as negroes. Their clothes are made out of the skin of the seal, and sewed with sinews. The women wear their hair loose, but throw it back behind their ears in order to show the face, which they paint blue and yellow. They wear no petticoats, but short trousers made of fish-skin, drawn189 one over the other; in the pockets of which they carry their knives, little mirrors, and the working materials, which they procure from foreigners or obtain from the wrecks190 which may happen upon their coasts. The shirts or chemises of both sexes are made from the intestines191 of fish, and sewed with fine sinews. They wear their clothes loose, and gird them with a belt made of fish-skin. They are disgustingly dirty, and covered with ver{lxiii}min. Their criterion of wealth is the number of bows and arrows, of slings192, boats, and oars194, which an individual may possess. Their bows are small, their arrows thin and armed at the end with a sharp point of bone or horn. They are expert in the use of the bow and the sling193; and in killing195 fish with the spear. Their little boats are covered with sealskin, and can hold only one man. But they have larger boats formed of wood, covered with the skin of the whale, and which will carry twenty men. Their sails are made of the same materials as their shirts; or of the intestines of fish fastened together by fine sinews. And though they make use of no iron in the construction of their canoes or boats, they are put together with so much skill, and so well{lxiv} compacted, that in them they venture out into the wide ocean with perfect security. They have no venomous reptiles196 or insects; but are sometimes infested197 with swarms198 of gnats199. They make use of very large dogs for the purpose of drawing their sledges200. All the fresh water which they possess they procure from the melted snow.
Such are the principal particulars which are detailed201 in the Danish account of Frobisher’s voyage. We will now proceed to relate some attempts of the Danes to renew their intercourse with Greenland, subsequent to those which have been previously mentioned, and which proved abortive.
Christian IV resolved, if possible, to signalize his reign by the discovery of{lxv} that lost settlement, which his father and grandfather had sought in vain. For this purpose he sent for an experienced mariner50 from England, who had the reputation of being well acquainted with the Northern ocean, and with the route to Greenland. Having procured202 this skilful203 auxiliary204, whose name was John Knight205, the Danish monarch equipped three stout206 ships, which he put under the orders of Godske Lindenau, who sailed from the Sound on the breaking up of the ice in the year 1605. The Englishman, who was appointed to the command of one ship, having reached the latitude he wished, steered his course to the South West in order to avoid the ice and to make the land with less risk. The Danish admiral Lindenau, thinking that the Eng{lxvi}lish captain was deviating207 from the right track by keeping to the South West, continued his route to the North East, and arrived on the coast of Greenland without either of the other ships. Admiral Lindenau had no sooner come to an anchor, than a number of savages put off their boats from the shore to visit his ship. The admiral gave them a very hospitable208 reception, and made them a present of some wine, which, however, was not agreeable to their taste; and they manifested signs of their dislike. They saw some whale oil, which they expressed a desire to have; and it was accordingly poured out for them in large mugs, which they drank with avidity and delight.
These savages possessed a number of skins of the fox, the bear, and the seal,{lxvii} with many horns in pieces, ends, and trunks, which they exchanged with the Danes for knives, needles, looking-glasses, and trifles of different kinds. They showed no desire for gold or silver money, the offer of which provoked their ridicule209 or excited their contempt. They manifested on the other hand a passionate210 eagerness for every article of steel manufacture, which they were willing to purchase by the sacrifice of their greatest valuables, as of their bows and arrows, their boats and oars. When they had nothing more to offer in exchange, they stripped themselves to the skin, and offered to make away with all the clothes they possessed.
Godske Lindenau remained three days in the road, but it is not said that he once went ashore211. He was probably afraid of{lxviii} trusting the lives of the small number of persons he had with him in the midst of such a mass of savages, by whom they were so greatly outnumbered.
He took his departure upon the fourth day; but before he set sail he secured two of the natives on board his ship in order to carry them to Denmark; but they made so many violent efforts to escape, that it became necessary to secure them by cords in order to prevent them from plunging212 into the sea. When the savages upon the beach saw two of their countrymen made prisoners and fastened to the deck of the Danish vessel91, they discharged a shower of stones and arrows upon the Danes, who were obliged to terrify them to a distance by firing off one of their great guns. The admiral returned{lxix} to Denmark by himself, without knowing what had befallen the other two ships, with which he had originally embarked.
The Danish account of this expedition says, that the English captain with the two Danish vessels, which had separated from that under Lindenau, reached the coast at the Southern extremity of Greenland, or Cape25 Farewell. It is also certain that the English commander entered Davis’s Straits, and coasted along the shore to the East. He discovered a number of good harbours, a fine country, and verdant213 plains. The savages in this part of Greenland carried on some traffic with him; as those upon the other side had done with Lindenau; but they exhibited more distrust; for they had no sooner received the Danish commodities in ex{lxx}change for their own than they took to their boats with as much precipitation as if they were pursued by an enemy.
The Danes armed themselves for the purpose of making a landing in one of the bays. The soil, where they went ashore, appeared to be a mixture of sand and rock, like that of Norway. Some fumes214 exhaled215 from the earth made them suppose that there were mines of sulphur in the neighbourhood; and they found many pieces of silver ore, which yielded twenty-six ounces of silver to the hundred weight of ore.
The English captain, who discovered many fine harbours or bays along this coast, gave them Danish names, and before his departure made a chart of what he had seen. He also directed four of the{lxxi} best formed savages, whom the Danes could seize, to be conveyed on board his ship. One of these four natives became so outrageous216, that the Danes, not being able to haul him along, knocked him on the head with the but end of their muskets217. This intimidated218 the three others, who followed without farther resistance.
But the natives of the place, who had beheld one of their companions put to death, and three made prisoners, united themselves in a body to avenge219 the one and to rescue the others. They pursued the Danes to the shore in order to execute these resolutions, and to prevent their embarkation. The Danes, however, saved themselves and their boats by a timely use of their fire-arms, which diffused great terror among the enemy.{lxxii} They now made good their retreat to their ships, and returned to Denmark with the three captured Greenlanders, whom they presented to the king, and who were found to be much better made and more civilized than those whom Godske Lindenau had imported. They also differed in manners, language, and dress.
The Danish monarch, who was gratified by the result of this first expedition, dispatched the same Admiral Lindenau to Greenland with five stout vessels in the following year, 1606. He departed from the Sound upon the 8th of May; having on board his ship the three savages whom the English captain had conveyed away, in order to serve as interpreters and guides. One of these savages fell sick and died during the voyage; and his body{lxxiii} was thrown overboard. Godske Lindenau took the same route which the English captain had observed, and passed by Cape Farewell into Davis’s Straits. One of his five ships was lost sight of in a fog; but the four others arrived in Greenland. The natives showed themselves in great numbers upon the coast, but manifested no inclination220 to trade, or to trust the Danes, who, in their turn, showed the same want of confidence. This obliged the latter to proceed higher up the coast, where they discovered a finer harbour than that which they had left; but they found the natives as suspicious and intractable as at the former station, and indicating a determination to resort to force if the Danes attempted to land.
The Danes, not willing to hazard a{lxxiv} landing in such inauspicious circumstances, sailed to a greater distance. As they proceeded along the coast, they met some of the natives in their canoes. They surprised six of these at different times, and took them on board along with their canoes and little equipments.
The Danes, having afterwards cast anchor in a third bay, one of the attendants of Godske Lindenau, who was a hardy221 and enterprising veteran, solicited222 the permission of his master to proceed alone to the shore, in order to reconnoitre the land, and, if possible, to establish some intercourse with the savages. But this unfortunate valet had no sooner set his foot upon the beach than he was seized, stabbed, and hacked223 in pieces by the natives; who, after this atrocity,{lxxv} retired out of the reach of the Danish guns.
These savages had knives and swords made of the horns or teeth of that fish which they call unicorn, and which they ground to an edge upon a stone; nor were they less sharp than if they had been made of iron or steel.
Godske Lindenau, not finding it practicable to establish any amicable communication with the people of this district, set sail for Denmark; but of the six Greenlanders whom he had recently forced on board, one was pierced with such regret at the thought of never more seeing his native home, that he threw himself into the ocean in a paroxysm of despair. Upon their return the Danes had the pleasure of rejoining the fifth ship,{lxxvi} which had disappeared in a fog; but they had been only five days together when they were all separated by a storm; and a month elapsed before they could re-unite when the tempest had passed away. They arrived at Copenhagen upon the 5th of the following October, after having experienced many awful perils224 and hairbreadth escapes.
The King of Denmark, who deserves praise for his perseverance225, now determined226 upon a third expedition to Greenland. He accordingly ordered two large ships to be fitted out, which he placed under the command of a Captain Karsten Richkardisen, a native of Holstein, whom he furnished with some sailors from Norway and Iceland that were acquainted with the navigation. These vessels sailed{lxxvii} from the Sound on the 12th of May, but the Danish Chronicle has not stated in what year; nor was it known to Peyrere. On the 8th of June Richkardisen discovered the high points of the Greenland mountains; but he was prevented from landing by the rocks of ice which ran out far into the sea and rendered the coast inaccessible. He was therefore obliged to return without accomplishing the object of his voyage, as he despaired of being able to penetrate59 the icy barrier which blockaded the shore. No similar attempt has hitherto been successful; and the Eastern coast of Greenland, though for several centuries well known to, and habitually227 visited by, the Norwegians and Danes, is, at present, a terra incognita, notwithstanding the spirit of{lxxviii} European adventure and the zeal of modern discovery.
The King of Denmark caused particular attention to be paid to the three savages who had survived the preceding, and the five who had been imported by the last expedition to Greenland. They were fed upon milk, butter, and cheese, as well as upon raw flesh and raw fish, to which they had been accustomed at home. They appeared to have an invincible228 repugnance229 to our baked bread and dressed meat; nor did they relish230 any kind of wine so much as the oil and grease of the whale. They often turned a wishful and desponding look to the North; and sighed so anxiously to return to the place of their nativity, that, whenever they were watched with less vigilance than usual, those who had{lxxix} an opportunity seized any boat that was at hand and put to sea, regardless of the dangers they had to encounter. A storm once overtook some of these intrepid231 adventurers at ten or twelve leagues from the Sound, and forced them back to the coast of Schonen, where they were made prisoners by the peasantry and conveyed back to Copenhagen. This caused them to be guarded with more rigour, and kept under greater restraint. But three of them fell sick and died of grief.
Five of these savages were alive and well when a Spanish Ambassador made his appearance in Denmark; and the Danish Monarch, in order to divert this stranger, caused these native Greenlanders to exhibit their man?uvres in their little canoes upon the sea. The Spanish Am{lxxx}bassador was quite delighted with the address which they displayed, and with the extraordinary celerity with which they glided232 over the waves. He made a present in money to each of the savages, which they expended233 in equipping themselves in the Danish fashion. They were accordingly seen booted and spurred, with large feathers in their hats; and in these habiliments they proposed to serve in the cavalry234 of the Danish King.
But these high spirits of the Greenlanders lasted only for a short time; for they soon relapsed into their usual melancholy235. They became entirely absorbed with the idea of returning to their native country; and two of them having obtained possession of their little boats put out to sea. They were pursued, but only{lxxxi} one of them was taken, and the other probably perished in the waves; for it cannot be supposed that he ever returned to the land of his fathers. With respect to one of the savages, it was remarked, that he shed tears whenever he beheld a child at the breast; from which it was supposed, that he had left a wife and children at home.
Of these surviving savages two pined away with regret. The two others lived ten or twelve years in Denmark after the decease of their companions. No pains were spared to reconcile them to their condition, but without success. One of them died of an illness, brought on by being employed in diving for the pearl muscle, during the depth of winter. His companion, who was inconsolable for his{lxxxii} loss, again seized a boat and made an effort to escape from captivity236. He had passed the Sound before he could be retaken, but he lived only a short time after this last attempt to recover his liberty.
Peyrere says, that an attempt was made to convert these savages to the Christian faith, but that they could never be brought to learn the Danish language; and he remarks, with much simplicity237, that “la foi estant de l’oüye, il fut impossible de leur faire comprendre nos mysteres.” “Faith,” says he, “coming from hearing, it was impossible to make them comprehend our mysteries.” He adds, that those who narrowly watched their actions often saw them lift up their eyes to Heaven, and worship the Sun.
The Danish Monarch desisted from{lxxxiii} any farther attempt to discover Old Greenland; but some merchants at Copenhagen formed themselves into a Greenland Company, for the purpose of establishing a traffic with that part of the world. In 1636 this Company fitted out two ships, which visited that part of the coast of New Greenland which is washed by Davis’s Straits. When they cast anchor, eight savages came off to them in their little canoes. The Danes had displayed their knives, mirrors, and other articles upon the deck, to which the savages had also conveyed their furs, skins, and fish horns; but a gun having been inconsiderately fired, in order to celebrate the drinking of some particular health, these native traders were so frightened that they instantly leaped into the sea, from which{lxxxiv} they did not emerge till they had proceeded to two or three hundred yards from the ship.
The Danes at last succeeded in appeasing238 the apprehensions239 of the Greenlanders, and in alluring240 them again on board their vessels. The Danish commander having remarked an inlet of the coast where there was a bank of sand, which bore a strong resemblance to gold, his cupidity241 made him imagine, that he had discovered a mine of wealth. He lost no time in filling his ship with this fancied gold dust, and made the best of his way to Denmark, exulting242 in dreams of visionary opulence243.
But the master of the Greenland Company, who was less credulous244 than the captain of the expedition, having{lxxxv} caused this precious sand to be examined by the goldsmiths at Copenhagen, they were not able to extract from the whole mass a single particle of gold. The captain was accordingly ordered, to his great mortification245, to throw the whole of this valuable lading into the sea.
In this last expedition to Greenland the Danes secured and carried off two of the natives before they left the coast. When they had reached the open sea, the Danes released these captives from their bonds, when, finding themselves free from restraint, the love of liberty prevailed over every other sentiment, and they plunged into the waves in order to regain246 their native shore. But that shore was too remote for them to reach,{lxxxvi} and they perished in the vain attempt. It is pleasant to contemplate247 that sentiment, which attaches us to our native land, operating alike in all regions and climes, and attaching the human being to a country of almost invincible sterility and perpetual frost, as well as to one where there are the richest products and the most genial248 seasons.
In the year 1654 a ship was sent to Greenland, under the command of David Nelles, the success of which terminated in carrying off three native women from the open part of the Eastern coast. The last voyage, which was not more successful than the preceding, was made in the year 1670. This expedition was fitted out by order of Christian V, and was commanded by Captain Otto Axelson;{lxxxvii} but Crantz[19] says, “We have no account of its issue;” and, according to Torf?us, Axelson never returned to tell what he had seen.
None of the expeditions which have sailed from Denmark, or other countries, have been successful in recovering the knowledge of that part of the Eastern coast which was peopled by settlers from Iceland and Norway, and is denominated Old Greenland. In the account which the Icelandic Chronicle gives of the ancient route, it is stated, that half way between Iceland and Greenland there was a cluster of little islands, or rocks, called Gondebiurne Skeer, which were inhabited by bears. The drifting ice has probably collected round these islands, and been so{lxxxviii} petrified249 by successive accumulations as to become impenetrable to the sun.
Peyrere, whose account of Greenland has been generally followed in this Introduction, tells us, that he was once inclined to believe, that Godske Lindenau had actually reached the coast of Old Greenland in his first voyage, and that the savages whom he carried off were descendants of the first Norwegian settlers, whose remains have been so anxiously sought. But this impression was effaced250 by the information of many persons who had seen these savages at Copenhagen, and who assured him, that they had not the smallest resemblance to the Danes or Norwegians in their language and manners, and that the Danes and Norwegians could not understand a{lxxxix} word that these native Greenlanders uttered.
In the expedition to Greenland, which was undertaken in the year 1636, the natives upon the western coast, who had some traffic with the Danes, were asked, whether there were any inhabitants like themselves beyond the mountains which were seen in the distance. The savages replied by signs, that there were more people beyond the mountains than there were hairs on their heads; and that they were men of large stature251, with great bows and arrows, who destroyed every body that came in their way.
The knowledge which the Danes have at any period acquired respecting the people or the products of Greenland, never extended beyond a narrow slip of{xc} territory along the coast. They knew nothing of the remote interior of the country from actual observation; and their settlements occupied only a very small comparative portion of the whole. Much is still left to be explored; but the nature of the country itself opposes such an accumulation of obstacles to the research of the traveller, that they are not soon likely to be overcome. More, however, of the coast will probably soon be discovered than has ever previously been explored; or, if explored, it has at least been concealed for many centuries. When the enterprizing spirit of an English navigator is directed to that quarter of the world, we feel a firm confidence, that nothing will be left untried, which skill or courage can effect, to ex{xci}tend our acquaintance with these Northern regions, and to make valuable additions to our present stock of information respecting the countries in the more immediate252 vicinity of the North Pole.
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1
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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nautical
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| adj.海上的，航海的，船员的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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inclemency
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| n.险恶，严酷 | |
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sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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12
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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hue
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| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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abounds
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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appellations
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| n.名称，称号( appellation的名词复数 ) | |
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appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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delusive
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| adj.欺骗的，妄想的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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effrontery
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| n.厚颜无耻 | |
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colonize
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| v.建立殖民地，拓殖；定居，居于 | |
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renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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50
mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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51
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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52
mariners
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| 海员，水手（mariner的复数形式） | |
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53
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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54
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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55
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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56
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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57
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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58
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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59
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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60
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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61
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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62
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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63
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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64
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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65
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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66
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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67
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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68
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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69
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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70
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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72
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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73
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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74
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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75
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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76
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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77
shipwreck
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| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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78
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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79
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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80
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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81
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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82
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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83
recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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84
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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85
proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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86
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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87
mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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88
browse
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| vi.随意翻阅，浏览；(牛、羊等)吃草 | |
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89
rein
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| n.疆绳，统治，支配；vt.以僵绳控制，统治 | |
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90
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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91
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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92
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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93
inaccurate
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| adj.错误的，不正确的，不准确的 | |
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94
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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95
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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96
acorns
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| n.橡子，栎实( acorn的名词复数 ) | |
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97
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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98
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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99
beavers
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| 海狸( beaver的名词复数 )； 海狸皮毛； 棕灰色； 拼命工作的人 | |
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100
falcons
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| n.猎鹰( falcon的名词复数 ) | |
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101
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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102
illuminating
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| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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103
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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104
incitement
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| 激励； 刺激； 煽动； 激励物 | |
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105
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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106
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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107
amassed
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
revelled
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| v.作乐( revel的过去式和过去分词 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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109
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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111
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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112
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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113
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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114
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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115
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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116
transcribed
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的过去式和过去分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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117
regale
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| v.取悦，款待 | |
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118
prodigies
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| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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119
stumps
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| （被砍下的树的）树桩( stump的名词复数 )； 残肢； （板球三柱门的）柱； 残余部分 | |
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120
tapered
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| adj. 锥形的，尖削的，楔形的，渐缩的，斜的 动词taper的过去式和过去分词 | |
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121
downwards
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| adj./adv.向下的（地），下行的（地） | |
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122
presaged
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| v.预示，预兆( presage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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124
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
triangular
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| adj.三角（形）的，三者间的 | |
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126
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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127
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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128
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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129
accruing
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| v.增加( accrue的现在分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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130
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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131
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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132
purloined
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| v.偷窃( purloin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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134
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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135
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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136
prohibitions
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| 禁令，禁律( prohibition的名词复数 )； 禁酒； 禁例 | |
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137
interdicted
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| v.禁止（行动）( interdict的过去式和过去分词 )；禁用；限制 | |
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138
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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139
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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140
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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141
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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142
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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143
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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144
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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145
deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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146
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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147
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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148
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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149
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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150
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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151
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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152
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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153
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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154
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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155
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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156
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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157
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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158
obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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159
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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160
precipices
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| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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161
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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162
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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163
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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164
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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165
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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166
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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167
unicorn
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| n.(传说中的)独角兽 | |
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168
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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169
gravel
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| n.砂跞；砂砾层；结石 | |
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170
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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171
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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172
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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173
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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174
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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175
entrap
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| v.以网或陷阱捕捉，使陷入圈套 | |
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176
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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177
allure
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| n.诱惑力，魅力；vt.诱惑，引诱，吸引 | |
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178
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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179
lame
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| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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180
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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181
deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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182
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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183
velocity
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| n.速度，速率 | |
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184
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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185
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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186
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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187
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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188
caresses
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| 爱抚，抚摸( caress的名词复数 ) | |
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189
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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190
wrecks
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| n.沉船( wreck的名词复数 )；（事故中）遭严重毁坏的汽车（或飞机等）；（身体或精神上）受到严重损伤的人；状况非常糟糕的车辆（或建筑物等）v.毁坏[毁灭]某物( wreck的第三人称单数 )；使（船舶）失事，使遇难，使下沉 | |
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191
intestines
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| n.肠( intestine的名词复数 ) | |
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192
slings
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| 抛( sling的第三人称单数 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
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193
sling
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| vt.扔；悬挂；n.挂带；吊索，吊兜；弹弓 | |
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194
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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195
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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196
reptiles
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| n.爬行动物，爬虫( reptile的名词复数 ) | |
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197
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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198
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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199
gnats
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| n.叮人小虫( gnat的名词复数 ) | |
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200
sledges
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| n.雪橇，雪车( sledge的名词复数 )v.乘雪橇( sledge的第三人称单数 )；用雪橇运载 | |
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201
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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202
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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203
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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204
auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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205
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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207
deviating
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| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的现在分词 ) | |
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208
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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209
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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210
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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211
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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212
plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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213
verdant
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| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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214
fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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215
exhaled
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| v.呼出，发散出( exhale的过去式和过去分词 )；吐出（肺中的空气、烟等），呼气 | |
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216
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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217
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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218
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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219
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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220
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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221
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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222
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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223
hacked
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| 生气 | |
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224
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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225
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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226
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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227
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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228
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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229
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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230
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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231
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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232
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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233
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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234
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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235
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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236
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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237
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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238
appeasing
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的现在分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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239
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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240
alluring
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| adj.吸引人的，迷人的 | |
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241
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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242
exulting
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| vi. 欢欣鼓舞，狂喜 | |
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243
opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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244
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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245
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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246
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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247
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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248
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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249
petrified
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| adj.惊呆的；目瞪口呆的v.使吓呆，使惊呆；变僵硬；使石化(petrify的过去式和过去分词) | |
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250
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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251
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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252
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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