AUTHORITIES:
The Scriptures2, Ewald, Rénan, Duncker, Gessenius, Grotefend, etc.
The pro-slavery party, pacific as well as militant3, has long sought to fall back on the Mosaic4 records for the justification5 of the "sacred" and "patriarchal" institution. The historic records throw a bright light on the gray dawn of Hebraic life—giving us an insight into the primitive6 forms of society, not only of the Hebrews, but of the other, and especially the Shemitic inhabitants of Syria and of Fore-Asia. And, truly enough, servants and slaves are found around the tent of the patriarch.
It has already been mentioned that in times long prior to any definite chronology, the regions constituting Syria, Palestine and Arabia were inhabited by various tribes—some of whom were offshoots from one stem and some from another. Of these tribes, some had already formed themselves into well-developed societies, while others, if they were not absolutely roving nomads7, yet often changed their dwellings8 according to the exigencies9 of pastoral life. Palestine, the final home of the Hebrew, was, in all probability, the earliest as well as the chief highway of antiquity10—especially for the Shemitic and Chamitic races, just[Pg 36] as the Caucasus and its slopes are supposed to have been the highway for Aryan or Indo-European emigrants11, and for Finnic, Alta?c, and Mongolian or yellow races. This character it had before the time when Terah, Abraham's father, drove his herds12 from the table-lands of Mesopotamia (Naharaina); and it preserved it under Ph?nician as well as under Hebrew dominion13. Repeatedly did Egyptians, Assyrians and Babylonians, as well as Persians, and finally Alexander and his generals, march through Palestine in their invading and conquering expeditions. The important part which Palestine played in the early commercial history of the world, also, has already been pointed14 out while treating of the Ph?nicians.
The origin first of domestic servitude, and then of absolute chattelhood, among the primitive pastoral tribes, may be traced to two distinct sources, both of them springing from abnormal conditions and events. One source was the constant feuds16 and wars of the tribes; the other, individual indolence and shiftlessness. The household of a patriarch, originally composed of a family and then of a clan17, soon had its share of restless as well as indolent dependents. Such hangers-on were neither as frugal18 nor as industrious19 as the patriarch's family, and so enjoyed but small consideration; generally, moreover, they were most likely strangers who, through necessity or gratitude20, adhered to the house and considered themselves an integral part of it. But the patriarch had the most absolute power over all the members of the family—[Pg 37]over his wife, his sons and daughters, and all their progeny21 and relations. He could banish22 them from the family and hearth23; he could sell them away to others; he had power of life and death over them all; and such powers, of course, extended over dependents and servants. In fact, the patriarch was the supreme24 and only-existing law. His will, and absolute obedience25 thereto, was the only guarantee of order inside of the tent, and outside of it also in their relations with the tents and clans26 of other patriarchs. The more exclusive and distinct such a family or clan was, the more independent it was in all its relations with similar social crystallizations; and the more closely did the dependents adhere to it for support and protection.
Such was undoubtedly27 the origin of the domestic servitude which appears in the Scriptures with the apparition28 of Abraham as a distinct historical individuality. But such servants and dependents being a part of the family, were not commonly sold nor made an article of merchandise, and were not, strictly29 speaking, chattels30, as were prisoners made in feuds or wars.[7] Besides, in the formation of the primitive patriarchal household, the domestic, pastoral and ag[Pg 38]ricultural labors32 were performed by the family—children, grandchildren, etc.; just as it is in the present day in every simple household—for a simple family formed the germ of the tribe and of the retainers around the tent of the patriarch. As the family increased, so did the herds, and so also did the duties to be performed. Meanwhile the members of the expanding family continued to attend to the household services—just as is now the case in similar circumstances—without their becoming slaves or chattels for all that. The primitive Aryan language (of which hereafter) clearly confirms what both reason and analogy assert as being an inherent fact in the constitution of every family, whatever may be the peculiarities33 of skin or skull34, or their other ethnic35 characteristics. Moreover, even according to those opposed to the absolute unity36 of the whole human race, the Shemites descend37 from the same common progenitor38 as the Aryas (of whom are we), and this affinity39 strengthens what was said above concerning the similarity of their domestic life.
With the increase of the tribes and families, neighboring or scattered40, increased the degeneracy of the dependents, until finally these miserable41 persons, grown to be an excrescence on the primitive Hebrew family life, and unable to take care of themselves, willingly accepted slavery—at times indeed craved42 it. The same phenomenon, under different modifications43, and occasioned by various causes, again and again reappears in divers44 nations and empires, just as the[Pg 39] same bodily maladies have constantly reproduced themselves throughout the countless45 centuries of human existence. And indeed the morale46 of Noah's curse can only be, that servitude, being generated by corruption48 of manhood, was, in its very nature, a diseased and degraded condition.
Abraham belonged to a class common to the Arabs, Hebrews, and all the Shemitic races—shieks or chiefs of warlike tribes, who were in the habit of making war against each other, carrying off prisoners, and even kidnapping on occasion. It was these victims chiefly that were the objects of traffic; and this very trait is true of the Arab tribes down to the present day.
The Hebrews, liberated49 from captivity50 in Egypt—that is, from political slavery, which must never be confounded with chattelhood—fought against their kinsmen51, the Shemitic Canaanites, with a view to make themselves a home in a country already thickly settled, and in comparatively advanced culture and civilization. The Hebrews, poor, energetic, and hardened by the privations of a long captivity, bore the same relation to the nations of Canaan which they invaded, as the half-naked, half-starved barbarians52 of a long subsequent epoch53 bore to the Roman world, against which they rushed with the force of doom54. The invading Israelites, according to the commands of Jahveh (Jehovah), carried on wars of extermination55 against the Ph?nicians, Philistines56, Ammonites, Amorites, Moabites, and other inhabitants of south-western Syria. Many of these original occupants[Pg 40] and cultivators of the land of Canaan fled even to Africa, from the exterminating57 fury of the Jews, led by Moses, Aaron, and Joshua. Meanwhile the Jews took possession of the conquered and abandoned lands, which were divided between the tribes; and the great body of the Hebrews settled on them as agriculturists and free yeomen. In process of time, under the direction and inspiration of Jahveh, the supreme Lord of Israel, the body of commandments, regulations and ceremonials, called the Mosaic law, was framed.
The law of Moses has two prominent divisions—first, imperative58 commands, and second, dispensations. In respect of all absolute duties to God, as well as domestic and social duties, the law lays down its commands even to the minutest details, and rigidly59 condemns60 their violator. But, on the other hand, taking into account human frailty61, and the temptations to which it is exposed, as also the exigencies and customs of life, the law is also full of dispensations. This twofold character of the Mosaic law affords its antagonists62 a broad field for assaults on its apparent contradictions. The law condemns idolatry, yet Aaron, the first high-priest, casts a golden calf63 for the people to worship, while Moses raises a brazen64 serpent before their eyes as a material symbol for their faith. The law commands monogamy, but permits and regulates concubinage. It prohibits licentiousness65, fornication, and rape66, but overlooks them in certain instances, as, for example, after a successful battle or the storming[Pg 41] of a city, because such crimes are unavoidable when the demoniac passions are brought powerfully into play. Many other illustrations of this twofold character of the Mosaic law might be pointed out.
But minute and precise though the Mosaic record is in its religious and social commands and obligations, it nowhere commands the Hebrews, as a religious or social duty, to enslave the Canaanitish idolaters among whom they lived. Enslavement and chattelhood are nowhere laid down as special duties, nor is slavery regarded as forming the corner-stone of the Jewish social, civil, and religious structure. Slavery is not the subject of the covenant67 with God or of the covenant with man; neither did the possession of slaves confer any political, religious, or social rights. All this was left for the deduction68 of modern theology and politics.
The Mosaic law deals with slavery as with an existing evil, and regulates it as an abnormal institution. The lawgiver recalls to the memory of the Jews that they were themselves captives and bondsmen—an historic fact to which, as we have already seen, the ancestry69 of many of the slaveholders in the United States, at the present day, furnish a parallel.
But perhaps Biblical commentators70 have not drawn71 with sufficient severity the distinction in meaning between the Hebrew word for "servant," "attendant," etc., and that for an "absolute chattel15." Chattelhood, in the modern legal and practical application of the term, was undoubtedly a rare condition in the time[Pg 42] of the patriarchs, and even in the primitive theocratic72 epochs of Beni-Israel. The Hebrew language has four words to express the primitive domestic relations of the race, and neither of them will admit the meaning of positive chattelhood. Probably the oldest is the word a'buddah, which occurs in the book of Job, whose dialect is considered by modern philologists73 to be far older than the Mosaic scriptures; the same word is also found once only in Genesis (Gessenius Dict.). It is a collective noun, and signifies "attendants," "laborers74," and, according to some exegetes, it also signifies an "estate." Such may perhaps be its meaning in the book of Job, as it occurs after the enumeration75 of various movables, such as flocks and herds, and may thus, in distinction, convey the idea of real property. The logical sequence in such enumerations was undoubtedly the same then as it is now—movables first in order, then landed property. Another Hebrew word for the primitive domestic servant is na'ar, but its application seems to have been rather limited; it is mostly employed to designate a "lad-servant" or "apprentice77." The word most generally used, however, and the one most variously translated and explained by lexicographers is e'bed: it variously signifies "subject," "servant," "serf," "slave," "attendant," "officer," etc. Its application to a "serf" or "slave" has perhaps rather a moral or ideal than a positive legal or social sense. Thus, when in Genesis it is said that "Moses removed the swarms78 of flies from Pharaoh, from his servants (e'bed), and from his[Pg 43] people," the word e'bed undoubtedly signifies "ministers," "courtiers," "officers," and "servants of the court," and not actual serfs or slaves. Common sense would surely indicate that chattels could not have been mentioned immediately after the great Pharaoh, and before his people; and still less likely is it that the oriental despotism which reduced all to political slaves was unknown in the Egypt of the early Pharaohs. Finally, the word abduh alone may signify a "slave" in the strict sense of the term; it is used by Ezra, and belongs to a period of national degradation79, when both slavery and idolatry flourished in Israel.
Slavery, however, never became an integral element of Hebrew life, nor, during their centuries of glory, did its pestilence-breath endanger the national vitality80. The Mosaic record, covering a period of nearly one thousand years, never mentions any slave revolt, such as so often shook the neighboring and contemporaneous Ph?nicians.
For domestic slaves, the Hebrews procured81 foreigners, through traffic or by war; and such slaves were of the same race as the slaves of the Ph?nicians and other neighboring nations. In the history of the Beni-Israel, there are long episodes containing accounts of wars, principally with tribes belonging to the same Shemitic family from which the Hebrews themselves sprang, and many of the slaves made in these wars must have belonged to the nearest cities and kingdoms. If these had been so numerous as to be employed in large bodies in agricultural labor31, un[Pg 44]doubtedly there would have been revolts during the absence of their masters on military expeditions, or even during times of peace. The absence of any such event in the history of the Hebrews, proves that domestic slavery was for many long centuries recognized only as an abnormal institution, and its growth circumscribed82 by jubilees83 and limitary statutes84.
The regulations prescribing the status of slaves, and their general condition, are within, the reach of every one. Their spirit is mild and beneficent for the bond-man; the duration of his slavery is limited—his treatment is humane85, and the condition not ordinarily hereditary86. In the times of the early patriarchs, a servant could become the chief of the family—thus proving that some commentators have made a strange confusion in the interpretation87 of the above-mentioned Hebrew word (e'bed), when they construe88 it as applying to such a system as modern American slavery. A servant who was eligible89 to become the chief of a family could not be a chattel, but must necessarily have been a member of the clan, with independent powers and rights, and at least the proprietorship90 of himself.
Among the Hebrews, also, a man could voluntarily sell himself into slavery; thus the debtor91 paid his debts with his own body, or with that of his wife or child. This custom was almost universal in early antiquity, as well as among the Romans and the barbarous Germans. But the Mosaic law appointed a regular epoch for the emancipation92 of all slaves, and[Pg 45] therefore of debtors93 among the rest; and the operation of this law it was which made hereditary slavery of such comparatively rare occurrence.
Slaves, therefore, even when bought from the Gentiles, and therefore considered unclean by the Hebrews, or when prisoners taken in war, were not cut off from the general law of protection. They enjoyed human rights, and some of the civil privileges of the Jewish born. No absolute distinctions of men can be traced in the Mosaic law without perverting94 its whole moral tendency. When a slave received any severe wound from his master, he was from thence declared free, and the Jewish law punishes with death the sale of a freeman into slavery—(a fact, by the way, in striking contrast with the great social movement of the militant pro-slavery party, whose policy it is to enslave both emancipated96 and free-born). A slave concubine could not be sold to strangers—still less her children by her master. But if he wished to be rid of her, the master was obliged to find her a husband or another master among his relatives or friends. In the old colonial times in America, the law inflicted97 a penalty on white servants and bondsmen for mixing with black chattels—but what penalty threatened the white masters for the same offence? The fact is, the slave-breeders of the slave regions continually invoke98 the Bible to justify99 their doings, and continually violate Scriptural regulations.
The Mosaic law commands: "Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped[Pg 46] from his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in the place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him." Some modern commentators attempt to contract this humane and universal command, by arguing that it only applied100 to Jewish born servants or slaves; but sound criticism utterly101 annihilates102 the assumption. On the contrary, the phrase "in one of thy gates," is a positive proof that the command had in view fugitives103 of every tribe and kingdom. All Gentiles, slaves as well as freemen, were considered by the Jews "unclean," and there might have been some difficulty in admitting such runaways105 into their houses. But whatever was the creed106 or nationality of the escaped, he found safety "in the gates," and from thence could not be "delivered unto his master." Difference of religion and not of race constituted the paramount107 distinction between the Jew and the Gentile; if the command, therefore, were exclusively applicable to the Jewish slave, even then its spirit is violated by the American fugitive104 slave act, to uphold which, the Mosaic law is blasphemed—for the enslaved race of Christian108 America are of the same faith and baptism as their owners.
With the increase of luxury and corruption under the Hebrew kings, kidnapping and the traffic in men and women seem to have largely increased. The slaves stolen in piratical expeditions among neighboring tribes were exported to a distance, while others[Pg 47] were imported from thence into Judea. But against this practice the prophets—those inspired successors of the lawgiver of Sinai—thundered terribly. The Edomites and other Ph?nicians—who seem to have been pre-eminently the slave-traders of their time—importing slaves from Gaza, which was then a great thoroughfare and commercial metropolis109, and exporting them to other points, were declared to be the most accursed of nations. So now, the modern Edomites of this continent, who have again revived the slave-traffic between Africa and this country, together with all who aid, abet110, patronize or excuse them, come under the curse so often denounced against their ancient prototypes.
Under the kings, also, domestic slavery became more extensive, and its influence more fatal. It did not yet, however, succeed in devouring111 the vitals of the nation, or wholly destroying the small homesteads and the free yeomanry, as it afterward112 did in Greece, and over almost the entire ancient world under republican and imperial Rome. The epoch of the kings is one of moral degradation and effeminacy on the one hand, and of disasters and captivities to the Jews themselves, on the other. Sensuality and general depravity flourished rank and wild under the malignant113 influence of domestic slavery. Slavery relaxed the ties of family and society among the Jews, as history shows it to have done in every place and in all ages of its existence—for slavery, sensuality and general depravity mutually engender115 and sustain each other.[Pg 48] But in their deepest and most helpless degradation, the Jews never sold the offspring of their own personal lechery116 into slavery: this advance on the turpitude117 of Hebraic slavery—this outrage118 on the humanity of the faith we inherit from the Jews—was first justified119 and systematized by the slave states of the great Republic of the West! In ancient as in Christian times, there were doubtless parents who abandoned their legitimate120 or illegitimate offspring to public mercy, to accident, or to servitude; but all legislators have condemned121 such inhumanity, and tried, if possible, to regulate and soften122 it. So, deliberate selling of one's children may anciently have occurred in solitary123 instances; but it was always and everywhere condemned as the sum of all infamies124.
Many of the tutelary125 regulations for the slaves laid down in the law, fell, it is true, into disuse, even as other parts of the law were violated by the wayward and stiff-necked Israelites. On the advent126 to power of the good Josiah, however, the violated commandments and regulations of Moses, including those concerning the slaves, were rigidly enforced, and a general reformation inaugurated.
The increase of wealth, the various modifications and changes generated in the organism of society by its growth, as also by wars, captivities, changes of government, etc., brought forth127 a new subordinate condition in the domestic and civil life of the Hebrews—it was that of the client, and belongs to the latter epoch of the kings. Theologians of doubtful learn[Pg 49]ing, and still more dubious128 honesty, argue that such clients were slaves; but, in truth, the clients among the Hebrews were no more the slaves of their patrons than the same class were among the Romans or Gauls. The Hebrew client was a subordinate, but independent; he was under the protection of his patron, but both were bound by mutual114 obligations and prescribed conditions; and the property and estate of the patron were often under the guardianship129 of the client. Many expressions in the Scriptures, also, bearing on the mission of the future Messianic servant of Jahveh, mean properly a client, and not a slave or a chattel.
The old kingdom of Judea was overthrown130 in wars with Assyria and Babylon; and the Jews were carried away as captives. These repeated captivities chiefly befell the most wealthy and influential131 part of the population. Such captives generally became political slaves, that is, were deprived of political, though not of religious or civil rights, and were not made domestic slaves or chattels. They became the property of the king or of the state; but were not individually subject to be scattered or sold; in fact, they became colonists132, and lands were assigned them in some part of the empire. Thus Tiglath-Palassar colonized133 certain regions north of Nineveh with Hebrews; and Sargon (or Sargina) transplanted others to Media. In the Babylonian captivities their condition was precisely134 similar: thus, when Cyrus liberated forty-two thousand three hundred and sixty Jews from captivity in Babylon, there were among them[Pg 50] only seven thousand three hundred and eighty-seven slaves, or about one-sixth of the whole number.
Domestic slavery, as we have seen, made considerable havoc135 among the Beni-Israel, and its life was continually recruited by wars and the consequent ruin and impoverishment136 of the people, as well as by other causes already pointed out. But down to the last breath of the political and national existence of the Jews—to the day of the destruction of Jerusalem and the hour of final dispersion—slavery never succeeded in wholly destroying the humble137 homesteads of the free rural population—as it did in other nations and empires of antiquity: for example, it never extirpated138 the free agricultural yeomanry in Palestine as it afterward did in the Roman world, from the Atlantic to the Euphrates. The free population was mostly devoted139 to agriculture, and possessed140 homesteads; and these small free homesteads were regarded almost as sacred—even kings could only by violence seize upon the poor man's farm.
Little Palestine, to the East, swarmed141 like a beehive with people, notwithstanding captivities, calamities142, and exterminating wars. At the time of David, the kingdom of Palestine was about the size of the present kingdom of Portugal, and had a population of about three million eight hundred thousand. Under Solomon, his son, fifty-three thousand six hundred foreign-born slaves worked at the construction of the temple, most of whom, probably, were the property of the king or of the state—not private chattels. If we al[Pg 51]low that the number of Jewish-born slaves of both sexes and of all ages was even four times as large (which is not at all likely, considering the source and means of supply of slaves), it will give only two hundred and sixty-eight thousand slaves of every type, in Judea, or one-fourteenth part of the population.[8]
How corrupt47 soever the law and its regulations became, both, nevertheless, remained a check upon domestic slavery. Long previous to the terrible Flavian epoch, the Hebrews were thickly scattered over the eastern and western world, not as exported slaves, but as wanderers and adventurers: there may, indeed, have been slaves among them, but such slaves formed the minority. Strangers, indeed, they were, but free according to then existing municipal limitations. It was the surplus of a free population that thus wandered abroad in search of better fortunes—a phenomenon which is reproduced in the present day by the immigration to America of the surplus population of various European states. So large was this emigration that, in the time of Cicero, the Jews, Italians and Greeks formed the principal nationalities that took part in the tumults143 of the Roman forum144, and on one occasion they hooted145 Cicero while on the rostrum. The great and striking fact of the preservation146 of the people of Beni-Israel, and its increase at an epoch[Pg 52] when the populations of other countries were slowly dying out, is to be attributed solely147 to the curb148 which the law imposed on domestic slavery, and which it partially149 maintained even in the times of the greatest national decay.
On our knowledge of the internal organism and economy of the Hebrews, may be based certain deductions150 as to the domestic economy of other contemporaneous nations, especially those of Syria and certain parts of west Asia. Lydia, and above all, Babylon and Assyria are historically known only in the last stages of their existence, when political and domestic slavery had almost completely fused themselves together. For earlier times, the sources of investigation151 are limited, if not altogether wanting, and analogy alone can guide research. It is, however, probable that only the Mosaic law remained to combat and regulate serfdom and slavery with moral and legal weapons. The Hebrews did not possess, and did not transmit to history, any of the products of a brilliant civilization or of a refined culture such as reaches us in echoes from the antique oriental empires. But the Hebrews were, at the same time, endowed with certain spiritual impulses, aspirations152 and ideas, far grander than those of any of the surrounding nations. Material civilization and culture cannot be considered as the highest manifestation153 of man's spirit. History presents examples of the development of the noblest human impulses to a degree out of all proportion with the so-called "civilization" of the nation.
[Pg 53]
The authority of the Scriptures is invoked154 as absolute sanction for the enslavement of one branch of the human family; and the theological right to enslave the African is based on the well-known words of Noah: "Cursed be Canaan: a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren." The general import of these words, however, even in the strictest construction, has rather a reference to their degradation as a caste—exemplified in the case of the swineherds among the Egyptians, or the ?udras (Soudras) among the Hindus—either of which, however, were chattels deprived of human and family rights.
Modern criticism, guided chiefly by the light of comparative philology155 and ethnology, has established beyond any doubt the genuine meaning of the patriarchal names of Scripture1. Down to Abraham, or at the utmost to Terah his father, all those names bear an ethnical or geographical157 signification. Abraham, however, is an historical person, and with him positive Jewish history opens.
Moses and the other writers of the book of Genesis were educated among the highly learned and scientific Egyptians; and in Palestine they came in contact with a highly advanced civilization among the Canaanites or Ph?nicians, Arabians, and Nabatheans, who were then in the full tide of life and action. From these kindred Shemitic peoples the Hebrews learned the use of written characters; and many of the scientific discoveries of these epochs are dimly preserved in the Mosaic record, as also the general[Pg 54] outlines of the ethnic knowledge of the age. Moses and the other writers did but record the various geographic156 and ethnic names which came to their ears, and for this no inspiration was necessary. Modern scientific criticism, guided by the inductions158 of reason—that grandest product of the hand of God—now infuses living spirit into what was for ages a dead and incomprehensible letter. This can be easily elucidated159 by a few examples. The word Ham, or Erez-Cham, has no root or meaning in Hebrew or any other Shemitic dialect; it was doubtless borrowed from the Egyptians, and to Egypt must we go for the solution of its signification. Other Biblical names, as, for example, Eber, Pheleg or Peleg, Reu or Rehu, Serug and Nahor, represent distinct Shemitic tribes, or, as the record tropically styles them, kingdoms and states, of Mesopotamia (Naharaina). Eber, or more properly, Heber (whence our "Hebrews"), signifies "the stranger" or "a person from the other side," that is, one who came from a foreign region. Aram also implies an immigrant from the other side of the Euphrates. So, likewise Misraim (the Misr or M-R of the Egyptians), Cush, Phut and Lud, constituted distinct tribes and nations in widely distant regions, and perhaps even belonged to different races, according to accepted schemes of ethnology. Lud answers to the Libyan Lewatah, the Leguatan of the Byzantine writers, and the classical Garaman. Phut and Lud belong to Africa; they are brothers of Mizraim, or its nearest ethnic relations in the remotest antiquity, or perhaps[Pg 55] closely allied160 but independent tribes—as the Scriptures generally record tribes and states politically and geographically161 independent. Phut and Lud are also mentioned as the allied troops of the Egyptians, or of the Syrians. Finally Lud (Ludim) descends162 from Mizraim; so it may be that they were a branch of the Egyptian stem, just as the Irish are an offshoot of the Gallo-Celtic stock, or the Anglo-Saxons of the Teutonic trunk.
The curse of Noah was hurled163 against Canaan. The philological164 and ethnic signification of this name has already been explained. The Canaanites, although themselves but an elder branch of the Shemitic family, were the enemies of Beni-Israel, who conquered them and drove them from their land and homes. There is thus a manifest logic76 in the writer of this part of Genesis condemning165 them to eternal servitude—for it was written after the subjugation166 of the Canaanites. Indeed, the same policy of enslavement was pursued by almost all the ancient conquering nations in the flush of their victorious167 battles; and so, in later times, did the Longobards of Italy, the Goths and Franks in Gaul and Spain, the Anglo-Saxons in Britain, and the Normans in England and Ireland.
There seems to be no scientific doubt that the cursed Canaanites were of the same family and stock as the Hebrews. After the most searching and conscientious168 investigations169 in ethnology and philology, it is impossible to regard the Canaanites or Ph?nicians as other than Shemites; and with this also coincide the[Pg 56] Scriptures—their land of Canaan is not in Africa. Who the Cushites of antiquity were, has likewise been already pointed out. And if, as some have attempted to prove, the ancient Egyptians were not of the African race (according to our modern designation), then they were the Chamites, Cushites, etc., of Scripture. How, through them, the curse can be shown to reach the genuine African, requires an effort of casuistry repulsive170 both to logic and fact—nay, to the baldest common sense. Not the dimmest shadow of authority can be tortured from the Scriptures for the enslavement of the black or negro race. With somewhat sounder logic has this curse of Canaan been applied, even in Christian times, and among European nations, to classes kept in bondage171 by masters belonging to the same race. Slavery, indeed, has been the common fate, in successive epochs, of all human races and families; and the oppressor has never been wanting in a pious172 plea. The so-called nobility of the medi?val Christian ages considered the burghers and subdued173 laborers as being of impure174 and degraded blood, and all over Europe they were held to be the descendants of Ham. (Some old aristocratic European families even now consider all who are not nobles to be of the degraded caste). According to this construction of the Noachic curse, the foul175 taint176 even now circulates not in the vein177 of the African slave, but in the veins178 of the tyrants179 who oppress him. Neither the Egyptians, Ph?nicians, Hebrews, nor, indeed, any nation of antiquity, considered any[Pg 57] special race or tribe as absolutely predestined to eternal bondage. This abominable180 conception is a putrid181 growth from mental, social and moral decay. Even Moses had a black woman for his wife (not his concubine), and, nevertheless, was admitted to converse182 with Jehovah.
The present historical investigation aims not at the vindication183 of the African: science and history do this triumphantly184 for all honest and intelligent minds. These pages have but in view to exhibit the terrific havoc and devastation185 which domestic slavery brings on all races, nations and civilizations, and to point out the complete analogy of slavery as it existed in the past with that which still blasts our country and our age. The leprosy of early Egypt, Syria and Judea, was the same as that which existed long centuries afterward in western Europe; and so also is it with the social leprosy of the ages. And as, in special conditions, a disease may assume a more deadly intensity186, so also do social maladies at times show themselves with increased virulence187. In antiquity, domestic slavery seized hold of all races and all social and civil conditions: it was not exclusively fastened on any special race. It may be for this reason that it ate but slowly into the marrow188 of the antique civilizations. Now modern sophistry189 attempts to give a divine and moral sanction to chattel slavery, and bases its justice on the absolute and predestined inferiority of the black race. But the natural work of slavery in destroying manhood, morals and intellect, progresses[Pg 58] with terrible rapidity in this country, and is here receiving its most mournful illustration.
But what is the testimony190 of the highest scientific generalization191 on this question, of the natural inferiority of the African? All the authoritative192 names in comparative anatomy193 and physiology194—Owen, Flourens, Bachman, Muller, Haenle, Pritchard, Wagner, Vogt and Draper, among them—together with men of the mental calibre and scientific attainments195 of William and Alexander von Humboldt—men of every variety of scientific theory, and discussing the question from every possible stand-point—universally deny the existence of any absolute inferiority of the negro race, or even any essential difference or line of demarcation between the races at all! The physiological196 and craniological differences which are so easily observed, do not amount to a difference of species; and cerebral197 physiology makes no essential distinction between the brain of a white man—even an Anglo-Saxon—and that of a negro.
Still more groundless are the current assertions concerning the mental inferiority of the African race. If such an inferiority really exists at the present day, it is, at the utmost, but transient and conditional198 in its nature. It can only be such an inferiority as for countless centuries characterized the northern races in contrast to the southern. While the former roved and fought as savages199 in the wilds and forests, the latter were elaborating grand and harmonious201 civilizations. It is difficult to imagine what would have[Pg 59] been the condition of the Germans—aye, even of the Anglo-Saxons—what kind of civilization they would have inaugurated—without their Christian, Roman and Gallo-Celtic inoculation202. If it be urged that certain African tribes are less susceptible203 of culture, or less endowed with intellectual qualities and capacities than certain white tribes or their offshoots—is it not also the case that the offspring from the same parents may have widely varying powers, tendencies and capacities; and that diverse tribes and nations springing from the same ethnic source, have played very different parts in the drama of universal history?
In the remotest antiquity, the great Gallo-Celtic stem actively204 influenced the destinies of Europe, and a part of Asia; yet it is only eighty years since the historian Pinckerton, speaking of Ireland and the Irish—those purest Celtic remains205, said: "It is indeed a matter of supreme indifference206 at what time the savages of a continent peopled a neighboring island" (Ireland). This remark it would be difficult to justify—although there are even now many Englishmen who consider the genuine Irish an inferior race, and one, too, incapable207 of any high development.
The moral and mental growth of those Africans who were formerly208 slaves in the British West Indies, shows the possibility of negro culture under the influence of freedom. The official reports of the various governors of these islands, show that, since emancipation, there has been a rapid and steady growth of their prosperity; and the absolute veracity209 which[Pg 60] characterizes these reports of English agents to their government cannot for a moment be doubted. In some of the islands, such as Nassau and others, the products and revenues have increased a hundred-fold, while the cost of administration (for keeping protective fleets and repressive soldiery, needed now no more) has greatly diminished. They also certify210 to a great increase in the imports from England—their mother country in the noblest sense of the word. Even the export of sugar is nearly equal to what it was under the forced labor of slavery, while its intrinsic production has vastly increased—the domestic consumption far surpassing what it was in the palmiest days of the planters. These are facts which only hypocrisy211 can pervert95, or perversion212 conceal213.
With reference also to the question of the "viability214" and longevity215 of hybrids216, mulattoes, etc., science protests against the fallacy which the new pro-slavery apostles advocate. Facts confirm the deductions of genuine science, and explode the fallacies of its counterfeit217. The Dominican Republic is almost entirely218 composed of a mulatto population, which is now in its second or third generation, if not older. Neither are these mulattoes dying out, but they are increasing by and within themselves. No human white stallions are imported there from slave-breeding regions to correct or keep up the breed.
If, however, there should still linger a presumption219 of the superiority of the white over the black man, it must speedily vanish when the arguments[Pg 61] of the militant upholders of slavery—whether they be in senatorial togas, in priestly robes, or in printer's ink—are subjected to the analysis of impartial220 philosophy or common logic. A spurious and depraved civilization is far more dangerous and degrading to society, and more truly evidences positive mental inferiority, than does the absence of civilization or the primitive savage200 condition. And this is the more true when the subjects of such a spurious civilization have within reach the elements of a genuine moral and social culture, but at the same time spurn221 and depreciate222 them all. Such persons, whatever may be their conventional position or ethnic descent, whatever the color of their skin, the form of their skull, or the nature of their hair, are singly and collectively inferior to the uncultivated and oppressed and hence degraded negro; while in respect of justice, manhood, and all that is ennobling, they make no approach to the millions of industrious and intelligent farmers and free yeomanry, artisans, and mechanics of the free states, still less with the higher manifestations223 of these qualities in great and generous minds.
Neither in the Mosaic record, therefore, nor the native sense of morality, still less in science, can any support be found for the fallacies propounded224 by the apostles of American slavery. Science, just and elevated in its intrinsic nature, deduces conclusions and establishes laws with sublime225 impartiality226, extenuating227 naught228, and setting down naught in malice229. The[Pg 62] normal character of every science, always and forever, is emancipatory230. Science emancipates231 the mind from prejudices, falsehoods, and superstitions232, and from the tyranny exercised over man by the elements and forces of nature, as well as from the far more malignant forces of social oppression. It is doubtless this divine character of true science which makes it so repulsive to the apostles of human degradation.
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scripture
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n.经文,圣书,手稿;Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》,《圣经》中的一段 | |
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scriptures
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经文,圣典( scripture的名词复数 ); 经典 | |
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militant
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adj.激进的,好斗的;n.激进分子,斗士 | |
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mosaic
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n./adj.镶嵌细工的,镶嵌工艺品的,嵌花式的 | |
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justification
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n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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primitive
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adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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nomads
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n.游牧部落的一员( nomad的名词复数 );流浪者;游牧生活;流浪生活 | |
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dwellings
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n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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exigencies
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n.急切需要 | |
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antiquity
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n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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emigrants
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n.(从本国移往他国的)移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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herds
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兽群( herd的名词复数 ); 牧群; 人群; 群众 | |
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dominion
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n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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pointed
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adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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chattel
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n.动产;奴隶 | |
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feuds
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n.长期不和,世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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clan
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n.氏族,部落,宗族,家族,宗派 | |
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frugal
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adj.节俭的,节约的,少量的,微量的 | |
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industrious
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adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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gratitude
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adj.感激,感谢 | |
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progeny
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n.后代,子孙;结果 | |
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banish
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vt.放逐,驱逐;消除,排除 | |
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hearth
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n.壁炉炉床,壁炉地面 | |
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supreme
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adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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obedience
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n.服从,顺从 | |
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clans
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宗族( clan的名词复数 ); 氏族; 庞大的家族; 宗派 | |
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undoubtedly
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adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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apparition
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n.幽灵,神奇的现象 | |
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strictly
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adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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chattels
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n.动产,奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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labor
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n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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labors
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v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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peculiarities
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n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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skull
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n.头骨;颅骨 | |
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ethnic
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adj.人种的,种族的,异教徒的 | |
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unity
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n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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descend
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vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
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progenitor
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n.祖先,先驱 | |
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affinity
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n.亲和力,密切关系 | |
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scattered
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adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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miserable
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adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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craved
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渴望,热望( crave的过去式 ); 恳求,请求 | |
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modifications
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n.缓和( modification的名词复数 );限制;更改;改变 | |
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divers
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adj.不同的;种种的 | |
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countless
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adj.无数的,多得不计其数的 | |
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morale
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n.道德准则,士气,斗志 | |
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corrupt
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v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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corruption
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n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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liberated
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a.无拘束的,放纵的 | |
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captivity
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n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
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kinsmen
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n.家属,亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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barbarians
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n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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epoch
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n.(新)时代;历元 | |
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doom
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n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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extermination
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n.消灭,根绝 | |
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philistines
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n.市侩,庸人( philistine的名词复数 );庸夫俗子 | |
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exterminating
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v.消灭,根绝( exterminate的现在分词 ) | |
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imperative
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n.命令,需要;规则;祈使语气;adj.强制的;紧急的 | |
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rigidly
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adv.刻板地,僵化地 | |
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condemns
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v.(通常因道义上的原因而)谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 );宣判;宣布…不能使用;迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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frailty
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n.脆弱;意志薄弱 | |
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antagonists
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对立[对抗] 者,对手,敌手( antagonist的名词复数 ); 对抗肌; 对抗药 | |
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calf
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n.小牛,犊,幼仔,小牛皮 | |
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brazen
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adj.厚脸皮的,无耻的,坚硬的 | |
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licentiousness
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n.放肆,无法无天 | |
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rape
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n.抢夺,掠夺,强奸;vt.掠夺,抢夺,强奸 | |
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covenant
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n.盟约,契约;v.订盟约 | |
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deduction
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n.减除,扣除,减除额;推论,推理,演绎 | |
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ancestry
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n.祖先,家世 | |
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commentators
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n.评论员( commentator的名词复数 );时事评论员;注释者;实况广播员 | |
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drawn
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v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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theocratic
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adj.神权的,神权政治的 | |
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philologists
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n.语文学( philology的名词复数 ) | |
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laborers
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n.体力劳动者,工人( laborer的名词复数 );(熟练工人的)辅助工 | |
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enumeration
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n.计数,列举;细目;详表;点查 | |
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logic
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n.逻辑(学);逻辑性 | |
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apprentice
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n.学徒,徒弟 | |
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swarms
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蜂群,一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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degradation
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n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变 | |
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vitality
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n.活力,生命力,效力 | |
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procured
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v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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circumscribed
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adj.[医]局限的:受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 );划定…范围;限制;限定 | |
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jubilees
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n.周年纪念( jubilee的名词复数 ) | |
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statutes
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成文法( statute的名词复数 ); 法令; 法规; 章程 | |
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humane
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adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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hereditary
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adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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interpretation
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n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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construe
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v.翻译,解释 | |
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eligible
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adj.有条件被选中的;(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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proprietorship
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n.所有(权);所有权 | |
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debtor
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n.借方,债务人 | |
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emancipation
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n.(从束缚、支配下)解放 | |
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debtors
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n.债务人,借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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perverting
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v.滥用( pervert的现在分词 );腐蚀;败坏;使堕落 | |
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pervert
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n.堕落者,反常者;vt.误用,滥用;使人堕落,使入邪路 | |
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emancipated
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adj.被解放的,不受约束的v.解放某人(尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚)( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inflicted
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把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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invoke
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v.求助于(神、法律);恳求,乞求 | |
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justify
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vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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applied
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adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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utterly
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adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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annihilates
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n.(彻底)消灭( annihilate的名词复数 );使无效;废止;彻底击溃v.(彻底)消灭( annihilate的第三人称单数 );使无效;废止;彻底击溃 | |
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fugitives
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n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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fugitive
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adj.逃亡的,易逝的;n.逃犯,逃亡者 | |
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runaways
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(轻而易举的)胜利( runaway的名词复数 ) | |
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creed
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n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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paramount
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a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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Christian
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adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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metropolis
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n.首府;大城市 | |
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abet
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v.教唆,鼓励帮助 | |
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devouring
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吞没( devour的现在分词 ); 耗尽; 津津有味地看; 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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afterward
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adv.后来;以后 | |
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113
malignant
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adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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114
mutual
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adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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115
engender
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v.产生,引起 | |
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116
lechery
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n.好色;淫荡 | |
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117
turpitude
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n.可耻;邪恶 | |
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118
outrage
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n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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119
justified
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a.正当的,有理的 | |
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120
legitimate
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adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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121
condemned
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adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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122
soften
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v.(使)变柔软;(使)变柔和 | |
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123
solitary
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adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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124
infamies
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n.声名狼藉( infamy的名词复数 );臭名;丑恶;恶行 | |
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125
tutelary
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adj.保护的;守护的 | |
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126
advent
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n.(重要事件等的)到来,来临 | |
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127
forth
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adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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128
dubious
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adj.怀疑的,无把握的;有问题的,靠不住的 | |
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129
guardianship
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n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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130
overthrown
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adj. 打翻的,推倒的,倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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131
influential
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adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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132
colonists
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n.殖民地开拓者,移民,殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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133
colonized
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开拓殖民地,移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
precisely
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adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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135
havoc
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n.大破坏,浩劫,大混乱,大杂乱 | |
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136
impoverishment
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n.贫穷,穷困;贫化 | |
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137
humble
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adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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138
extirpated
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v.消灭,灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 );根除 | |
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139
devoted
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adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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140
possessed
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adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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141
swarmed
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密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 ); 云集; 成群地移动; 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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142
calamities
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n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
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143
tumults
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吵闹( tumult的名词复数 ); 喧哗; 激动的吵闹声; 心烦意乱 | |
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144
forum
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n.论坛,讨论会 | |
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145
hooted
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(使)作汽笛声响,作汽车喇叭声( hoot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
preservation
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n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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147
solely
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adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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148
curb
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n.场外证券市场,场外交易;vt.制止,抑制 | |
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149
partially
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adv.部分地,从某些方面讲 | |
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150
deductions
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扣除( deduction的名词复数 ); 结论; 扣除的量; 推演 | |
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151
investigation
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n.调查,调查研究 | |
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152
aspirations
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强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 ); 志向; 发送气音; 发 h 音 | |
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153
manifestation
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n.表现形式;表明;现象 | |
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154
invoked
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v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 );行使(权利等);祈求救助;恳求 | |
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155
philology
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n.语言学;语文学 | |
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156
geographic
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adj.地理学的,地理的 | |
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157
geographical
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adj.地理的;地区(性)的 | |
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158
inductions
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归纳(法)( induction的名词复数 ); (电或磁的)感应; 就职; 吸入 | |
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159
elucidated
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v.阐明,解释( elucidate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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160
allied
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adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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161
geographically
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adv.地理学上,在地理上,地理方面 | |
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162
descends
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v.下来( descend的第三人称单数 );下去;下降;下斜 | |
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163
hurled
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v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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164
philological
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adj.语言学的,文献学的 | |
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165
condemning
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v.(通常因道义上的原因而)谴责( condemn的现在分词 );宣判;宣布…不能使用;迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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166
subjugation
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n.镇压,平息,征服 | |
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167
victorious
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adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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168
conscientious
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adj.审慎正直的,认真的,本着良心的 | |
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169
investigations
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(正式的)调查( investigation的名词复数 ); 侦查; 科学研究; 学术研究 | |
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170
repulsive
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adj.排斥的,使人反感的 | |
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171
bondage
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n.奴役,束缚 | |
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172
pious
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adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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173
subdued
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adj. 屈服的,柔和的,减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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174
impure
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adj.不纯净的,不洁的;不道德的,下流的 | |
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175
foul
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adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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176
taint
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n.污点;感染;腐坏;v.使感染;污染 | |
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177
vein
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n.血管,静脉;叶脉,纹理;情绪;vt.使成脉络 | |
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178
veins
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n.纹理;矿脉( vein的名词复数 );静脉;叶脉;纹理 | |
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179
tyrants
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专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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180
abominable
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adj.可厌的,令人憎恶的 | |
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181
putrid
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adj.腐臭的;有毒的;已腐烂的;卑劣的 | |
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182
converse
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vi.谈话,谈天,闲聊;adv.相反的,相反 | |
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183
vindication
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n.洗冤,证实 | |
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184
triumphantly
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ad.得意洋洋地;得胜地;成功地 | |
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185
devastation
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n.毁坏;荒废;极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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186
intensity
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n.强烈,剧烈;强度;烈度 | |
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187
virulence
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n.毒力,毒性;病毒性;致病力 | |
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188
marrow
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n.骨髓;精华;活力 | |
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189
sophistry
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n.诡辩 | |
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190
testimony
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n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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191
generalization
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n.普遍性,一般性,概括 | |
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192
authoritative
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adj.有权威的,可相信的;命令式的;官方的 | |
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193
anatomy
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n.解剖学,解剖;功能,结构,组织 | |
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194
physiology
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n.生理学,生理机能 | |
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195
attainments
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成就,造诣; 获得( attainment的名词复数 ); 达到; 造诣; 成就 | |
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196
physiological
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adj.生理学的,生理学上的 | |
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197
cerebral
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adj.脑的,大脑的;有智力的,理智型的 | |
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198
conditional
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adj.条件的,带有条件的 | |
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199
savages
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未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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200
savage
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adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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201
harmonious
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adj.和睦的,调和的,和谐的,协调的 | |
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202
inoculation
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n.接芽;预防接种 | |
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203
susceptible
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adj.过敏的,敏感的;易动感情的,易受感动的 | |
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204
actively
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adv.积极地,勤奋地 | |
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205
remains
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n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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206
indifference
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n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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207
incapable
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adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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208
formerly
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adv.从前,以前 | |
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209
veracity
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n.诚实 | |
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210
certify
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vt.证明,证实;发证书(或执照)给 | |
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211
hypocrisy
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n.伪善,虚伪 | |
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212
perversion
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n.曲解;堕落;反常 | |
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213
conceal
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v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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214
viability
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n.存活(能力) | |
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215
longevity
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n.长命;长寿 | |
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216
hybrids
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n.杂交生成的生物体( hybrid的名词复数 );杂交植物(或动物);杂种;(不同事物的)混合物 | |
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217
counterfeit
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vt.伪造,仿造;adj.伪造的,假冒的 | |
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218
entirely
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ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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219
presumption
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n.推测,可能性,冒昧,放肆,[法律]推定 | |
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220
impartial
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adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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221
spurn
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v.拒绝,摈弃;n.轻视的拒绝;踢开 | |
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222
depreciate
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v.降价,贬值,折旧 | |
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223
manifestations
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n.表示,显示(manifestation的复数形式) | |
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224
propounded
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v.提出(问题、计划等)供考虑[讨论],提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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225
sublime
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adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
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226
impartiality
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n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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227
extenuating
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adj.使减轻的,情有可原的v.(用偏袒的辩解或借口)减轻( extenuate的现在分词 );低估,藐视 | |
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228
naught
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n.无,零 [=nought] | |
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229
malice
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n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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230
emancipatory
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adj.解放的,有助于解放的 | |
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231
emancipates
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vt.解放(emancipate的第三人称单数形式) | |
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232
superstitions
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迷信,迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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