Among savage1 nations there is generally a degree of individual independence which is highly unfavourable to the establishment and consolidation[18] of regular government. Men accustomed to victory and the use of arms, and inured3 to danger and fatigue4, are not likely to submit to those restraints of law and jurisprudence which exist in civilized5 communities. The will of the savage is, in most cases, the only law which he acknowledges or submits to. It is only when the tribe to which he belongs is menaced by some foreign foe6 that he submits to follow a leader to the field and to be controuled by his mandates7. Even then, his actions are not constrained8, but voluntary. His natural ardour, and warlike disposition9, hurry him on to battle more than any compulsory10 edict issued by the council of his nation. But in a season of peace he is his own master. Scarcely any rule except that of custom does he deign11 to follow; hence his actions spring spontaneously from the impulses of his own mind.
In considering the political institutions of any people, our first enquiry should relate to their mode of subsistence. “According as that varies,” to use the language of Robertson, “their laws and policy must be different. The institutions suited to the ideas and exigencies13 of tribes which subsist12 chiefly by fishing or hunting, and which have as yet acquired but an imperfect conception of any species of property, will be much more simple than those which must take place when the earth is cultivated with regular industry, and a right of property, not only in its productions but in the soil itself, is completely ascertained14.”
The American nations live chiefly by hunting, fishing, and the spontaneous products of their bountiful soil. Agriculture is but little practised amongst them. A large tract15 of territory, therefore, is requisite16 for the support of a tribe. “The chase,” observes Robertson, “even where prey17 is abundant, and the dexterity18 of the hunter much improved, affords but an uncertain maintenance; and at some seasons it must be suspended altogether. If a savage trusts to his bow alone for food, he and his family will be often reduced to extreme distress19. Hardly any region of the earth furnishes man spontaneously with what his wants require. In the mildest climates and most fertile soils, his own industry and foresight20 must be exerted in some degree to secure a regular supply of food. Their experience of this surmounts21 the abhorence of labour natural to savage nations, and compels them to have recourse to culture as subsidiary to hunting. In particular situations, some small tribes may subsist by fishing, independent of any production of the earth raised by their own industry. But throughout all America we scarcely meet with any nation of hunters which does not practice some species of cultivation22.”
This is the condition of most of the American tribes at the present time. Their agriculture, however, is neither extensive nor laborious23. Among some tribes as the Oneidas and Senecas, agriculture prevails more than among others. This is to be attributed to the benevolent24 efforts of the Quakers, which shall be described in a subsequent part of this work. The Indians in the interior of America, who are less exposed to the influence of the whites, subsist chiefly by hunting and fishing. Agriculture is only accounted subsidiary to these. It is adopted as a resource against famine, and to supply the deficiency of game. It is not pursued as the chief mode of obtaining subsistence, and as a consequence has not risen to that state of perfection among the Indians, as among civilized nations. Hunting and fishing may be said to be the staple25 business of life among the more primitive26 tribes in North America. The character, therefore, of their political institutions, may be deduced from their peculiar27 mode of obtaining subsistence.
Robertson, in treating this subject has expressed himself with such clearness,[19] and reasoned upon facts with such accuracy, that it would be impossible for us to do better than to quote his remarks.
He observes, “They were divided into small independent communities. While hunting is the chief source of subsistence, a vast extent of territory is requisite for supporting a small number of people. In proportion as men multiply and unite, the wild animals, on which they depend for food, diminish, or fly at a greater distance from the haunts of their enemy. The increase of a society in this state is limited by its own nature, and the members of it must either disperse28, like the game which they pursue, or fall upon some better method of procuring29 food, than by hunting. Beasts of prey are by nature solitary30 and unsocial; they go not forth31 to the chase in herds32, but delight in those recesses33 of the forest where they can roam and destroy undisturbed. A nation of hunters resembles them both in occupation and in genius. They cannot form into large communities, because it would be impossible to find subsistence; and they must drive to a distance every rival who may encroach on those domains34 which they consider as their own. This was the state of all the American tribes: the numbers in each were inconsiderable, though scattered35 over countries of great extent; they were far removed from one another, and engaged in perpetual hostilities36 or rivalship. In America, the word nation is not of the same import as in other parts of the globe. It is applied37 to small societies, not exceeding perhaps, two or three hundred persons, but occupying provinces greater than some kingdoms in Europe. The country of Guiana, though of larger extent than the kingdom of France, and divided among a greater number of nations, did not contain above twenty-five thousand inhabitants.[12] In the provinces which border on the Orinoco, one may travel several hundred miles in different directions, without finding a single hut, or observing the foot steps of a human creature.[13] In North America, where the climate is more vigorous, and the soil less fertile, the desolation is still greater. There, journeys of some hundred leagues have been made through uninhabited plains and forests.[14] As long as hunting continues to be the chief employment of man to which he trusts for subsistence, he can hardly be said to have occupied the earth.
“Nations which depend upon hunting are, in a great measure, strangers to the idea of property. As the animals on which the hunter feeds are not bred under his inspection38, nor nourished by his care, he can claim no right to them, while they run wild in the forest. Where game is so plentiful39 that it may be catched”—[caught] “with little trouble, men never dream of appropriating what is of small value, or of easy acquisition. Where it is so rare, that the labour or danger of the chase requires the united efforts of a tribe, or village, what is killed is a common stock, belonging equally to all, who, by their skill or their courage, have contributed to the success of the excursion. The forest, or hunting grounds are deemed the property of the tribe, from which it has a title to exclude every rival nation. But no individual arrogates40 a right to any district of these, in preference to his fellow-citizens. They belong alike to all; and thither41, as to a general and undivided store, all repair in quest of sustenance42. The same principle by which they regulate their chief occupation, extends to that which is subordinate. Even agriculture has not introduced among them a complete idea of property. As the men hunt, the women labour together; and after they have shared the toils43 of the seed time, they enjoy the harvest in common.[15][20] Among some tribes, the increase of their cultivated lands is deposited in a public granary, and divided among them at stated times, according to their wants.[16] Among others, though they lay up separate stores, they do not acquire such an exclusive right of property, that they can enjoy superfluity, while those around them suffer want.[17] Thus the distinctions arising from the inequality of possessions are unknown. The term rich or poor enter not into their language; and being strangers to property, they are unacquainted with what is the great object of laws and policy, as well as the chief motive45 which induced mankind to establish the various arrangements of regular government.[18]
“People in this state retain a high sense of equality and independence. Wherever the idea of property is not established, there can be no distinction among men, but what arises from personal qualities. These can be conspicuous46 only on such occasions as call them forth into exertion47. In times of danger, or in affairs of intricacy, the wisdom and experience of age, are consulted, and prescribe the measure which ought to be pursued. When a tribe of savages48 takes the field against the enemies of their country, the warrior49 of most approved courage leads the youth to the combat.[19] If they go forth in a body to the chase, the most expert and adventurous50 hunter is foremost, and directs their motions. But during seasons of tranquility and inaction, when there is no occasion to display those talents, all pre-eminence ceases. Every circumstance indicates that all the members of the community are on a level. They feed on the same plain fare. Their houses and furniture are exactly similar. No distinction can arise from the inequality of possessions. Whatever forms dependence2 on one part, or constitutes superiority on the other, is unknown. All are freemen; all feel themselves to be such, and assert with firmness the rights which belong to that condition.[20] This sentiment of independence is imprinted51 so deeply in their nature, that no change of condition can eradicate52 it, and bend their minds to servitude. Accustomed to be absolute masters of their own conduct, they disdain53 to execute the orders of another; and having never known control, they will not submit to correction. Many of the Americans, when they found that they were treated as slaves by the Spaniards, died of grief; many destroyed themselves in despair.[21]
“Among people in this state, government can assume little authority, and the sense of civil subordination must remain very imperfect. While the idea of property is unknown or incompletely conceived; while the spontaneous productions of the earth, as well as the fruits of industry, are considered as belonging to the public stock, there can hardly be any such subject of difference or discussion among the members of the same community, as will require the hand of authority to interpose, in order to adjust it. Where the right of separate and exclusive possession is not introduced, the great object of law and jurisdiction54 does not exist. When the members of a tribe are called into the field, either to invade the territories of their enemies, or to repel55 their attacks; when they are engaged together in the toil44 and dangers of the chase, they then perceive that they are a political body. They are conscious of their own connexion with the companions in[21] conjunction with whom they act; and they follow and reverence56 such as excel in conduct and valour. But, during the intervals57 between such common efforts, they seem scarcely to feel the ties of political union.[22] No visible form of government is established. The names of magistrate58 and subject are not in use. Every one seems to enjoy his natural independence almost entire. If a scheme of public utility be proposed, the members of the community are left at liberty to choose whether they will or will not assist in carrying it into execution. No statute59 imposes any service as a duty, no compulsory laws oblige them to perform it. All their resolutions are voluntary, and flow from the impulse of their own minds.[23] The first step towards establishing a public jurisdiction has not been taken in these rude societies. The right of revenge is left in private hands.[24] If violence is committed, or blood is shed, the community does not assume the power either of inflicting60 or of moderating the punishment. It belongs to the family or friends of the person injured or slain61 to avenge62 the wrong, or to accept of the reparation offered by the aggressor. If the elders interpose, it is to advise, not to decide, and it is seldom their councils are listened to; for as it is deemed pusillanimous63 to suffer an offender64 to escape with impunity65, resentment66 is implacable and everlasting67.[25] The object of government is rather foreign than domestic. They do not aim at maintaining interior order and police by public regulation, or the exertions68 of any permanent authority; but labour to preserve such union among the members of their tribe, that they may watch the motions of enemies, and act against them with concert and vigour69.
“Such was the form of political order established among the greater part of the American tribes. In this State were almost all the tribes spread over the provinces extending eastward70 of the Mississippi, from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the confines of Florida. In a similar condition were the people of Brazil, the inhabitants of Chili71, several tribes in Paraguay and Guiana, and in the countries which stretch from the mouth of the Orinoco to the Peninsula of Yucatan. Among such an infinite number of petty associations, there may be peculiarities72 which constitute a distinction, and mark the various degrees of their civilization and improvement. But an attempt to trace and ennumerate these would be in vain, as they have not been observed by persons capable of discerning the minute and delicate circumstances, which serve to discriminate73 nations resembling one another in their general character and features. The description which I have given of the political institutions that took place among those rude tribes in America, concerning which we have received most complete information, will apply, with little variation, to every people, both in its Northern and Southern division, who have advanced no farther in civilization than to add some slender degree of agriculture to fishing and hunting.[26]
“But these political institutions, however defective74, did not exist among all the American tribes. The system of government adopted by some of them approximated more closely the system which prevails in civilized communities. Thus, “among the Natchez, a powerful tribe, (now extinct,) formerly75 situated76 on the banks of the Mississippi, a difference of rank took place with which the Northern tribes were altogether unacquainted. Some families were reputed noble, and enjoyed hereditary77 dignity. The body of the[22] people was considered as vile78, and formed only for subjection. This distinction was marked by appellations79 which intimated the high elevation80 of the one state, and the ignominious81 depression of the other. The former were called respectable; the latter the stinkards. The great chief, in whom the supreme82 authority was vested, was reputed to be a being of a superior nature—the brother of the sun, the sole object of their worship. They approached this great chief with religious veneration83, and honoured him as the representative of their deity84. His will was law, to which all submitted with implicit85 obedience86. The lives of his subjects were so absolutely at his disposal, that if any one had incurred87 his displeasure, the offender came with profound humility88 and offered him his head. Nor did the dominion89 of the Chiefs end with their lives: their principal officers, their favourite wives, together with many domestics of inferior rank, were sacrificed at their tombs, that they might be attended in the next world by the same persons who served them in this; and such was the reverence in which they were held, that those victims welcomed death with exultation90, deeming it a recompence of their fidelity91 and a mark of distinction, to be selected to accompany their deceased master. Thus a perfect despotism, with its full train of superstition92 arrogance93 and cruelty, was established among the Natchez; and by a singular fatality94, that people tasted of the worst calamities95 incident to polished nations, though they themselves were not far advanced beyond the tribes around them in civility and improvement.”[27]
In the political institutions of the Natchez, however despotic and imperfect they may be considered, we discover a bond of union which did not exist among other tribes who trusted for subsistence to hunting and fishing without any species of cultivation. Their wants were few and simple; they therefore formed into separate tribes, and acted together from instinct or habit rather than from any formal concert or contract. Hence their political institutions were as simple as their wants; and hardly any appearance of regular government could be discerned among them.
From the foregoing statements it may be inferred that the political institutions of the American Indians arise from the peculiarity96 of their condition. Their military tactics, their form of government, their peculiar religious opinions, and their unconquerable spirit of revenge, all spring out of their peculiar state of semi-civilization. That the circumstances around them determine the character of their political and other institutions will be fully97 proved by us when we come to speak of the efforts of the Quakers in civilizing98 the Oneidas and Senecas of the Five Nations. The Socialist99 will readily perceive how the foregoing statements, respecting the political institutions of the American Aborigines confirm and illustrate100 the truth of his principles.
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1
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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2
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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4
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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5
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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6
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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7
mandates
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| 托管（mandate的第三人称单数形式） | |
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8
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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9
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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10
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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11
deign
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| v. 屈尊, 惠允 ( 做某事) | |
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12
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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16
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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17
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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18
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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20
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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21
surmounts
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| 战胜( surmount的第三人称单数 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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22
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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23
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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24
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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33
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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40
arrogates
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| v.冒称，妄取( arrogate的第三人称单数 )；没来由地把…归属（于） | |
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41
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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42
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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43
toils
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| 网 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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45
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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46
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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47
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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48
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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49
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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50
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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51
imprinted
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| v.盖印（imprint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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52
eradicate
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| v.根除，消灭，杜绝 | |
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53
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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54
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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55
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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56
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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57
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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58
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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59
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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60
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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61
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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62
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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63
pusillanimous
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| adj.懦弱的，胆怯的 | |
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64
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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65
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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68
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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69
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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70
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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discriminate
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| v.区别，辨别，区分；有区别地对待 | |
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defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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appellations
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| n.名称，称号( appellation的名词复数 ) | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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fatality
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| n.不幸，灾祸，天命 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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civilizing
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| v.使文明，使开化( civilize的现在分词 ) | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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