Henry Ellis
Allusion2 has already been made to Sir Henry Ellis, who was, at the time of which we write, Principal Librarian, having held this appointment since the 20th of December, 1827. In the year 1800, Mr. Ellis had entered the service of the British Museum as a Temporary Assistant; and Mr. Edwards, in his work entitled “Lives of the Founders4 of the British Museum,” observes that “had it never fallen to the lot of Henry Ellis to render to the public any service at all, in the way of administering and improving the National Museum,” he would still have earned an honourable5 niche6 in our literary history. His contributions to 143literature are, indeed, very unequal in their character. Some of them are fragmentary; some might be thought trivial. But very many of them have sterling7 value.
He died at the age of 92, on the 15th of January, 1869, having retired8 in 1856.
Between Panizzi and Sir Henry Ellis there was no reciprocal feeling of friendship; indeed, at times, the former expressed himself so strongly that we prefer not to reproduce his remarks. The first apparently9 inimical act was Panizzi’s decided10 objection to Sir Henry’s Printed Catalogue of the Museum Library; and we learn from a report, drawn11 up by Ellis, on the 30th April, 1834, and which Panizzi delighted in cutting up, that as soon as he (Ellis) was placed at the head of the Printed Books Department, in 1806, and Mr. Baber advanced to the post of Assistant-Keeper, the preparation of a new Alphabetical12 Catalogue of the Library was ordered by the Trustees, and the work undertaken by the two Librarians jointly13. The former was answerable for the letters A to F, with P, Q, and R, and the latter for the remaining letters. It may be considered a bold statement, yet, this report, instead of containing a correct account of the whole undertaking14, was full, from beginning to end, of the most inexact assertions: and these are clearly pointed15 out by Panizzi, in the shape of marginal notes; he, indeed, seemed most constant in his great delight of finding faults in the Printed Catalogue itself. On one occasion, whilst in search of a book, he came suddenly on an entry of a French translation of one of Jeremy Bentham’s works, in which the 144author’s name, having been translated in the title-page of the book into French, was transferred in the same form “Bentham (Jér?me)” into the Catalogue. Panizzi’s comment on the entry was: “In propria venit, et sui eum non receperunt,” a verse in the first chapter of St. John, from the Vulgate, which he may, probably, have learnt when a boy, acting17 as a server at mass, under his master the Abbate Fratuzzi; it is equally probable that he knew it in no other form. The sentence is an exact translation from the Greek ε?? τ? ?δια ?λθε κα? ο? ?διοι α?τ?ν ο? παρ?λαβον
But the English version is not so; “He came unto his own, and his own received him not.” Mr. Major, the present Keeper of Maps, in the British Museum, was at the time sitting in the same room with Panizzi, and seeing him point out the mistake committed by Sir Henry Ellis, in order to court enquiry exclaimed: “How do you account, Sir, for the words “in propria” being used instead of “ad suos” which might have been the version, had the English translation, the only one with which he was then acquainted been correct. Panizzi was amazed at the question, and turning round to his friend, exclaimed, “Goodness, he knows all about it, I had never noticed the difference.” It is, however, a pleasure to reflect that no very serious results accrued18 from these disputes between the antagonists19, and this is to be attributed to the circumstance that both were true gentlemen, in the strict sense of the word, and both men of education.
Whatever differences they may have had, they controlled their feelings, and reined20 in their animosities, 145guided by the polished hand of education, which, as was instilled21 into our minds, in our schoolboy days,
“Emollit mores22 nee sinit esse feros.”
The whole case affords a fair example of the influence of gentle blood and good breeding, as opposed to that grossness of ignorance, the sure tendency of which is to cause forgetfulness of our better nature, delivering us bound into the power of unbridled passion, and forcing the most trivial disagreements to issue in petty spite and ill-feeling. Conduct unworthy of a gentleman was the last thing that would be found on either side in the case of Panizzi v. Ellis.
It is devoutly24 to be wished that this would happen on every occasion where two men opposed in views meet; but it has been our lot to see a very different state of affairs, where the disputants were unequally matched on the intrinsic points of education and breeding.
But before dismissing the subject of quarrels (if such a term is applicable to the jealousies25 and misunderstandings of educated men), we must refer to the strong antagonistic26 feeling evinced towards him, whom, in very bad taste, his colleague, Sir F. Madden, was wont27 to dub28 the “Foreigner;” whilst necessity only compels the production of some evidence of this, and makes us acknowledge our reluctance29 at laying-such matters before our readers:—
“Sir,—I received yesterday a communication signed “F. Madden,” aping all the forms of a diplomatic note, without any of its courtesy. I forebore noticing the omission30, too pointed to be misunderstood, in a former note of yours. I am now driven to notice it, lest my forbearance be mistaken for weakness. 146If you think you have reason to be displeased31 with my conduct, I shall be ready to account for it whenever you make up your mind to ask me in a direct and proper manner to do so. This I hope you will not shrink from doing, else it will be evident that, although chary32 of asking an explanation, and thereby33 incurring34 some responsibility, you chose the shelter of official communication to depart safely under it from those forms which I suppose you are aware the usages of society prescribe among gentlemen. Such communications will in future be returned. If, however, you will address me in the manner which I have a right to expect, your communication shall be duly attended to.
Yours, &c., &c.,
A. Panizzi.
Sir F. Madden, &c., &c., &c.”
Many other disagreements—amounting by the animosity evinced, to something worthy23 of a worse name—we gloss36 over. Mention must, however, be made of the Rev37. Josiah Forshall, Keeper of the MSS., afterwards Secretary, with whom Panizzi more than once came into collision.
Let us now leave this unpleasant topic, and proceed to an account of the select Committee on the British Museum—more generally known as the Parliamentary Commission of 1835-36—which forms a turning point in the history of our Museum—not so much on account of anything actually effected by it, as from its marking the era when the national character of the Institution, and its mission as an instrument of the national culture, were first clearly recognised and defined. They would, indeed, have been professedly acknowledged at any period of its history; but the circumstances under which the establishment originated, and the manner in which it was managed and 147supported, had invariably tended to impress upon it a private and exclusive character. By the public it was principally regarded as a show of curiosities, differing from the Zoological Gardens in the same degree as inanimate differ from living things. The literary and scientific world recognised its value for students and amateurs, but had little conception of its function as a great educational agency. It could scarcely have been otherwise. Sir Hans Sloane’s munificent39 bequest40 had bestowed41 upon the public of his day that which it had neither demanded nor required. The measure of its immediate42 utility may be estimated by the regulation that it should be inspected by parties of not more than fourteen at one time, and always accompanied by an official.
Panizzi’s part in the Committee of 1835-36 was not prominent, though of considerable importance as respected his peculiar43 Department. The investigation44, nevertheless, brought into the clearest relief the three great ideas with which he entered upon his official duties, and which, though acknowledged in principle, he was left almost alone to maintain and enforce, until they eventually became the accepted principles of the Museum, thereby occasioning a total metamorphosis in the spirit of the Institution, while its administrative45 constitution remained unaltered. These ideas may be thus defined:—
I. The Museum is not a show, but an Institution for the diffusion46 of culture.
II. It is a Department of the Civil Service, and should be conducted in the spirit of other public Departments.
148III. It should be managed with the utmost possible liberality.
It may not be irrelevant47 if we attempt to show how these points had been understood before Panizzi’s time.
In a Minute dated February 27, 1809, Sir Joseph Banks defined a Museum for exhibition as “a collection framed for the purpose of administering instruction in the form of amusement, and thus endeavouring to awake latent curiosity.” He, therefore, concluded that not only the anatomical paintings in the custody48 of the Trustees should be transferred to the College of Surgeons, but the Osteological Collection also. He further thought that the specimens50 preserved in spirits, when not capable of being stuffed, should also be transferred to the same place, more particularly as “the room where they are kept must unavoidably smell strongly of spirits,” and “they are very frequently designated by the opprobrious51 appellation52 of hobgoblins.” It was clearly the view of this representative of science upon the Board that the Museum had no business with anything unadapted for public exhibition.
With respect to the second point, it is certainly no reproach to the governing body, or the officers of the Museum, that at the period of its establishment very little work should have been required from the latter. This ensued almost as a matter of necessity from the fact that the Museum was no national foundation, planned with systematic53 forethought, but a mere54 lucky windfall. Enough was done if its safe custody was ensured; the extension it was capable of receiving 149entered into nobody’s mind. The inevitable55 consequence was that, while the standard of knowledge and accomplishments56 among officers of the Museum has at all times been high, the standard of official efficiency was in its first days very low. So late as 1837 an honourable and respected officer could, without conscious absurdity57, urge as a plea for promotion58 that he would thereby have less to do.
A conclusive59 criterion of the primitive60 conception of an officer’s duty may be found in a Minute of June 21, 1759—the year of the opening of the British Museum:—
“The Committee think proper to add that the requiring the attendance of the officers during the whole six hours that the Museum is kept open is not a wanton or useless piece of severity, as the two vacant hours (if it is not thought too great a burden upon the officers) might very usefully be employed by them in better ranging the several collections, especially in the Department of Manuscripts, and preparing Catalogues for publication, which last the Committee think so necessary a work that till it is performed the several collections can be but imperfectly useful to the public.”
In point of fact, these “Librarians” were “ciceroni.” In 1802, after forty-three years, three attendants were appointed to relieve the “Under and Assistant Librarians from the daily duty of showing the Museum,” and their salaries were advanced. But it does not appear, says the report of 1807, “that the Under or Assistant-Librarians received any particular injunctions to execute the several duties proposed for 150them, nor does it appear by their subsequent conduct that they understood themselves to be under any specific obligation to do any specific duties of that description.” “So that,” continues the report, “the public has been, and is, at an annual expense of above ￡2,000 a year for the mere purpose of showing the house to strangers, and providing an attendant upon the Reading Room.” This discovery led to considerable reform; the Trustees, very naturally, “feeling strong apprehensions62 that the munificence63 of Parliament should be checked, if it should think fit to inquire into the nature and extent of the duties now executed by the officers of the Museum.”
Matters were much improved by 1835; but the organisation64 of the Institution still bore evident traces of its origin in private liberality, and of the misconceptions which had so long prevailed as to its functions.
It was the constant endeavour of Panizzi to divest65 it of everything indicating affinity66 with private institutions, and to impress it more and more with the unique character of a national emporium of the world’s treasures.
The third point which generally characterised Panizzi’s administration was one to which the attention of the Committee of 1835-36 was vigorously directed, and in reference to which it was of considerable service. The regulations for the admission of the public were illiberal67. Visitors were excluded at the very times when they had most leisure to attend; but when, as Sir Henry Ellis remarked, “the most mischievous68 part of the population was abroad,” and in 151holiday weeks the Museum should be closed, “because the place otherwise would really become unwholesome.” The Committee, however, came to a different conclusion, and admitting that reforms were necessary, decided that the Museum was to cease to be a private establishment. But the immediate cause of the Commission in question was the unreasonable69 complaint of a discharged servant, a Mr. John Millard, employed for some time as supernumerary in the Department of MSS., who had lost his situation through inefficiency70. He possessed71, it was said, some influence with Lord Brougham, and Mr., afterwards Sir Benjamin Hawes, M.P. for Lambeth, was induced to take up his case, and obtain its investigation under cover of a general inquiry72 into the administration of the Museum. The Committee, as at first appointed, March 27, 1835, was inconveniently73 numerous, and when re-appointed in the following session its numbers were considerably74 curtailed75. Mr. Hawes, a man of no great refinement76, but of thorough business capacity, and an excellent specimen49 of the not unfrequent type of popular M.P., who begins as a patriot77 and ends as a placeman, represented the reforming element, together with Dr. Bowring and some other members of a similar stamp, who mostly disappeared after the first session. Lord Stanley (the late Lord Derby) and Sir Robert Inglis represented the interests of the Trustees. Sir Philip Egerton, Mr. Ridley Colbome, and Mr. Bingham Baring were also amongst the most prominent members, Mr. Sotheron Estcourt being chairman.
The administrative organisation of the Museum at the time was certainly better calculated to invite inquiry 152than to sustain it. The offices of the Principal Librarian and Secretary, instead of being united, as at present—and of which more hereafter—were divided, with very mischievous consequences as regarded the authority of the former officer, and attended by all the evils of divided responsibility. Sir H. Ellis was an excellent antiquary and a most kind-hearted man, but could never, under any circumstances, have been more than the nominal78 head of the Museum.
The Secretary was, as has already been remarked, the Rev. Josiah Forshall, and the government of the Museum was in his hands. By a most preposterous79 regulation, while the inferior officer, the Secretary, always attended the meetings of the Trustees, the Principal Librarian was never present unless summoned. Mr. Forshall enjoyed the fullest confidence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, in whose hands, by a tacit understanding which had become traditional, almost all administrative arrangements were left by the Principal Trustees. He was entirely81 opposed to all innovation tending to impart a more popular character to the Institution; and was, in fine, as thoroughly82 the representative of the principles on which the Museum had hitherto been administered as Panizzi was of those destined83 to supersede84 them.
Mr. Millard, the trivial cause of the Committee’s great effect, did not occupy much of its attention. It appeared that he had been removed for two causes, either of which was in itself sufficient to justify85 the act: he was incompetent86, and his services had been dispensed87 with. The inferior work on which he had been engaged was discontinued; he was fit for nothing 153else. He had been treated with great and, indeed, with immoderate indulgence, having been allowed to remain two years after his virtual dismissal, in order “to give him an opportunity of finding another situation.” His case, it appeared, had kept the amiable88 Principal Librarian awake all night; the Keeper of MSS. himself, strangely enough, had given him a testimonial to the Windham Club. His patron endeavoured to prove his efficiency; but on July 2nd Sir Frederick Madden, then Assistant-Keeper of the MSS. came down “with some instances of Mr. Millard’s mistakes, and some questions which I should like to put him.” For some sufficient reason the instances were not adduced, the questions were not put, and no more was heard of Mr. Millard. He had, however, made an outlet89 for the long accumulating dissatisfaction with the Museum management, and the Committee found themselves arbiters90 in contentions91 affecting every Department in the Institution. They had to digest Mr. Forshall’s opinion that “men professionally engaged in literary and scientific pursuits” were unfit for the office of Trustee; and to reconcile Sir Henry Ellis’s statement that literary and scientific men looked up to a Trusteeship as the blue ribbon of their calling, with his admission that not one of them had ever obtained it. They had to enquire92 whether Sir Henry had made an adequate examination of the Baron93 de Joursanvault’s manuscripts, magnanimously offered by that nobleman to the English nation for 100,000 francs and permission to import 500 pipes of Beaune wine duty free. If he had not done so, was it because the collection was shelved so high that Sir 154Henry could not get at it without a ladder, and was it really a fact that no ladder could be found in the whole town of Pomard? Was it true, as asserted by the Edinburgh Review, that cases of birds had been transferred to the College of Surgeons and subsequently repurchased by the Museum? Or was Sir Henry Ellis’s conjecture94 admissible that certain green glass bottles, of which the transfer was acknowledged, might have been large enough and dirty enough to have been mistaken by the person who wrote that review “for packing cases?” How much of the Saurian collection bought from Mr. T. Hawkins was plaster? Was the Keeper of Geology justified95 in affirming that “the principal ichthyosaurus could not be exhibited without derogation from the character of the British Museum,” and that if it were treated as it deserved “the whole tail would disappear?”
Had the College of Surgeons been obliged to spend ￡1,000 on Zoological Literature, in consequence of the deficiencies of the British Museum Library?
It was admitted that the Museum possessed a fine collection of “Megatherium, Chalicotherium, Anthrocotherium, Anoplotherium, and Sus diluvianus” in plaster; but did it possess genuine fragments of any of these extinct quadrupeds? To be straightforward96, were the “saurian and chelonian reptiles” in a confused and nameless state? Would the “intelligent visitor” have naturally expected to find “the limited space available for exhibition filled with twenty-eight cats placed together? Had the larger mammalia been mostly devoured97 by insects, with the exception of the llama’s mouth, which had happily withstood their 155ravages from consisting of plaster of Paris? The brunt of the assault, it will be seen, was borne by the Zoological Department, whose comparatively starved and neglected condition rendered it a convenient basis for attacks upon the general condition of the Museum, the assailing98 party being well versed99 in the axiom of fortification—that a fortress100 is no stronger than its weakest point.
The Printed Book Department, the battle-ground of subsequent years, attracted comparatively little attention at the time. The public had not yet discovered the value, either actual or potential, of such a collection. The ideal of what a National Library should be as yet only existed in Panizzi’s head. The general standard was exceedingly low, nor could this be a matter of surprise, when, as he himself pointed out, the Museum Library, after all, contained 40,000 more volumes than any library in the modern world, previous to the French Revolution.
With all the drawbacks of the Institution, its management was liberality itself, compared to that of even so splendid a library as the one at Vienna, with its accommodation for 45 readers, bringing their own pens and paper.
The acknowledged defects of the Museum Library, in some degree, served to screen its unacknowledged failings, for the Catalogue was so much behind hand that it was difficult to be certain whether any specified101 volume was to be found there or not. One important accession had been obtained, the English newspapers were now regularly deposited in the Library, and it was to this that the recent increase of readers was 156principally attributable. A late Trustee, Mr. Henry Banks, had been an incubus102 on the establishment, “It was extremely difficult to get any assent103 in his part to any purchase that was of any amount.” Mr. Baber had now more of his own way, yet when asked, “Is there that general consultation104 and cordial intercourse105 which is satisfactory to you as head of your Department?” he answered, “Certainly not.” His evidence related, in great measure, to the project for a new Catalogue, which had hitherto attracted but little attention outside the Museum. Mr. Hawes did his utmost to extort106 an admission that a Classed Catalogue would be desirable; but Mr. Baber, an experienced bibliographer107, maintained firmly that such a Catalogue by itself was a delusion108. The alphabetical arrangement was the only safe one: an index of subjects, however, might be a valuable appendage109 to such a Catalogue. It was the one fault of Mr. Baber’s evidence and of Panizzi’s that neither of them said how invaluable110. They were probably afraid of countenancing111 the mischievous agitation112 for a Classed Catalogue pure and simple, knowing that years had already been wasted over an impracticable plan of their colleague, the Rev. T. H. Horne. Panizzi evidently felt much embarrassed between loyalty113 to his chief, allegiance to the Trustees, and his own strong sense of the deficiencies of the Library. His evidence, under such circumstances, was a model of tact114 and discretion115. He implied rather than asserted, and his testimony116 gains greatly in cogency117 when read in the light of the reforms subsequently effected by himself.
157In the question of classed and alphabetical Catalogues, Panizzi supported his chief, and took care to acquaint the Committee, how much the latter, and the Library, had been damaged by the compulsory118 withdrawal119 of Mr. Baber’s first plan for a Catalogue in favour of an alternative and inferior scheme. It was not difficult to discover that Panizzi was by no means satisfied with the administration of the Museum as it stood; at the same time he came to the assistance of the Trustees on a subject which had led to much criticism, by pointing out the importance of having men of rank and influence upon the Board, as well as men merely distinguished120 by literary and scientific eminence121. Not his least important contribution to the proceedings122 of the Committee was the mass of information with respect to foreign Libraries and Educational Institutions, published in the appendices to its report, and mainly collected, directly or indirectly123, by himself, either personally or from trustworthy witnesses, during his travels on the continent. These papers embody124 a vast amount of curious and interesting information from Vienna and Gottingen down to San-Luis Potosi, where “se trata de poner una biblioteca, y un museo, pero aun no se verifica.”
The report of the Committee was issued on July 14th, 1836.
It was not an elaborate document, and contained no reasons for its recommendations, most of which were of a sensible and obvious kind. The deficiencies and disarrangements of the Collections were attributed with perfect justice to the inadequacy125 of the funds 158and insufficiency of space. It was suggested that those Trustees whose attendance was infrequent and uncertain should receive a hint to retire, and that “for the future” literary and scientific distinction should constitute a ground of election for the Trust.
Many were the reforms adopted, to the great advantage of the Institution. The principal benefit of the Commission, nevertheless, consisted in the distinct recognition for the first time of the national and educational character of the Museum.
These observations must, however, be relinquished126, interesting as they are, or we might be wandering on far beyond reasonable limits.
More might be said, and perhaps advantageously, on these seemingly unimportant subjects—yet, oh! how important to prove the steady progress of the Museum, and that in no small degree owing to Panizzi’s energy—but, as already said, we must restrain ourselves; and having subjects of intrinsic interest for the earnest peruser127 of this book to discuss, our inclination128 must be foregone.
When Panizzi entered upon his new office as Keeper, he was fully61 alive to the important duties which devolved upon him, and was well aware of the arduous129 and extraordinary task which he was called on to perform simultaneously130 with the ordinary business of the Department; he, therefore, resolved to keep the whole under his own immediate superintendence so far as was compatible with the regulations and wishes of the authorities.
The Trustees having, in 1837, provided means for removing the Library of Printed Books from Montague 159House to the new building on the north side of the Quadrangle, it was necessary to appoint a separate staff of assistants, and these were known as “temporary assistants.”
The operation of moving this mass of books, begun on the 1st of January, 1838, was successfully performed by efficient subordinates; but the labour and forethought required for the proper re-arrangement of the volumes and the alteration131 of the press-marks and references in the catalogues were such as can only be fully appreciated by those who have had some experience in similar undertakings132.
At this time the collection consisted of about 160,000 volumes, exclusive of the Royal Library. On Panizzi was thrown, in addition to his other duties, the responsibility of suggesting, examining, and criticising every single article of furniture, fittings, &c., which the Library itself and the Reading Room required. The style of these, as well as the contrivances then adopted in the Department of Printed Books, were subsequently, so far as possible, copied in other Departments of the Museum, having been found equally economical and useful. The Trustees, under these circumstances, offered to find a person who should undertake the superintendence of the Catalogue—an outlay133 which, however, they were not called on to incur35, Panizzi having twice declined the proffered134 assistance. The opinion of the Trustees and that of Panizzi, however, in regard to the amount of the work necessarily to be carried out without delay will be best gathered from the two following letters:—
160The Rev. J. Forshall to Panizzi, December 27, 1838.
“Your letter of the 18th instant leads me, upon reading it attentively135, to explain to you that the Trustees did not intend, in the communication to which your letter is a reply, to require from you to undertake the printing of the New Alphabetical Catalogue. They wished to ascertain136 whether, with the other duties which fall to your office, you felt that you could promise that vigorous and constant attention to the Catalogue which seems necessary to ensure the proper execution of the work. If you had felt that you could not, the Trustees would in that case have endeavoured to obtain other superintendence. The titles of the books in the King’s Library are to be incorporated with the others.”
Panizzi to the Rev. J. Forshall, January 1, 1839.
“In answer to your letter of the 27th of last month, and in addition to mine of the 18th, I beg to repeat that I am willing to undertake the duties mentioned in your letter of the 17th, and to endeavour to perform them to the best of my powers. I promise to give to the superintendence of the Catalogue all the attention of which I am capable; but it is not for me to say whether it will ensure the proper execution of the work. I feel it due to the Trustees, to the situation I have the honour of holding, and to my own character, not to shrink from the attempt.”
The removal of the books having been proceeded with for six months, it was found on the 23rd of June, that the collection contained, in round numbers, 165,000 volumes, of which 450 were extra folios, 15,000 folios, 23,000 4tos., 126,000 8vos., &c., &c. Up to that day 47,000 volumes had been removed to the new Library, and placed on the shelves destined for their reception, and at the end of 1839, about 12,000 more volumes remained still in Montague House.
A singular feature in the carrying out of this laborious137 task, was that no interruption of the supply 161of books to the readers took place. When Panizzi informed the Trustees of his intentions, the Bishop80 of London happening to be in the Committee Room, exclaimed, “It is impossible.” There is probably no precedent138 for this display of energy, and the magnitude of the attempt can only be appreciated by persons conversant139 with the daily use made of a Public Library by students, whose pursuits would have been totally interrupted had the method adopted absolutely required the closing of the Reading Room. The attempt was successful, and the works asked for by readers were generally forthcoming, excepting those actually in the course of removal and rearrangement, amounting at no time, on an average, to more than 8,000 volumes, or about five per cent. of the whole Library.
Mention has been made of the “efficient staff,” this was composed of the following gentlemen:—The Reverend Richard Garnett, Mr. John Winter Jones, Mr. Edward Edwards, Mr. W. Brenchley Rye, Mr. George Bullen, and last but not least, the late Sergeant140 Parry.
The Rev. R. Garnett was appointed Assistant-Keeper of the Printed Books, vice3 Cary, in 1838. He was an excellent scholar, thoroughly versed in German, Italian, French, and Spanish; had a good knowledge of Anglo-Saxon, and was conversant with several oriental languages. This gentleman died on the 27th of September, 1850, the sad event being announced to Panizzi by Mr. John Ridout, Panizzi’s and Garnett’s medical attendant. This coincidence deserves notice, for in reality it relates indirectly to 162the appointment of Mr. Richard Garnett, the present Superintendent141 of the Reading Room, so well-known to all its frequenters.[E]
E. Appointed 1st March, 1851.
Panizzi wrote thus to Mr. Ridout:—
“September 27th, 1850,
“Dear Sir,
I was certainly prepared for the melancholy142 tidings brought by your note; I am, nevertheless, shocked at seeing it. I did promise I would do what I could for Mr. Garnett’s eldest143 boy, and shall keep my promise, and not without confident hope of success.
When I saw him last Tuesday, Mr. Garnett requested me to receive his salary (￡100, due to-morrow) and pay it to his bankers, he signing the receipt, which I was to send him to-morrow morning, the pay day. All this now cannot be. It struck me that at the first moment it might be convenient for Mrs. Garnett to have a few pounds at once, and till she has time to settle her affairs; but not knowing her enough, I dare not make any offer of assistance. Can you help me in conveying my humble144 and poor offer to her in a proper and unobtrusive manner?
With many thanks to you, my dear Sir, for having made me aware of this sad event without delay,
I remain, &c., &c.,
A. Panizzi.”
Mr. John Winter Jones had been in the Institution since 1837, and besides ranking next to Panizzi, was also his friend, and stood firmly by him through all the vicissitudes145 of fortune which attended him; it will hereafter be noticed that he, in 1856, succeeded Panizzi as Keeper of the Printed Books, and finally in 1866, as Principal Librarian.
163Mr. Thomas Watts, the linguist146, was another of the “Temporary Assistants,” appointed in 1838, who rose to the grade of Keeper of the Printed Books, in succession to Mr. Jones, but did not live long to enjoy his promotion, for he died three years afterwards, on the 9th of September, 1869, aged38 58.
In the autumn of the year 1835, Mr. Watts’ attention was attracted to the publication of the Parliamentary Commission of 1835-36, previously147 discussed. He read the evidence with great interest, and ere long, in 1836-37, wrote some valuable comments upon it, which embodied148 several suggestions for the improvement of the Museum service, some of which he had the satisfaction of seeing carried out during his lifetime.
Judging from certain passages which occur in a letter addressed to Panizzi by Mr. Watts, it might almost be inferred that long afterwards some sort of ill-feeling existed between the two. Panizzi, as already described, was a strict disciplinarian, and as he seldom allowed himself to be one minute behind-hand at his post, expected from all those under him similar punctuality in attendance, so that the Trustees might not lose any of the time which was their just due. Now it seems that Mr. Watts was accused by Panizzi of arriving late at the Museum and of wasting his time, as proved by the insufficient149 number of titles written by him for the Catalogue. This Panizzi communicated to him in the shape of a letter; which, after a few days, Mr. Watts, naturally stung by the rebuke150, answered by an epistle of more than ordinary length, extending 164almost to eight quarto pages, of small writing, and beginning thus:—
“I have read repeatedly, with emotions of the greatest surprise and pain, the letter from you which I found on my desk on Wednesday morning. I have been for some days at a loss how to reply; but I perceive that a reply of some kind is imperatively151 needed.
The general impression which that letter conveys is that you find me idle and inefficient152 in zeal153 and energy, and setting a bad example. To hear such an accusation154 from any one would surprise me. I know not how to describe the feeling with which I hear it from you. You are the very first person to whom I should have appealed for its refutation.... It was at your recommendation that the Royal Commissioners[F] to inquire into the affairs of the Museum expressed an opinion in very strong terms that my salary should be doubled and my position improved. You made use before them of these emphatic155 words:—“Mr. Watts has always done his duty and done it well.” ... How, sir, am I to account for so striking a change in your opinion of me as your letter indicates?”
F. Here he refers to a later “inquiry.”
He seems to acknowledge that he had actually been in the habit of coming late to his work; (it was known that at times his health was not good) but promised that in future he would do his utmost to please and satisfy his chief in every possible manner.
In corroboration156 of the statement of Watts in the first part of his letter, it may not be amiss to give in full a report which Panizzi addressed to the Trustees about that period:—
“Mr. Panizzi begs to submit to the Trustees the case of Mr. Watts, a permanent assistant in this Department, who has been absent from his duties for the space of forty-five days, owing to a long illness. His salary is stopped during the time of absence, 165even when caused by a misfortune to which, as in this case, the very nature of his occupation in the Museum may have contributed. Mr. Panizzi begs that this circumstance and the value of the services of Mr. Watts, to which he has often had occasion to render justice, may induce the Trustees to direct Mr. Watts’ salary for the time of his absence to be paid.”
This Report is an excellent proof of Panizzi’s consideration for those under his supervision157, and no further confirmation158 that the fault found with Watts arose from his strict sense of duty towards the Trustees, and a fearless disregard of bringing on himself the enmity of anyone for the simple discharge of that duty, is required. Perhaps this is better explained in his own words, in answer to Mr. Watts’ letter:—
“I have two principal duties to perform as the head of this Department. The first is to complete the new Catalogue with all possible despatch159 consistent with accuracy. Until that is done I ought not and will not entertain any other scheme, however plausible160, which would inevitably161 interfere162 with the rapid progress of that great work. It is for that end, and for that only, that assistance is given to me so far as the Catalogue is concerned, and neither friends nor enemies shall make me turn from the path on which I am bound.”
The next distinguished “Temporary Assistant” to be introduced to our readers was John Humffreys Parry, the late Serjeant Parry, who has so recently departed this life.
Mr. Parry was recommended on the 31st of January, 1839, to Panizzi by Mr. Forshall, through the following letter:—
“The bearer, Mr. Humffreys Parry, is a gentleman of whose friends and connections I can bear testimony as being of the highest respectability. He is a young man of talent, intended 166for the Bar, but left, from family circumstances, much to his own resources. He would be glad to have employment upon the new Catalogue. Examine him, and form your own judgment163 as to his fitness.
Some private conduct of the young man’s has accidentally come to my knowledge, which enables me to assure you that he is a person of no common merit in many essential points of character.”
Immediately afterwards, at an interview, Panizzi gave him the appointment he sought, and on the 14th of February, 1839, Mr. Parry thus addressed his new chief:—
“36, Lower-street, Islington.
“Sir,—Mr. Forshall has informed me that I am to receive the appointment on the Alphabetical Catalogue at the Museum, and having a few arrangements to make prior to commencing my duties, I fear I shall not be able to attend before Monday or Wednesday next. I think it right to apprise164 you of this, as Mr. Edwards stated to me your wish that I should lose no time, and I am anxious to comply with it.”
All those who knew the learned Serjeant in after years fully appreciate the geniality165 of his disposition166. Panizzi soon became attached to him, and was not long in discerning his superior qualities. He was a great favourite with all. On one occasion, when all the Assistants were mustered167 in solemn conclave168, to discuss a new rule for cataloguing, some one knocked at the door, when Parry, without leaving time for Panizzi to speak, imitated a person suffering from influenza169, and said “Cub id!” None but he would so have dared to beard the lion in his den16; but Panizzi joined in the laughter created by the joke as heartily170 as the rest. On another occasion Panizzi asked these gentlemen to give their opinion on a portrait of himself. One of 167them remarked that it looked rather dark, when Parry said, “Oh, I have seen Mr. Panizzi look much blacker than that!” One more instance of his ready wit and we have done. Mr. Parry occasionally absented himself from the Museum, until one afternoon Panizzi sent for him and requested him to discontinue such habits, when he received the following answer:—“I am very sorry, sir, for I was just going to ask you to let me go for the day.”[G]
G. When he left the Museum, Panizzi introduced him to the late Mr. John Forster in these terms:—“A very clever gentleman, now a barrister, Mr. J. H. P., and formerly171 an assistant in this Library during the course of several years, and who knows more about the Museum than any one I know, called here yesterday, and told me that he was so vexed172 at the unfair and ignorant attacks on this Institution that he meant to write something about it. He is accustomed to write for the press, and his politics are excellent, and equalled by his frank, honest character. It struck me that he would be the very man to assist you.... If you see him you will like him.”
The position and the pay of these “Temporary Assistants,” most of whom in after years became men of distinction, would certainly be considered inadequate173 in the present day.
Previous to the year 1837, the Assistants were temporarily engaged to perform such services as were required in the several Departments; there being no regular scale of remuneration, but a daily payment fixed174 by the Trustees according to the aptness of the individual for the particular service allotted175 to him. The rate was 10s., 12s., and 15s., in one instance as high as 20s. for each day whilst actually employed at the Museum.
In 1837, the Trustees decided that the appointment of these Assistants should be permanent, and fixed a 168standing scale of remuneration; the members of this class were known as “Permanent Assistants.”
In 1838, at the time of the removal of the Library, the “Supernumerary or Temporary Assistants” were engaged at the rate of ￡2. 12s. 6d. a week, or 8s. 9d. a day, for every day actually employed. Their number was increased from time to time, to provide the extra labour required in preparing the new Catalogue, and in the additional duties consequent upon the rapid increase of the Library.
In 1847, a slight change for the better took place in their status. In practice the promotion was from the Supernumerary to the Permanent class of Assistants; but there was no recognised claim to such promotion on the part of the Supernumeraries. In the year 1851, the distinction between the Permanent and Supernumerary Assistants was abolished, these Assistants, in all Departments, being considered as forming one body, although divided into two classes. In all these and subsequent changes, Panizzi was always the one who strove to promote the welfare of his subordinates.
Panizzi, Thomas Watts, J. Winter Jones, Edward Edwards, and John H. Parry, formed a committee for framing the rules for the new General Catalogue of the whole Library; each of them was separately to prepare, according to his own views, rules for the compilation176 of the projected work. These were afterwards discussed collectively, and when any difference arose, it was settled by vote.
The rules so drawn up were sanctioned by the Trustees, on the 13th of July, 1839, and printed on the 15th 169July, 1841. They were acknowledged at the time and still continue to be the most complete ever compiled, although attempts have, at various periods, been made to improve upon them: nor has the approbation177 bestowed upon them been merely of a local character; it has extended throughout Europe and America. The work occupied several months, the busy staff often being detained until late at night, on which occasions Panizzi invited his colleagues to share refreshments178 with him.
The above rules engaged Panizzi’s earnest attention, and on the 18th of March, 1839, he sent in the following report to the Trustees:—
“Mr. Panizzi has the honour to lay before the Trustees the Rules, which, under all circumstances, he proposes as advisable to be followed in the compilation of the Alphabetical Catalogue, accompanied by a number of illustrations. Although he is well aware that such rules must necessarily be affected179 by the haste with which they have been compiled, he ventures to hope they will be sufficiently180 intelligible181 to the Trustees, and enable them, even in their present imperfect state, to judge of the principles that Mr. Panizzi should wish to see observed. He is fully aware that many cases may arise unprovided for, and that some of these rules and principles may be liable to objections, which may not perhaps appear in other plans, seemingly preferable, but he trusts that what seems objectionable may, on mature reflection, be found in fact less so. He cannot, at present, do more than entreat182 the Trustees to take into their patient and minute consideration every single part, as well as the whole of the plan proposed, and then decide as they may think fit, bearing in mind that, although these rules may, if strictly183 followed, occasionally lead to what may appear absurd, the same objection, to a perhaps greater extent may be urged against any other plan, and far greater evils result from a deviation184 from a principle than from its inflexible185 application.”
170On the 16th of the same month, March, Mr. Baber (Panizzi’s predecessor) happened to call at the Museum, when the draft of these rules was submitted to him, and with respect to them he expressed general satisfaction.
America has been mentioned with special reason.
The first general Conference of Librarians was held at New-York, September 15, 16, and 17, 1853, upon an invitation, signed by Professor C. C. Jewett, “for the purpose of conferring together upon the means of advancing the prosperity and usefulness of Public Libraries, and for the suggestion and discussion of topics of importance to book collectors and readers.”
At this meeting the learned Professor made a statement to the effect that the scholars of all nations demanded of Great Britain that the Catalogue of the Library of the British Museum should be thoroughly and efficiently186 executed, and should be a work of bibliographical187 authority.
Professor Jewett had made Panizzi’s acquaintance on his visit to London several years before, with the object of studying our Library, and sent to him a special invitation to attend the Conference. However, it was not accepted, and he wrote to Mr. Haywood thus, July 21, 1853:—
“As to my going anywhere, I have to tell you of a dream, which I should like to become a reality. There is going to be a Congress of Librarians in the United States, which is to open on the 15th of September next, and where all the great questions connected with the management of a great Library are to be discussed and uniform principles adopted. The Americans have always been my friends, and the principles which will prevail are mine. They wish me to go, and I 171should like it amazingly; but the expense is too heavy. I will try, if possible, to get help from the Trustees. Do you think it possible, in case of my going, that if the packet is not full I might have a cabin to myself?”
The grant for the purchase of Printed Books in 1838, being ￡1000 more than the preceding years, permitted the purchase of some rare and valuable books. For instance:—
The Translation of Montaigne’s Essays by Florio, with an autograph of Shakespere.
A copy of Luther’s Translation of the Bible in German, printed at Wittemberg, in 1559-61. (2 vols. folio, on vellum.)
The first edition of the Pentateuch, in the original, printed at Bologna, in 1482. (vellum, folio.)
The new Testament188 in German, printed at Augsburg, in 1535. (2 vols. 8vo, on vellum.)
A richly illuminated189 Roman Missal, with the arms of Savoy facing the title-page, richly emblazoned. Printed in Paris, in 1517. (1 vol. folio, on vellum.)
The lives of Cornelius Nepos (1 vol. 4to, on vellum), printed at Parma, at the Bodoni Press, in 1799; and many others of equal importance.
In the year 1839 it must be noted190 that the Museum acquired two Latin Bibles, with copious191 manuscript notes, supposed to be by Melanchthon.
Besides these noteworthy and valuable purchases, presents were also received, and deserve particular mention. Two, especially, must not be omitted to be named:—1st. The Resolutions and other papers of the States General of Holland, from 1524 to 1798, with indices, the whole contained in 389 vols. folio, presented 172by H.M. the King of the Netherlands. 2nd. A copy of Cicero’s Orations192, printed by Adam Ambergau, in 1742. 1 vol. folio, handsomely bound, presented by the Right Hon. Sir Arthur Paget, G.C.B.
The work having progressed satisfactorily thus far, it became necessary to inquire diligently193 into the many deficiencies in the National Library, and to propose means of supplying them. This was accordingly done in a Report dated 1st of January, 1845. On the 16th of December, the same year, it was forwarded to the Treasury194 by direction of the Trustees, and in the letter accompanying it the following passage occurs:—
“The Trustees of the British Museum earnestly hope that Her Majesty’s Government will take it into their grave deliberation whether the time has not come when it may be desirable, and on all grounds, literary, political, and economical, to enter at once upon a more enlarged and comprehensive scale of expenditure195 for the supply of Printed Books.
Without presuming to enter into other considerations, the Trustees conceive themselves warranted in stating it as their opinion that the present circumstances, as far as the British Museum itself is concerned, are extremely favourable196 to the entertaining of such a proposition.
The gentleman at the head of the Department is eminently197 qualified198 for the trust reposed199 in him: he is fully sensible of its importance, is ready to devote his whole time and thought (as indeed he has hitherto done in a most praiseworthy and exemplary manner) to make the Library in his charge as complete in every department of literature as he can, and at the same time accessible to the public on the easiest terms.”
The Report contains a sketch200 of the British Museum, and of its arrangement, together with some 173suggestions as to its future increase, utility, and importance. It shows how and when the Library was brought to the condition in which it was at the end of the year 1842. The state of the Collection in its several branches is examined, with regard to the various classes of human knowledge, to the various countries where the books were published, and to the languages in which they are written. Means are suggested by which the Collection ought to be increased to proportions worthy of the nation; and, lastly, attention is called to the effects which the proposed increase would have with regard to its arrangements, good order, and economy. This elaborate Report was begun as early as 1843. After many delays, Panizzi at last obtained consent, on the 4th of January, 1845, to its being printed privately201 for the Trustees, to whom individually it was ordered to be transmitted on the 24th of May following.
It remained disregarded, however, until the autumn of that year, when it was brought under the notice of Mr. Goulburn, the Chancellor202 of the Exchequer203, and Mr. Cardwell, Secretary of the Treasury. In consequence of this step, a meeting of the Sub-Committee on the Department of Printed Books was held on the 29th of November, 1845, the Chancellor of the Exchequer being present, and it was resolved that application should be made to the Treasury for the annual grant of ￡10,000 for ten years to come, to supply the deficiencies and exigencies204 shown by Panizzi to exist. The answer of the Treasury was most favourable: it was followed by a preliminary Parliamentary grant of ￡10,000, which was but the prelude205 to many others.
174The letter of the Trustees to the Lords of the Treasury, their Lordships’ answer, and Panizzi’s report were laid before the House of Commons by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and ordered to be printed on the 27th of March, 1846.
From that year the collection of Printed Books increased steadily206 and at a rate unexampled in any other country. This influx207 of books, the necessity of Cataloguing, placing, and binding208 them, to render them available, and the difficulties created by want of space, added enormously to the already onerous209 duties of the Keeper.
Nor was this special grant otherwise than truly necessary; in fact, it ran short of the sum requisite210 for purchasing the rarest and best editions; the commonest being consequently acquired, and this only tended to increase the bulk, thus reducing it to the level of an ordinary Library, instead of raising it to the rank and splendour of a National Collection, worthy of so great a country as England.
Interesting and important as is the subject of the present chapter—viz, the gradual development of the resources of the National Institution, and the energy displayed by those whose duty it was to use every endeavour to raise the Museum in grandeur211 and extent—no great digression is admissible, inasmuch as there is on our hands so great a press of matter that nothing should induce us to lose the thread of our biography, or forget that we have the life of Panizzi under treatment, and the history of the British Museum only so far as it bears on his doings and his labours on its behalf.
175Of these we have attempted to give a clear and honest account. As Panizzi was one of those who felt sincerely that “whatever is worth doing at all is worth doing well,” and as he was blessed with ability and decision of character to carry out whatever he had in hand, it is pleasant to remark how thoroughly and efficiently he applied212 his talents to the benefit of the National Institution; and much as it would delight us to expatiate213 further on the subject, we must deny ourselves at present, as it is now incumbent214 on us to enter into new channels in connection with his life.
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watts
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| （电力计量单位）瓦，瓦特( watt的名词复数 ) | |
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allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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niche
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| n.壁龛；合适的职务(环境、位置等) | |
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sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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alphabetical
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| adj.字母（表）的，依字母顺序的 | |
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jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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accrued
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| adj.权责已发生的v.增加( accrue的过去式和过去分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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reined
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| 勒缰绳使（马）停步( rein的过去式和过去分词 )； 驾驭； 严格控制； 加强管理 | |
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instilled
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| v.逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instill的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mores
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| n.风俗，习惯，民德，道德观念 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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dub
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| vt.（以某种称号）授予，给...起绰号，复制 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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chary
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| adj.谨慎的，细心的 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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gloss
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| n.光泽，光滑；虚饰；注释；vt.加光泽于；掩饰 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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bequest
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| n.遗赠；遗产，遗物 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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48
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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49
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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52
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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53
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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54
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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55
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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57
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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62
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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munificence
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| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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divest
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| v.脱去，剥除 | |
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affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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illiberal
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| adj.气量狭小的，吝啬的 | |
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68
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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69
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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70
inefficiency
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| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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71
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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72
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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73
inconveniently
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| ad.不方便地 | |
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74
considerably
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|
| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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75
curtailed
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|
| v.截断，缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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76
refinement
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|
| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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77
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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78
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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79
preposterous
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|
| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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80
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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81
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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82
thoroughly
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|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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83
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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84
supersede
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|
| v.替代；充任 | |
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85
justify
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|
| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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86
incompetent
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|
| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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87
dispensed
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|
| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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88
amiable
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|
| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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89
outlet
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|
| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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90
arbiters
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| 仲裁人，裁决者( arbiter的名词复数 ) | |
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91
contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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92
enquire
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| v.打听，询问；调查，查问 | |
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93
baron
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|
| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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94
conjecture
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|
| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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95
justified
|
|
| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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96
straightforward
|
|
| adj.正直的，坦率的；易懂的，简单的 | |
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97
devoured
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|
| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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98
assailing
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|
| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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99
versed
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|
| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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100
fortress
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|
| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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101
specified
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|
| adj.特定的 | |
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102
incubus
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| n.负担；恶梦 | |
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103
assent
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|
| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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104
consultation
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|
| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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105
intercourse
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|
| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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106
extort
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| v.勒索，敲诈，强要 | |
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107
bibliographer
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| 书志学家，书目提要编著人 | |
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108
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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109
appendage
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| n.附加物 | |
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110
invaluable
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|
| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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111
countenancing
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|
| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的现在分词 ) | |
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112
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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113
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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114
tact
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|
| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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115
discretion
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|
| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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116
testimony
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|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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117
cogency
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|
| n.说服力；adj.有说服力的 | |
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118
compulsory
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|
| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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119
withdrawal
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|
| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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120
distinguished
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|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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121
eminence
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|
| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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122
proceedings
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|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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123
indirectly
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|
| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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124
embody
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|
| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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125
inadequacy
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|
| n.无法胜任，信心不足 | |
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126
relinquished
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|
| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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127
peruser
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| 精细阅读者 | |
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128
inclination
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|
| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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129
arduous
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|
| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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130
simultaneously
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|
| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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131
alteration
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|
| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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132
undertakings
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|
| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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133
outlay
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|
| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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134
proffered
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|
| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
attentively
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|
| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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136
ascertain
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|
| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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137
laborious
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|
| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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138
precedent
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|
| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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139
conversant
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|
| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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140
sergeant
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|
| n.警官，中士 | |
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141
superintendent
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|
| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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142
melancholy
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|
| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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143
eldest
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|
| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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144
humble
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|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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145
vicissitudes
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|
| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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146
linguist
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|
| n.语言学家；精通数种外国语言者 | |
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147
previously
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|
| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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148
embodied
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|
| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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149
insufficient
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|
| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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150
rebuke
|
|
| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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151
imperatively
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|
| adv.命令式地 | |
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152
inefficient
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|
| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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153
zeal
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|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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154
accusation
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|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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155
emphatic
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|
| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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156
corroboration
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|
| n.进一步的证实，进一步的证据 | |
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157
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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158
confirmation
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|
| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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159
despatch
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|
| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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160
plausible
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|
| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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161
inevitably
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|
| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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162
interfere
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|
| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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163
judgment
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|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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164
apprise
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|
| vt.通知，告知 | |
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165
geniality
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|
| n.和蔼，诚恳；愉快 | |
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166
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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167
mustered
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|
| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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168
conclave
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|
| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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169
influenza
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| n.流行性感冒，流感 | |
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170
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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171
formerly
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|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
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172
vexed
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|
| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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173
inadequate
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|
| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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174
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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175
allotted
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|
| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176
compilation
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|
| n.编译，编辑 | |
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177
approbation
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|
| n.称赞；认可 | |
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178
refreshments
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|
| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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179
affected
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|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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180
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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181
intelligible
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|
| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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182
entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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183
strictly
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|
| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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184
deviation
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|
| n.背离，偏离；偏差，偏向；离题 | |
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185
inflexible
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|
| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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186
efficiently
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|
| adv.高效率地，有能力地 | |
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187
bibliographical
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|
| 书籍解题的，著书目录的 | |
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188
testament
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|
| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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189
illuminated
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|
| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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190
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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191
copious
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|
| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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192
orations
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|
| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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193
diligently
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|
| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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194
treasury
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|
| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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195
expenditure
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|
| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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196
favourable
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|
| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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197
eminently
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|
| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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198
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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199
reposed
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|
| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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200
sketch
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|
| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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201
privately
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|
| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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202
chancellor
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|
| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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203
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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204
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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205
prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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206
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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207
influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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208
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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209
onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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210
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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211
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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212
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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213
expatiate
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| v.细说，详述 | |
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214
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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