Meantime, General Elliot and his officers main{71}tained their composure. Every precaution was taken against surprise; and the weak points of the fortifications, as indicated by the enemy’s fire, were assiduously strengthened.
But before resuming our narrative10 of the siege, we must pause to record an example of that generous courtesy which sometimes relieves the horrors of war. Among the Spanish officers taken prisoner was one Baron11 von Helmstadt, an ensign in the Walloon Guards. He was dangerously wounded in the knee, and when the English surgeons informed him that amputation12 was necessary, he resolutely13 refused to submit to it. The operation, he said, was seldom successful in Spain; and for himself, he was then engaged to be married to a lady, and would rather risk his life than present himself before his betrothed14 in a mutilated condition. Apprised15 of this dangerous effusion of a false sentiment, General Elliot visited the baron, and used every argument to dissuade16 him from adhering to so rash a determination. His lady-love, said the general, very sensibly, would not esteem17 him the less for having received an honourable18 wound in the service of his country. As to the operation being fatal, he could assure him that the contrary{72} was the case; he knew that the English surgeons were almost always successful; and, for his better assurance, he introduced into his chamber19 several “mutilated convalescents.” The governor’s generous attention had so great an influence on the baron, that he consented to the operation, which was performed with great skill, and resulted most favourably20. As the baron’s lady-love would doubtless have considered a lover with one leg better than no lover at all, we are convinced she would often have blessed General Elliot for his chivalrous21 interposition, but that, unfortunately, the baron afterwards died of some internal disease.
The New-Year’s Day of 1782, says our historian, was remarkable22 for an action of gallantry which is worthy23 of being rescued from oblivion. An officer of artillery24 at one of the batteries observing a shell whizzing its way towards his post, got behind a traverse for protection. This he had scarcely done before the shell fell into the traverse, and instantly entangled25 him in the rubbish. A soldier named Martin, seeing his distress26, bravely risked his own life to save his officer, and ran to extricate27 him. His efforts proving useless, he called for assistance; and another soldier joining him, they succeeded in
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MAP OF GIBRALTAR
AT THE TIME OF THE GREAT SIEGE.
(From an Old Engraving28.)
[Larger view]
[Largest view]
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extricating29 their officer. Almost at the same moment the shell burst, and levelled the traverse to the ground. For this courageous31 action, Martin was deservedly rewarded and promoted.
The defenders32 of the Rock now watched with intense interest the preparations of the enemy, in whose lines the greatest activity was visible. They could note the almost daily arrival of fresh troops, until the whole shore of the Bay, from Carteia to the heights of San Roque, was covered with tents. Thousands of workmen, under cover of night, pushed the approaches nearer and nearer to the beleaguered33 fortress34. Heavy guns bristled35 from every point of vantage, and hour after hour poured out their fell contents of shot and shell. It was obvious, too, that the huge men-of-war at Algesiras were being equipped as batteries of a new and formidable character. The eagerness of the besiegers was stimulated36 by the arrival in their camp of two French princes of the blood, the Count of Artois and the Duke of Bourbon; the enemies of Great Britain everywhere turned their attention towards the great fortress which, as they confidently believed, would soon cease to be occupied by her soldiers.{74}
It may not be uninteresting if we borrow from Captain Drinkwater’s pages a record of the operations of a few days, with the view of giving the reader some idea of the incidents which characterize the course of a great siege:—
The 1st of March, he says, a flag of truce37 went to the enemy, in answer to one from them some days before. The Spanish officer who received the packet informed us that Fort St. Philip, in Minorca, had surrendered on the 5th of February. The succeeding day, a “carcass” set fire to the enemy’s 13-gun battery, which continued blazing for two hours. On their attempting to extinguish the fire, we plied38 them so briskly, that several were killed and most of them driven from their work; but their usual gallantry at last prevailed. This is an honourable tribute to an enemy who fought with considerable courage and perseverance39.
At night they raised a place d’armes at the western extremity40 of their 13-gun battery; these defensive41 works demonstrating that they were determined to provide as much as possible against another sortie. The following night they repaired the damage done by the fire. The carpenters of the navy, on the 4th, laid the keel of one of the new gun{75}boats. The 6th, six rows of tents, ten in each row, were pitched in the rear of the second line of the enemy’s camp, near the horse-barrack. A large party was also employed in making a road from the beach to the barrack, and others were engaged in landing shells and different ordnance42. These, with other appearances, showed that the enemy were in earnest in their prosecution43 of the siege.
On the other hand, General Elliot unweariedly engaged the garrison44 in repairing, and putting in the best order of defence, the upper batteries and other works which had suffered from the storm of fire directed against them.
On the 8th, the enemy raised one face of the eastern redoubt several fascines in height. The day following, Lieutenant45 Cuppage, of the Royal Artillery, was dangerously wounded on the Royal battery, from a splinter of a small shell, which burst immediately after being discharged from the rock gun above and in the rear of the Royal battery; this was the second accident of the same nature. On the 11th a frigate46 and xebec passed to the west, with six topsail vessels47, supposed to be part of the late Minorca garrison. On the night of the 13th the enemy traced out a work within the western place d’armes of the{76} St. Carlos Battery, apparently49 with an intention of extending the epaulement. The firing on both sides was now considerably50 increased; that from the enemy amounted to about five hundred rounds in the twenty-four hours.
In the course of the 25th a shot drove through the embrasures of one of the British batteries, took off the legs of two men, one leg of another, and wounded a fourth man in both legs; so that “four men had seven legs taken off and wounded by one shot.” The boy who was usually posted on the works where a large party was employed, to inform the men when the enemy were directing their guns towards them, had been chiding51 them for their disregard of his warnings, and had just turned his head towards the hostile lines, when he observed this shot on its dreadful path, and called to them to beware. Unfortunately, his caution was too late; the shot entered the embrasure, with the fatal result we have described. It is strange that this boy should have been so keen-sighted as to distinguish the enemy’s shot almost immediately after it quitted the gun. But another boy in the garrison possessed52 an equal, if not a superior sharpness of vision.
Passing on to the 11th of April, we find that on{77} that day the garrison obtained information as to the exact nature of the preparations which were being made for conquering their stubborn resistance. They learned that the Duke of Crillon was in command, with twenty thousand French and Spanish troops, in addition to those who had previously53 formed the besieging force; that the besieging operations were directed by Monsieur d’Ar?on, an eminent54 French engineer; and that Admiral Don Buonaventura Moreno was prepared to support the attack with ten men-of-war, besides gunboats, mortar55 boats, floating batteries, and other vessels. Next day the enemy’s cannonade was of a peculiar57 character; from six in the morning until sunset a single gun or mortar was discharged every two or three minutes. Our British soldiers remarked that, as the day was the anniversary of the bombardment, the Spaniards were probably keeping it with prayer and fasting, and the minuteguns were intended to express their sorrow at the expenditure58 during the past twelvemonth of so many barrels of powder and rounds of cartridges59 without any result!
On the 28th of May the enemy sent in a flag of truce. Before the object of it was known, the governor remarked to the officers near him that{78} he supposed the duke had arrived, and had sent to summon the garrison to surrender. His reply, he said, would be brief, “No—no;” and he hoped his officers would support him. The summons, however, was not made, and the laconic60 answer, therefore, was not given. But it is due to the Duke of Crillon to record his courtesy. He wrote to General Elliot to acquaint him with the arrival of the French prince, and in their name to express their high estimation of his courage and character. The letter was accompanied by a present of fresh fruits and vegetables, with ice, game, and other luxuries for the use of his staff. He knew, said the duke, that the governor lived wholly upon vegetables, and if informed of the description he preferred, he would furnish a daily supply. The governor replied in suitable terms; but while accepting the Spanish commander’s gifts, begged of him to send no more, as he made it a point of honour to share with the meanest of his fellow-soldiers both want and plenty.
In planning a combined attack by land and sea upon the Rock, the besiegers felt it was necessary to guard against the destruction of the naval61 force by the batteries of the fortress before it could get near enough to render any service. But how was the{79} fire of the English guns to be silenced? It occurred to M. d’Ar?on that what was wanted was a number of fireproof batteries, which could take up and maintain a position in the Bay, regardless of the cannonade delivered against them by the garrison. In the construction of these floating castles M. d’Ar?on exhausted62 all his ingenuity63. There were ten of them, each armed with fifteen heavy guns, and their structure was as follows:—On the larboard side they were six or seven feet thick, made of green timber, bolted and cased with cork64, iron, and raw hides. Inside they were lined with a bed of wet sand, and in case they should nevertheless take fire, currents of water were poured through them by a system of pumps and channels, so that, should any red-hot shot pierce the vessel48 and open up any one of the ducts, the water would pour forth65 instantly and extinguish the flames. As an additional protection, each tower was covered with a slanting66 bomb-proof roof, capable of being raised or lowered at pleasure, by means of machinery67, from which, it was calculated, the balls would glide68 harmlessly into the sea. In fact, the devices for the protection of the besiegers seem to have been more numerous and more skilful69 than those for the attack of the besieged. We{80} must add that these ponderous70 floating batteries were masted and rigged, so as to sail like frigates71.
It must not be thought that General Elliot had made no provision against the coming storm. He was a man fertile in expedients72, and it would appear that his engineer-officers were as able as they were zealous73; so that at all the exposed points new works of great strength were thrown up, and the fortifications were everywhere repaired and put in order. A fleet of gunboats was got ready in the Bay; a body of Corsicans, under the leadership of a nephew of the celebrated74 Paoli, had arrived to offer their services; and some vessels loaded with ammunition75 had run the blockade, and refilled the magazines of the fortress. The garrison reposed76 the most absolute confidence in their commander, and after so protracted77 a siege had come to think of themselves as invincible78. Nor was their confidence lessened79 by the news which reached them of Admiral Rodney’s great victory over a French fleet in the West Indies. For some time the governor had looked on very calmly at the new works raised by the Spaniards across the isthmus80 and along the shore, but as they had been pushed forward to an inconvenient81 position, he thought the moment had come for administering
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LARBOARD AND STARBOARD SIDES OF A SPANISH BATTERING-SHIP.
(From on Old Engraving.)
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a stern rebuke82. He therefore opened upon them a cannonade of red-hot shot, which in a few hours involved the greater portion in names.
This contemptuous demonstration83 so annoyed the Duke of Crillon, that, though his lines were incomplete, he ordered a general bombardment. It began with a volley of about sixty shells from the mortar boats; then all his artillery, numbering one hundred and seventy pieces of heavy calibre, joined in the feu d’enfer; while nine line-of-battle ships hurled84 their broadsides as they sailed along the sea-front. The attack was repeated on the following day, in the hope apparently of terrifying the garrison by revealing the formidable nature of the preparations made for their destruction. While the air echoed with the hurtling missiles, the astonished soldiers saw through the occasional gaps in the smoke-clouds a vast press of sail coming up from the westward85; it proved to be the combined fleets of France and Spain. Such an accumulation of force, by land and sea, could not fail to surprise, though it did not alarm, Elliot and his veterans. The armada, beneath which, to use the expression of an old poet, “the waters groaned,” consisted of 47 sail of the line, and 10 battering-ships, regarded{82} as impregnable and invincible, carrying 212 guns, besides frigates, xebecs, bomb-ketches, cutters, gun and mortar boats, and smaller craft for disembarking men. On the land-side the batteries and works were of the most formidable character, mounting 200 pieces of heavy ordnance, and protected by an army of nearly 40,000 men, under the command of a general of experience and ability, and animated86 by the presence of two princes of the royal blood of France, with other eminent personages, and many of the Spanish grandees87. No such naval and military combination had been attempted in Europe since the days of the Armada; and it was not unnatural88 that the Spaniards should anticipate from it a decisive triumph. They seem, however, to have put their faith more particularly in the battering-ships; and so great an enthusiasm was excited, that to hint at their possible failure was considered a mark of treason.
General Elliot was in nowise shaken from his usual calmness by this tremendous display of force. His garrison at this time (September 1782) numbered about 7500 men, of whom 400 were in hospital. These he distributed so as to guard most efficiently89 the points at which the enemy’s attack would probably{83} be delivered. The fortifications were carefully examined, and additional works erected91 wherever they could be of service. Though the Spaniards poured on the garrison an incessant92 storm of shot and shell, the governor, in order to husband his resources, permitted but little firing in return, except when it was necessary to silence or destroy some particular battery. The troops under his command were few in number, it is true, but they were veterans, inured93 to war, who had been long accustomed to the effects of artillery, and gradually prepared to meet the supreme94 ordeal95 that now awaited them. His subordinates were officers of approved courage, intelligence, and discretion96; eminent “for all the accomplishments97 of their profession,” and enjoying the entire confidence of the men under their orders. And the spirits of all were animated by the ease with which former attacks had been defeated, as well as by the success attending some recent experiments of firing red-hot shot, which, on this occasion, would enable them, they hoped, “to bring their labours to a period, and relieve them from the tedious cruelty of another vexatious blockade.”
In critical circumstances, men, the sagest98 and coolest, are apt to be influenced by trivial incidents,{84} which they convert into good or evil omens99; and such is especially the case when life and liberty are the stakes for which they are about to contend. As the British soldiers, from the summit of their famous Rock, looked out upon the crowd of masts which gathered in the Bay, it was generally reported among them that their arrival was occasioned by the pressure of a British fleet in hot pursuit. Suddenly a loud cheer was raised, and all exclaimed that the British admiral was certainly in their rear, as a flag for a fleet in sight was waving, they said, from the Signal-post. Hope beamed radiant on every countenance100; but a revulsion succeeded when the signal suddenly disappeared. The guard at the signal-station afterwards informed them that the supposed flag was really an eagle, which, after several evolutions, had perched for a few minutes on the westernmost pole, and then spread its broad wings to the eastward101. Though less superstitious102, says the historian gravely, than the ancient Romans, many could not help accepting it as a favourable103 omen30; and the prognostication, happily, was fully90 justified104 by the events of the succeeding day.
The grand attack took place on the 13th of{85} September. Shortly after nine in the morning, the ten battering-ships took up their several positions in admirable order: the admiral, in a two-decker, dropping anchor about nine hundred yards off the King’s Bastion, and the others successively falling into their places to the right and left of the flag-ships; the most distant being about 1100 or 1200 yards from the garrison. General Elliot reserved his fire until the first ship anchored, and then began a well-directed cannonade. The enemy occupied about ten minutes in their man?uvres; after which they returned our fire, and the stress of battle waxed fast and furious. The air was darkened by the clouds of smoke which rose from shore and sea, while the rattle105 of shot and the whirr of shells seemed to silence the very echoes. Four hundred pieces of the heaviest artillery were discharging their murderous missiles simultaneously106, until one might have thought that all the thunders of heaven were let loose.
After a few hours’ cannonade, our soldiers found that the battering-ships were fully as formidable as they had been represented. “Our heaviest shells,” says Drinkwater, “often rebounded107 from their tops, whilst the 32-pound shot seemed incapable108 of making{86} any visible impression upon their hulls109. Frequently we flattered ourselves they were on fire; but no sooner did any smoke appear, than, with admirable intrepidity110, men were observed applying water, from their engines within, to those places whence the smoke issued. These circumstances, with the prodigious111 cannonade which they maintained, gave us reason to imagine that the attack would not be so soon decided112 as, from our success against their land-batteries, we had fondly expected. Even the artillery themselves, at this period, had their doubts of the effect of the red-hot shot, which began to be used about twelve, but were not general till between one and two o’clock.” The ordnance portable furnaces for heating shot being too few to supply the demands of the artillery when the battle reached its culmination113, huge fires of wood were kindled114 in the corners of the nearest buildings, in which the shot were speedily prepared for use. Our soldiers jocularly termed these supplies “roasted potatoes.”
At first the enemy’s cannon56 were too much elevated, but about noon they obtained the range, and their firing was powerful, and skilfully115 directed. The casualties then became numerous, particularly on those batteries north of the King’s Bastion, which
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VIEW OF THE GRAND ATTACK UPON GIBRALTAR, SEPTEMBER 13, 1782.
(From a Drawing by Lieutenant Sandby of the 12th Regiment7.)
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were exposed to a cross-fire from the Spanish land-fortifications. Our gunners, however, disregarded this attack, and concentrated all their efforts on the battering-ships, the steady opposition116 which they offered inciting117 the British to a boundless118 resentment119. The fire of the garrison increased, if that were possible, in intensity120. Every man served the guns as if he were aiming at some personal enemy. From all quarters rained incessant showers of hot balls, carcasses, and shells of every description; and as the masts of several of the ships went by the board, and the rigging of all hung in shreds121 and tatters, the hopes of the garrison began to revive.
For some hours, however, it was difficult to say whether the attack or the defence would prevail. The wonderful construction of the floating batteries apparently defied the heaviest ordnance that the garrison could bring to bear upon them. In the afternoon, however, a considerable change was apparent, and the besieged observed with delight that the flag-ship and the admiral’s second were on fire, and that on board several of the vessels an evident confusion prevailed. Their cannonade slackened rapidly towards the evening; and about seven or eight o’clock it almost ceased. Various{88} signals were thrown up from the suffering ships, and rockets were discharged to inform their friends of their distressed122 condition.
As night came on, says Botta, the flames defied the most anxious efforts of the Spaniards to extinguish them; and the disorder123 which reigned124 on board the burning batteries soon communicated itself to the whole line. To the diminished fire of the enemy the garrison returned a cannonade which seemed actually to increase in rapidity and power. It was maintained throughout the night. At one in the morning the two ships already named were in flames. The others speedily caught fire, either from the effects of the red-hot balls, or, as the Spaniards pretended, because they set them on fire, when they had lost all hope of saving them. The light and glow of this tremendous conflagration125 illuminated126 the entire Bay, as well as the sombre Rock, and assisted the British gunners to point their artillery with the utmost precision. The trouble and despair of the enemy now reached a climax127. The Spaniards hastened to send off all their boats, which surrounded the floating batteries, in order to save their crews; an operation accomplished128 with much coolness and courage, in spite of the peril129 attending it.{89} For not only was it necessary to brave the British fire, but to incur130 the greatest risk in approaching the burning vessels. Never, perhaps, says a writer, did a more horrible or deplorable spectacle present itself to the eyes of men. The deep darkness that shrouded131 the distant earth and sea, vividly132 contrasted with the columns of flame that rose upwards133 from the blazing wrecks135; and the shrieks136 of the victims were heard even above the roar of the incessant cannonade.
Brigadier Curtis, who, with his brigade, was encamped at Europa, finding that the moment had come for bringing into operation his little flotilla of twelve gunboats, each of which carried an 18 or 24-pounder in its bow, drew them up in such a manner as to take the floating batteries in flank. This cross-fire compelled the relieving boats to retire. As morning dawned, Curtis pushed forward, and captured a couple of launches loaded with men. These boats attempted to escape, but surrendered after a shot had killed and wounded several on board. The horror of the scene was now almost too great to witness. The daylight showed a piteous spectacle: in the midst of the flames appeared the unhappy Spaniards, who with loud shrieks implored137{90} compassion138, or flung themselves into the waves. Some, on the point of drowning, clung with frenzied139 grasp to the sides of the burning ships, or to any floating spar which came within their reach, while, in the depth of their despair, they implored the compassion and succour of the victors.
Moved by a sight so painful, the English, says Botta, listened to humanity alone, and ceasing their fire, occupied themselves solely140 with the rescue of their enemies; a proceeding141 the more generous on their part, as it exposed them to the most imminent142 hazard. Curtis, in particular, covered himself with glory, and freely risked his own life to save that of his fellow-creatures. He led his boats up to the burning, smoking hulks, to assist the poor wretches143 on the point of falling victims to the fire or the waves. Climbing on board the battering-ships, with his own hands he helped down the Spaniards, who loaded him with words of gratitude144. While he and his men were thus generously engaged, the flames reached the magazine of one of the battering-ships to the northward145, and about five o’clock it blew up, with a crash which seemed to shake the very Rock. A quarter of an hour later, another, in the centre of the line, met with a similar fate. The burning{91} wreck134 of the latter was hurled in every direction, and involved the British gunboats in serious danger; one was sunk, but happily the crew were saved. A hole was forced through the bottom of the brigadier’s boat, his coxswain killed, the strokesman wounded, and for some time the crew were enveloped146 in a cloud of smoke. After this incident the brigadier deemed it prudent147 to retire under cover of the Rock, to avoid the peril arising from further explosions. On his return, however, he approached two more of the ships, and finally landed nine officers, two priests, and three hundred and thirty-four private soldiers and seamen148, all Spaniards,—who, with one officer and eleven Frenchmen who had “floated in” the preceding evening, brought up the total number saved to three hundred and fifty-seven. Many of these, who were severely149, and some even dreadfully wounded, were immediately removed to the hospital, and attended with the utmost carefulness.
Notwithstanding all the heroic efforts of Curtis and his men, on board the burning ships many victims were left to perish. “The scene at this time was as affecting as during the previous hostilities151 it had been terrible and tremendous. Men crying from amidst the flames for pity and{92} assistance; others, on board those ships where the fire had made little progress, imploring152 relief with the most expressive153 gestures and signs of despair; whilst several, equally exposed to the dangers of the opposite element, trusted themselves, on various parts of the wreck, to the chance of paddling ashore154.”
A Spanish felucca, probably with the view of taking on board these unfortunates, approached from the shore; but the garrison suspecting her of a design to set on fire one of the comparatively uninjured battering-ships, by a brisk cannonade compelled her to retreat. Of the six ships still in flames, three blew up before eleven o’clock; the other three burned down to the water’s edge, the magazines having been wetted by the enemy before they abandoned them. On one of the latter waved the admiral’s flag; it perished with the ship. The besieged hoped to secure the remaining two batteries as trophies155 of their victory; but one of them suddenly burst out into flames, and blew up with a tremendous crash; and as it was found impracticable to preserve the other, it was destroyed in the afternoon. Such was the fate of the “floating castles” which had been constructed with so{93} much labour, and from which so different a result had been anticipated.
It is interesting to remember that during the heat of the struggle General Elliot’s post was the King’s Bastion; and it is a curious circumstance, not unworthy of record, that when General Boyd, some years previously, had laid the first stone, with the usual ceremonies, he observed,—“This is the first stone of a work which I name the ‘King’s Bastion.’ May it be as gallantly156 defended as I know it will be ably executed; and may I live to see it resist the united efforts of France and Spain.”
Of the courage, patience, and perseverance displayed by the garrison during this arduous157 struggle, as of the skill and energy of the artillerists, it is impossible to speak in terms of too high praise; and the name of “Gibraltar” is rightly blazoned158 as a title to honour on the flags of the regiments who served in the famous siege.
The enemy’s principal objects of attack are recorded to have been the King’s Bastion, and the line of fortifications extending to the north of the Orange Bastion. To silence the former important{94} post, they employed their largest ships, while the others endeavoured to effect a breach159 in the curtain extending to Montague’s Bastion. Had they succeeded in this attempt, their grenadiers, it is said, were to have stormed the garrison under cover of the combined fleets. The prisoners inveighed160 against their officers for having described the floating batteries as invulnerable, and promised that ten sail of the line should support them, as well as all the gun and mortar boats. They had been led to believe that the garrison would not be able to discharge many rounds of hot balls; their astonishment161, therefore, was very great, when they found them discharged with as much ease and regularity162 as cold shot. The loss sustained by the Spaniards was never officially made known; but a moderate estimate puts it at 2000 killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. On the other hand, the casualties of the garrison were very few, and it is surprising that so tremendous a cannonade should have entailed163 so small a loss of life. The number of the killed was sixteen only; eighteen officers, sergeants164, and rank and file were wounded. The damage done to the fortifications was equally inconsiderable, and, by the activity of the artillery, the whole of the sea{95}-line, before night on the 14th, was repaired and put in complete order.
While the garrison could bring to bear no more than 80 cannon, 7 mortars165, and 9 howitzers, the enemy employed no fewer than 328 pieces of heavy ordnance. The English gunners expended166 upwards of 8300 rounds, more than half of which were hot shot, and 716 barrels of powder. Of the quantity of ammunition wasted by the enemy, we possess no particulars. The following is given by Drinkwater as a correct list of those unfortunate battering-ships which so fatally belied167 the hopes of their inventors:[3]—
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The Pastora: 21 guns in use, 10 in reserve, 760 men,—Rear-Admiral Buonaventura Moreno.
The Tailla Piedra: 21 guns in use, 10 in reserve, 760 men,—Prince of Nassau-Sieghen.
The Paula Prima: 21 guns in use, 10 in reserve, 760 men,—Don Gayetana Langara.
El Rosario: 19 guns in use, 10 in reserve, 700 men,—Don Francisco Xavier Munos.
The San Christoval: 18 guns in use, 10 in reserve 650 men,—Don Frederico Gravino.
The Principe Carlos: 11 guns in use, 4 in reserve, 400 men,—Don Antonio Basurta.
The San Juan: 9 guns in use, 4 in reserve, 340 men,—Don Joseph Angeler.
The Paula Secunda: 9 guns in use, 4 in reserve, 340 men,—Don Pablo de Cosa.
The Santa Anna: 7 guns in use, 4 in reserve, 300 men,—Don Joseph Goicocchea.
Los Dolores: 6 guns in use, 4 in reserve, 250 men,—Don Pedro Sanchez.
In all, ten ships (five two-deckers, and five one-decker), with 142 guns in use, 70 in reserve, and 5260 men.
A movement took place among the enemy, on the afternoon of the 14th, which gave rise to apprehensions168 that the attack was to be renewed. The batteries, therefore, were kept fully manned, and the shot-heating furnaces ready lighted, in case that an attempt should be made to storm the fortress. It afterwards transpired169 that such a project had been spoken of, but put aside by the Duke of
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THE KING’S BASTION, AND OLD MOORISH170 CASTLE.
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Crillon, who was of opinion that it could end only in the destruction of both the army and the fleet.
They contented171 themselves, therefore, with maintaining a vigorous cannonade from the land-works, and during the remainder of the month they expended daily from 1000 to 2000 rounds. General Elliot, meanwhile, having had convincing proof of the efficacy of red-hot shot, caused kilns172 for heating them to be erected at various convenient points. They were large enough to heat about one hundred balls in an hour and a quarter; and were a great improvement on the furnaces and grates used for the same purpose on the memorable173 13th of September.
During the following days a westerly wind prevailed, and numerous dead bodies were thrown ashore, as also many articles of more or less value which had floated about the Bay after the destruction of the battering-ships. Among these were large wax tapers174, such as are used on the Roman Catholic altars; cases of salt provisions; and ammunition boxes, each containing ten rounds of powder in linen175 cartridges. From the captured wrecks which did not blow up were obtained considerable pieces of cedar176 and mahogany; and “the governor,” it is recorded, “had a handsome set of tables made for the Convent (the holes in the cedar, where the fire had penetrated177, being filled up with sound wood, cut in various figures, forming a beautiful contrast with the burned part), which will serve as a standing150 monument of the transactions of that glorious day. ”
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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10
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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11
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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12
amputation
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| n.截肢 | |
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13
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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14
betrothed
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| n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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15
apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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16
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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17
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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18
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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19
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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20
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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21
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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22
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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23
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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24
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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25
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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26
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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27
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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28
engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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29
extricating
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的现在分词 ) | |
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30
omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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31
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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32
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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33
beleaguered
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|
| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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34
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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35
bristled
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| adj. 直立的，多刺毛的 动词bristle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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36
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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37
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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38
plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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39
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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40
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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41
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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42
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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43
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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44
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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45
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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46
frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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47
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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48
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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49
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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50
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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51
chiding
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| v.责骂，责备( chide的现在分词 ) | |
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52
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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53
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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54
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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55
mortar
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| n.灰浆，灰泥；迫击炮；v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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56
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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57
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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58
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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59
cartridges
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| 子弹( cartridge的名词复数 )； （打印机的）墨盒； 录音带盒； （唱机的）唱头 | |
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60
laconic
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| adj.简洁的；精练的 | |
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61
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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62
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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63
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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64
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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65
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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66
slanting
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| 倾斜的，歪斜的 | |
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67
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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68
glide
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| n./v.溜，滑行；(时间)消逝 | |
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69
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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70
ponderous
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|
| adj.沉重的，笨重的，(文章)冗长的 | |
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71
frigates
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| n.快速军舰( frigate的名词复数 ) | |
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72
expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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73
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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74
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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75
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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76
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
protracted
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|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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78
invincible
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|
| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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79
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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80
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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81
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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82
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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83
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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84
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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85
westward
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|
| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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86
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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87
grandees
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| n.贵族，大公，显贵者( grandee的名词复数 ) | |
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88
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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89
efficiently
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| adv.高效率地，有能力地 | |
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90
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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91
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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92
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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93
inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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94
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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95
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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96
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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97
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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98
sagest
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| adj.贤明的，貌似聪明的( sage的最高级 ) | |
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99
omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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100
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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101
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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102
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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103
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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104
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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105
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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106
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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107
rebounded
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| 弹回( rebound的过去式和过去分词 )； 反弹； 产生反作用； 未能奏效 | |
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108
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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109
hulls
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| 船体( hull的名词复数 )； 船身； 外壳； 豆荚 | |
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110
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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111
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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112
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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113
culmination
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| n.顶点；最高潮 | |
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114
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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115
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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116
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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117
inciting
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| 刺激的，煽动的 | |
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118
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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119
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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120
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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121
shreds
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| v.撕碎，切碎( shred的第三人称单数 )；用撕毁机撕毁（文件） | |
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122
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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123
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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124
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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125
conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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126
illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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127
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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128
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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129
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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130
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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131
shrouded
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| v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 )；保密 | |
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132
vividly
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| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
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133
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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134
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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135
wrecks
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| n.沉船( wreck的名词复数 )；（事故中）遭严重毁坏的汽车（或飞机等）；（身体或精神上）受到严重损伤的人；状况非常糟糕的车辆（或建筑物等）v.毁坏[毁灭]某物( wreck的第三人称单数 )；使（船舶）失事，使遇难，使下沉 | |
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136
shrieks
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| n.尖叫声( shriek的名词复数 )v.尖叫( shriek的第三人称单数 ) | |
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137
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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139
frenzied
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| a.激怒的；疯狂的 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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143
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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145
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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153
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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155
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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blazoned
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| v.广布( blazon的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布；夸示；装饰 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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inveighed
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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sergeants
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| 警官( sergeant的名词复数 )； （美国警察）警佐； （英国警察）巡佐； 陆军（或空军）中士 | |
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165
mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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166
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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167
belied
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| v.掩饰( belie的过去式和过去分词 )；证明（或显示）…为虚假；辜负；就…扯谎 | |
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168
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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transpired
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| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的过去式和过去分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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170
moorish
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| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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kilns
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| n.窑( kiln的名词复数 )；烧窑工人 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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tapers
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| （长形物体的）逐渐变窄( taper的名词复数 )； 微弱的光； 极细的蜡烛 | |
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175
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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cedar
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| n.雪松，香柏(木) | |
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177
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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