The brilliant figure, then, of the first and second parts of Henry the Fourth is at least a literary fact. I do not propose to enter on a connected discussion of its authenticity16. There are many genuinely historical details which we have about Henry’s real personality, and we have at least some suggestions of the source from which the great dramatist drew his materials.
Of course it is easy to take Shakespeare too seriously. Supreme17 in genius as he was, he was also a playwright18, had to do a playwright’s work, and descend19, if we must say so, to a playwright’s arts. His audience had to be amused; and certainly no audience was ever better9 amused than were the pit and the galleries of the Globe by Prince Hal and Falstaff. The slender, graceful20 youth, with gay dress and plumed21 and jewelled cap, was the happiest foil to the huge “man mountain,” with his untrussed hose and wine-stained doublet. The fancy, too, of the people was caught by the notion of this young heir to the crown drinking sherry-sack, as might any one of themselves, in an Eastcheap tavern4. It was an excellent jest, with just a spice of romance in it, less familiar also than the manners of some of our heir-apparents since that time have made it. Shakespeare never could have dreamt that he was raising a grave question for historians to quarrel over.
The fact is that the great dramatist, whose genius was never more signally shown than in transmuting22 other men’s lead into gold, found a play, dull enough in itself, which he fashioned into that masterpiece of humour, the comedy of Henry the Fourth. The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth was possibly written by William Tarleton, a comedian23 who flourished in Elizabeth’s reign24. It is known that he acted in it, taking the part of Sir John Oldcastle. Of the real Oldcastle it is sufficient here to say that he was a man of lofty morality, who witnessed to his convictions by his death. In Tarleton’s play—if it be his—he is a vicious buffoon25 and thief. He goes by the name of “Jockey,” and he has two companions of similar character, who are known as “Ned” and “Tom.” These are represented as the Prince’s associates. And to mark more distinctly the true object of the play, which certainly was to bring the Puritans into ridicule26, the other and principal character is one Dericks, a name borne by one of the Marian martyrs27. This play was first10 acted before 1588, Tarleton dying in that year, and it was the play which Shakespeare adapted. But an English audience would be far less disposed to relish29 jests upon Protestant martyrs after the Armada and the Papist conspiracies30 of Elizabeth’s latter days, and Shakespeare made a change to suit the altered taste of the day. Oldcastle and Dericks disappear: they are replaced, we may say, by Falstaff and Bardolf. Both were historical personages, and Shakespeare does them as much injustice31 as his predecessor32 had done to the Lollard martyr28. Bardolf went more than once as ambassador to France in Henry the Fourth’s reign, and in the time of his successor he was Lieutenant33 of Calais. Sir John Falstaff was a Knight34 of the Garter, a general of distinction, and a man of undoubted honour. There is not a shadow of reason for connecting either Bardolf or Falstaff with any disreputable proceedings35. Shakespeare seems to have taken their names absolutely at random36.
In the first part of Henry the Fourth, then, we see the Prince associating with boon37 companions, and spending his days in riot, until he is recalled to serious thoughts by his mission to take high command in the army which his father is sending against the rebels in the north and west; and finally doing away with the discredit38 that had fastened itself on his good name by his gallant39 behaviour on the field of Shrewsbury. Now let us examine the facts.
First, the situation may be briefly40 described. Henry the Fourth was far from being safe on his newly won throne. Early in 1400 he had discovered a plot against his life. The Kings of France and Scotland had refused to recognise his title to the crown, and were even making preparations11 for an invasion of England. A more immediate41 danger also threatened him; Wales was in revolt. Here Owen Glendower, lineal descendant of the Llewellyn who had been defeated and slain42 by Edward the First, had been roused by private wrongs to assert the independence of his nation. And it was here that we find the young Henry employed by his father. That a boy so young—in the early part of 1400–1 he still wanted some months of completing his fourteenth year—should be put in a position of authority is remarkable43; that the boy so trusted should have been a profligate simply exceeds belief.
The young Prince was apparently44 taking an active part in the conduct of affairs; in any case, he must have been on the spot, and not wasting his time in London. He was summoned to attend a Council to be held in London on August 15th, 1401. A month afterwards the rebellion in Wales broke out afresh, and the Prince was probably again engaged in active service. At least we find him in November with a small force of twenty men-at-arms and forty archers45, in respect of which he received, by order of Council, the sum of one thousand pounds. In the following year we find him acting46 on his own account. He addresses (under date May 15th) a letter to the Privy47 Council, in which he gives an account of his doings in Wales. Owen Glendower, it seems, had sent him something like a challenge. He had gone, accordingly, to Owen’s principal mansion48, but had found no one there. Thence he had proceeded to the Welshman’s seat at Glendourdy, and had burnt it, capturing at the same time one of Owen’s chief men. The prisoner had offered five hundred pounds for his ransom49, but this was not accepted, and he was put to death. Henry had afterwards12 marched into Merionethshire and Powysland. This letter was written from Shrewsbury, and was followed by another about a fortnight later, in which he describes himself as being in great straits. His soldiers wanted to know when they would be paid; unless he had some money sent, he could not remain where he was; he had already pawned50 his jewels (nos petitz joualx). The castles of Harlech and Lampadern must be relieved without delay. But if help were given, things promised well for a suppression of the rebellion.
What reply the Prince received to these representations we do not know. The rebellion was not suppressed then, nor for many years to come. On June 25th something like a general levy51 was ordered, the King addressing precepts52 to the Lieutenants53 of many English counties by which it was enjoined54 that all persons liable to military service should meet him at Lichfield and march with him against the Welsh rebels. Similar documents were issued later in the year, in one of which all persons liable to serve in the counties of Derby and Shropshire were enjoined to meet “our very dear son, Henry, Prince of Wales” at Chester on August 27th.
It is needless to follow the King’s proceedings in detail. His resources were not equal to the demands made upon them. New dangers started up in unexpected places, and he had to change his plans to meet them. But on March 7th, 1403, we come to an important document. It is an ordinance55 of the King in Council, given at Westminster. The beginning of it runs thus:
“The King to all whom it may concern, greeting. Know that, wishing to provide for the good government of the region13 of Wales, and of the Marches and parts adjacent thereto, and for resistance to the rebels who have contrary to their allegiance treasonably risen against us, and having full confidence in the fidelity56 and energy of our dearly beloved eldest57 son, Henry, Prince of Wales, we constitute the said Prince our Lieutenant in the said region of Wales.”
Here then we find Henry, who was now about half-way through his sixteenth year, appointed to the civil and military command of the most disturbed part of the King’s dominions58. About six weeks later the men of Shropshire write to the Council complaining of the ravages59 of the Welsh rebels, and praying that some men-at-arms and archers should be sent to protect them till the Prince himself should come.
The King had now to meet a more formidable combination of enemies than he had yet encountered. Henry Percy, eldest son of the Earl of Northumberland, the Harry60 Hotspur of Shakespeare, had been a trusted lieutenant of Henry. He had served in Wales against Glendower, and had been employed both in negotiations61 with the Scotch62 and in military action against them. He conceived himself to have been unjustly treated, for reasons which do not concern our present purpose, and to avenge63 his wrongs he formed an alliance with Owen Glendower and with the Earl of Douglas on behalf of the King of Scotland. Glendower was to invade Gloucestershire. To meet this danger the King issued briefs, under date of June 16th, to the Lieutenants of Gloucestershire, Shropshire, Worcestershire, and Herefordshire, directing that all persons liable to serve should put themselves at the command of his son, Henry, Prince of Wales. At the same time an attack on the northern14 borders was threatened from Scotland, and the Percies, whose disaffection was not yet known at Court, were commissioned to repel64 it. The King himself marched northwards to assist them, and seems to have been ignorant as late as July 10th of their real intentions. These, however, became known to him a day or so after, for he issued briefs to the Lieutenants of the counties, dated from Burton-on-Trent on July 16th, Lichfield on the 17th, and Westminster on the 18th, requiring military assistance to repel the invasion of Henry Percy with the Welsh rebels and “certain enemies of ours from Scotland” in his company.
Six days later than the date of the Westminster brief the battle of Shrewsbury was fought. Prince Henry was on the field and bore himself bravely, though we must not credit him with the great achievement which Shakespeare attributes to him, of having slain Henry Percy in single combat. A lad, still wanting some months of sixteen, could hardly have vanquished65 a man of thirty, one of the bravest and most expert soldiers of his time. Hotspur seems to have been killed by a chance arrow as he was charging with characteristic impetuosity the royal forces. The young Prince was himself wounded in the forehead by an arrow.
His father’s confidence in him was continued. Two days after the battle he expresses his trust in the loyalty66 and prudent67 caution of his son, Henry, Prince of Wales, and gives him full power to amnesty at his discretion68 such persons concerned in the late rebellion as he might think fit, in the county of Chester and in other places named.
Owen Glendower, who had not shared the defeat of15 the Percies at Shrewsbury, still held out. In 1404 he assumed the title of Prince of Wales. In the June of that year the Sheriff of Hereford, with various gentlemen of the county, represented to the King that they were suffering greatly from the ravages of the Welsh rebels. The Prince was directed to go to their help, and on the 20th of the month wrote to his father from Worcester, to which city he had removed his headquarters. He thanks him for his kind letter written from Pontefract five days before, and rejoices in the news it brought of his health and prosperity, which are, he says, the greatest pleasure that can come to him in the world. He had been taking measures for the defence of the county of Hereford, which the Welsh rebels had been ravaging69 with fire and sword, and he would do all he could to resist them and to save England from their attacks. Another letter to the same effect was addressed by him to the Council, and a second four days afterwards.
On August 30th the Council granted him three thousand marks for the expenses of holding the castle of Denbigh and other strongholds in North Wales, and suggested that he should remain for a certain time on the borders of Herefordshire, and afterwards invade Wales. In a document apparently belonging to the same time there is a list of castles in North Wales which the Prince had kept at his own cost since the commencement of the rebellion.
In March 1405 the Prince wrote to the King relating a victory which he had won over the Welsh:
“On Wednesday, the 11th day of this present month of March, the rebels in parties from Glamorgan, Morganoe, Usk, Netherwart, and Overwart were assembled to the number of16 eleven thousand by their own account. On the said 11th of March they burnt part of your town of Grosmont. Thereupon I sent my dear cousin Lord Talbot and others. To them there joined themselves your faithful and valiant70 knights71, William Newport and John Greindel. And though they were but a small number, yet was it well seen that the victory is not in the multitude of the people but in the power of God.... By the aid of the Blessed Trinity your people held the field of battle and vanquished the said rebels, and slew72 of them, by one account eight hundred, since said one thousand.... No prisoners were taken save one, a great knight, whom I would have sent to you but that he cannot yet comfortably ride.... I pray God to keep you always in joy and honour, and to grant me that I may soon comfort you with other good news.”
In this year by prompt action, and still more by skilful73 diplomacy74, the King crushed a formidable insurrection that threatened his power in the north. After executing the chiefs of the rising—Scrope, Archbishop of York, and Mowbray, Earl Marshall—he turned his attention to Wales. If he could crush Glendower he had practically rid himself of his enemies, for he held in his power the heir to the Scottish throne. With his father’s action in the north the Prince could have had nothing to do; but we may be sure that he took a part in the Welsh campaign. Large as was the force which Henry brought into the field, little or nothing was accomplished76. The Welshmen were driven from the plain country; but they could not be touched in their mountain fastnesses. Indeed the weather was so exceptionally bad that Glendower was believed to have secured the aid of this powerful ally by his magical arts. Early in the autumn the King returned to London, disbanding at the same time the greater part of his forces, and leaving the17 command of operations, as before, in the hands of the Prince of Wales.
It would be tedious to give all the details of Henry’s proceedings that may be found in the public documents of the time. On the whole, we get from these sources the picture of a vigorous young prince, who must of course have been assisted by older counsellors, but who was not a mere77 puppet in their hands. He is making head to the best of his abilities and means against a formidable rebellion. He is much hampered78 by want of money, and the King and the Council try to help him. As time goes on, more means and more power are put into his hands. King, Privy Council, and Parliament seem to be agreed in trusting him. The King does not think it necessary to visit in person the region which he had put into his son’s charge. More than once, after proclaiming his purpose to take the field himself against the Welsh rebels, he changes his mind, and goes elsewhere. The Council accept without hesitation79 his recommendation of the Prince and his affairs to their care. When Parliament is sitting, it votes him money for the purposes of his campaigns.
The proceedings, however, in the first half of 1406 are so important as bearing on the position of the Prince that they must be specially80 mentioned. At some time in March or April the Privy Council held a meeting, at which the succession of the Prince of Wales to the throne was considered, as was also the subject of his lieutenancy81 in Wales, and of his power to amnesty rebels who might give in their submission82. About the same time the House of Commons sent up an address to the King, praying him to thank the Prince for18 his diligence in the government of Wales, to which, it will be remembered, he had been appointed three years before. This address is dated April 3rd. Two days afterwards the King renewed the appointment of the Prince as Lieutenant of Wales till November 11th. Special authority was conferred upon him to admit rebels to grace on such terms as might approve themselves to him and his counsellors. Before the period thus specified83 had expired—i.e., on September 27th—provision was made for a further tenure84 of his office.
In the interval85 between April and September the King’s health had begun to fail so seriously that the question of settling the succession became urgent. On April 26th he addressed two letters from Windsor to the Council. In the first—written, it would seem, early in the day—he tells them that he should not be able to fulfil his purpose of being at Westminster on that day. Some ailment86 had attacked his leg, and he was also suffering seriously from ague. Consequently his physicians considered that it would be dangerous for him to travel on horseback. However, he intended to be at Staines that night; from Staines he would journey by water to London, where he hoped to be in the course of three or four days. The second letter was written later in the day. By that time his illness had so much increased that he had to give up altogether the idea of travelling. The Council would have to go on with public business without him. On June 7th the House of Commons voted an address of thanks to the Prince, which was to be forwarded to him in Wales. At the same time Parliament passed an Act declaring that the succession to the throne was in the Prince of Wales and19 the heirs-male of his body lawfully87 begotten88; and failing these, to the other sons of the King and their heirs in succession. Six months later this was amended89 by another Act, which abolished the restriction90 to heirs-male. This was done, of course, from considerations of general policy, but it indicates a feeling of confidence in the Prince.
The proclamation of this Act bears date December 22nd. Before this time the Prince had come to London, and this is positively91 the first time that we have an intimation of his presence in the capital. His name appears on the list of the persons attending the meeting of the Privy Council in the afternoon of December 8th; but it is absent from a list dated November 27th, and the Prince must therefore have been sworn in between the two dates. He was present again at a meeting held on January 30th, when the Great Seal was resigned by Thomas Langley, Bishop75 of Durham, and handed to Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury. How much longer his visit to London lasted, we cannot say. Probably he returned to the scene of his government when the season for action in the field came on. At any rate by the early autumn of the year he had gained considerable successes, having received the submission of three chiefs, an event which was evidently thought to be of considerable importance.
In a brief session of Parliament during the same year (October 20th to November 21st) the Prince again received public thanks. A little later in the year the King granted him certain property which had been forfeited92 by the outlawry93 of sundry94 persons; and also reappointed him, for the fourth time, his Lieutenant in20 Wales. He had now, it will be remembered, completed his twentieth year. The Welsh appointment was twice more renewed—on December 27th, 1407, and again on January 19th, 1409–10. Probably there would have been an impropriety, now that the Prince had attained95 years of maturity96, in handing over to any one else the chief command in the principality from which he took his title. But he seems to have had personally little to do with Welsh affairs during the latter part of his father’s reign. The last record of his presence in the country is a document, executed at Carmarthen Castle, and bearing date September 23rd, 1408. At that time he had been five years and a half in command. He had been so far unsuccessful in dealing97 with the Welsh insurrection that Owen Glendower still held out, as indeed he continued to do up to the day of his death. But the rebels or patriots98, according as we may choose to call them, were certainly confined within narrow limits. The Welsh difficulty was no longer, as it had been in the days before the battle of Shrewsbury, a danger that threatened the throne of the Lancastrian princes; it had ceased to be even a serious annoyance99. Glendower still remained unsubdued in his mountain fastnesses; but the rich plains of Herefordshire and Worcestershire were no longer in fear of his incursions. So the Prince’s Welsh campaigns were a success rather than, as is commonly stated by historians, a failure. How much of this success was due to his personal initiative it is, of course, impossible to say. When he was first formally appointed to his office he was just nine months younger than was the Black Prince at Crecy. Lads between fifteen and sixteen are now-a-days21 considered too young even for the responsibilities of a sixth form in a public school. In the England of Edward and Henry’s time men came much earlier to their maturity. The royal caste especially, accustomed from the very first to the realities of power, learnt very soon to act for themselves. The young Prince is probably entitled to a very considerable share of whatever credit may attach during the time of his active lieutenancy to the management of Welsh affairs.
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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bullies
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| n.欺凌弱小者, 开球 vt.恐吓, 威胁, 欺负 | |
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taverns
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| n.小旅馆，客栈，酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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tavern
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| n.小旅馆，客栈；小酒店 | |
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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vividly
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| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
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authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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playwright
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| n.剧作家，编写剧本的人 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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plumed
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| 饰有羽毛的 | |
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transmuting
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| v.使变形，使变质，把…变成…( transmute的现在分词 ) | |
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comedian
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| n.喜剧演员；滑稽演员 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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buffoon
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| n.演出时的丑角 | |
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ridicule
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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boon
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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pawned
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| v.典当，抵押( pawn的过去式和过去分词 )；以（某事物）担保 | |
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levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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ravaging
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| 毁坏( ravage的现在分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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lieutenancy
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| n.中尉之职，代理官员 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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ailment
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| n.疾病，小病 | |
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lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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begotten
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| v.为…之生父( beget的过去分词 )；产生，引起 | |
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Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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outlawry
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| 宣布非法，非法化，放逐 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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