It will be sufficient to give a few only of the many occasions on which the Prince’s name is mentioned. It will be seen that they indicate, more or less plainly, the confidence and affection existing between him and his father.
To be in command both at Dover and Calais, while still retaining the lieutenantship of Wales, was manifestly to be in a position of great trust. Not less significant in another way was his appointment (dated February 1st, 1408–9) as guardian14 of the young Earl of March and his brother, two most important persons as representing a rival claim to the throne. The general opinion of his character may be indicated by the fact that when, in compliance15 with a request from the Commons, the Lords32 before appointed to be of the King’s Council were again declared, all of them took the oath to do justice excepting the Prince of Wales, who for his rank was excused that ceremony.
In the course of the year 1411 we find grants of money made to the Prince for operations to be carried on at Calais and for the defence of Wales. In the October of that year the King makes him a present of twenty hogsheads of red wine from Gascony. It should be mentioned that in the previous year he had received from the King a grant for life of the palace of Coldharbour, in the parish of Hayes in Middlesex.
On November 2nd in this year Parliament met and sat for six weeks. In the course of the session the Speaker, in the name of the Commons, prayed the King to thank the Prince and the other Lords of the Council for their great labour and diligence, and declared the opinion of the House that the said Lords had done their duty, according to their promise, well and loyally. The Prince and his colleagues were present, and kneeling declared by the mouth of the Prince that they had endeavoured so to act. Thereupon the King thanked them. On the last day of the Parliament the Speaker recommended the Queen, the Prince, and the King’s younger son to the King, and asked for the advancement16 of their estates. To this recommendation the King returned the usual gracious answer.
There is nothing particularly remarkable17 in these proceedings18; but they indicate the existence of harmony and good feeling between the King, his heir, and the House of Commons, and there is certainly nothing to support the allegations that have now to be considered.
33 In a chronicle the date of which cannot be fixed19, but which was certainly not contemporary with the events which it professes20 to narrate21, it is stated that in the Parliament of 1411 the Prince desired of the King that he should resign the kingdom, as being incapable22 by reason of ill-health of performing its duties, that the King refused to do so, and that thereupon the Prince and his counsellors withdrew from the Parliament.
In another chronicle, also of uncertain date, written by a monk24 of the Abbey of Malmsbury, it is stated that in the thirteenth year of King Henry the Fourth “a convention was made between Henry Beaufort, Bishop25 of Winchester, and almost all the Lords that one of them should speak to the King, desiring that he should resign the crown and permit his eldest26 son to be crowned, seeing that he was so horribly afflicted27 by leprosy; and that this being told to the King, he, being unwilling28 so to resign his crown, by the advice of some of his Lords rode through a great part of England, notwithstanding the said leprosy.”
All the historical confirmation30 of this allegation that exists lies in the fact that sixteen years afterwards the Bishop, being on his trial for high treason, was accused of having stirred up the King, when Prince of Wales, to endeavour to bring about the resignation of his father. No evidence was offered in support of the charge, and the Bishop was acquitted31. This acquittal is not a conclusive32 proof of the prelate’s innocence33, for the trial was a political move on the part of the faction34 opposed to him, and the result would naturally follow the event of the struggle. The charge must have represented some kind of popular belief. It is probable,34 or at least not impossible, that at some time during these two years of Henry the Fourth’s life there was a feeling that the functions of government were not efficiently35 performed by him, and that they might with advantage be handed over to his heir. The Prince may have shared this feeling, but there is nothing to prove that he did. In the absence of all evidence we may conclude that he did not show it by any overt36 act.
One part of the story is indeed conclusively37 disproved by testimony38 that cannot be gainsaid39. The King did not ride over a great part of England to show his people that he was not disabled by the leprosy. We know that on June 12th, 1411, he was at the Abbey of Stratford, that he returned thence to his palace at Westminster on that day, and that he was never afterwards absent for a whole day from that residence.
In a proclamation dated February 3rd, 1411–12, the King addresses his heir as “his most dear son, Henry, Prince of Wales.” The language is formal; but, so far as it goes, it indicates continued confidence and affection on the part of the King. This, it will be observed, was a few weeks after the session of Parliament in which, as is alleged40, the Prince endeavoured to oust41 his father from power.
One piece of contemporary evidence, however, must not be neglected. Monstrelet writes thus (i. 101):
“He (Henry IV) was so sorely oppressed at the latter end of his sickness, that those who attended him, not perceiving him to breathe, concluded that he was dead, and covered his face with a cloth. It was the custom in that country, whenever the King was ill, to place the royal crown on a cushion beside his bed, and for his successor to take it at his death. The Prince of Wales, being informed by the attendants that his35 father was dead, had carried away the crown; but, shortly after, the King uttered a groan42, and his face was uncovered, when, on looking for the crown, he asked what had become of it? His attendants replied that ‘my lord the Prince had taken it away.’ He bade them send for the Prince, and, at his entrance, the King asked him why he had carried away the crown. ‘My lord,’ answered the Prince, ‘your attendants here present affirmed to me that you were dead; and as your crown and kingdom belong to me as your eldest son, after your decease, I had taken it away.’ The King gave a deep sigh, and said, ‘My fair son, what right have you to it? for you well know I had none.’ ‘My lord,’ replied the Prince, ‘as you have held it by the right of your sword, it is my intent to hold and defend it the same during my life,’ The King answered, ‘Well, act as you see best; I leave all things to God, and pray that He will have mercy on me.’”
Shakespeare has used the story for the scene with which every one is familiar; but he has used it in a different sense from that in which it is told. The dramatist’s purpose was to heighten the contrast between the Prince, reckless, selfish, greedy of power, and the King, changed by his elevation43 into a model of wisdom, thoughtfulness, and moderation. The chronicler, who is manifestly a Yorkist partisan44, introduces it to enforce the dying King’s supposed confession45 of his wrongful tenure46 of the crown. There is no hint of the father charging the son with a greedy grasping at power. Dr. Lingard seems right in suggesting that the story was a fiction of the partisans47 of the Earl of March. It has a very improbable look, and is supported by nothing that we know of the manner of the King’s death.
There remains48, however, a certain residuum of evidence which makes it not altogether improbable that during the last year of Henry the Fourth’s life there36 was some disturbance49 of the harmony between him and his eldest son.
Thomas Hardyng wrote in 1465 a metrical life of Henry the Fifth, which is known as Versus50 Rhythmici in laudem Henrici Quinti. In this we find the following lines:
“The King discharged the Prince from his counsail, And set my lord Sir Thomas in his stead, Chief of the council for the King’s more avail; For which the Prince, of wrath51 and wilful52 head, Again him made debate and froward tread, With whom the King took part and held the field, To time the Prince unto the King him yield.”
Hardyng was born in 1378, and he must therefore have been in very advanced age when he wrote his Versus Rhythmici. More than half a century, too, had passed since the time of which he was writing. These considerations, however, scarcely impair53 the value of his testimony. The memory of an old man is commonly tenacious54 of things that belong to his early life; nor can we, on the other hand, find a probable origin for so circumstantial a story in the fancies of dotage55. There is possibly more weight in the argument that there is no mention of any such occurrence in the chronicle which Hardyng wrote some thirty years before the composition of his Versus Rhythmici. But the chronicle was written while the house of Lancaster was still in undisputed possession of the throne, and, being doubtless intended for the perusal56 of Henry the Sixth, who must have been about attaining57 his majority when it was finished; it is quite possible that the writer may have suppressed the mention of a family quarrel. But in later times he37 attached himself to the house of York, and his chronicle is supposed to have been rewritten at the instance of Richard, Duke of York, killed at Wakefield. In 1465 Edward the Fourth was, to all appearance, firmly seated on the throne. Praises of a great national hero, such as was Henry the Fifth, would not be unwelcome; but there would be no motive58 for tenderness in writing the family history. It must be allowed that, on the whole, Hardyng’s testimony has a certain weight.
Then comes the question—Is it confirmed by any other evidence? There is an entry in the Pell Rolls, under the date February 18th, 1411–12, which records the payment to the Prince of a thousand marks in consideration of the labours, costs, and charges sustained by him “quo tempore fuit de consilio ipsius Domini Regis.” The words may mean, according to the sense which we may put on fuit, “for the time during which he has been of the King’s Council” or “for the time during which he was,” etc. It has been argued that if the latter sense had been intended erat would have been used instead of fuit. It may be allowed that the signification of erat would not have been ambiguous. It would have meant that he was at some former time and was not at the time of writing. But fuit may mean the same. It is often used as a most emphatic59 pr?terite, as in the famous “fuimus Troes, fuit Ilium.” The Prince, too, it must be remembered, had been a member of the Council at this time for more than eleven years. If he still retained his seat in it, it is somewhat strange that now for the first time the payment of compensation for his expenses and service appears. The first impression left by the entry38 certainly is that the thousand marks were a solacium paid to him on ceasing to belong to it.3
A noticeable omission60 occurs in a writ23 issued on June 11th, 1412—that is, about four months after the entry just discussed. The Prince is described, without any affectionate or complimentary61 epithet62, as the “Captain of Calais.” It is possible that this omission may have been unintentional: there are instances in which it occurs where it is impossible to suppose that any kind of displeasure or angry feeling is implied; and we certainly find an entry of May 1st in the same year in which the usual terms of affection are employed.
If the Prince was removed from the Council or retired63 from it voluntarily, his absence cannot have lasted long. His supposed successor or substitute, Thomas, Duke of Clarence, left England to take the command of the English forces in Aquitaine in July 1412, nor did he return to this country till after his father’s death. It is noticeable that there is no trace of the resentment64 which an elder brother unjustly dispossessed might be supposed to feel for him who had supplanted65 him. Henry, when he became king, retained the Duke of Clarence in his command. In July a Council was held at which the means of raising money for the expenses of the King, and for a force which was apparently66 about to be got together to serve under the Prince, were discussed. In the September of the same year the Prince, if we may trust the author of the Chronicle39 of London, actually attended a Council. Whether this be the case or no, it is certain that about this time we find the Council deliberating about matters which closely concerned the Prince’s character, and coming to a conclusion highly favourable67 to him. He had been accused, it would seem, of keeping back moneys that he had received for the payment of his soldiers. He had now sent in two rolls of paper, giving particulars of his expenditure68, and the Council accordingly directed the issue of letters under the Privy Seal which should set forth69 the true state of the case. A further order was made at the same sitting of the Council for the payment of a considerable sum of money on account of the wages of certain men-at-arms who were stationed under the Prince’s command in Wales. Very similar entries, which it is needless to give, are found under date October 21st.
If, then, there was any disagreement between the King and his eldest son, it must probably be referred to the earlier part of 1412. It is easy to make conjectures71 about the cause, for indeed several causes are possible or even probable, but difficult to find reasons for preferring one conjecture70 to another. There may have been the ordinary jealousy72 that is found so often between the possessor and the heir of power. The elder Henry’s capacity may have begun to fail him, as his health certainly failed, during the last years of his life. Dissatisfaction on the side of the vigorous successor to the throne and suspicion on that of its enfeebled holder73 would naturally follow. And the young Henry may well have felt some personal annoyance74 at the tortuous75 policy which his father persisted in following in French affairs. The King made a treaty with the King of40 France in December 1410. No sooner was it proclaimed than in the following March he began to negotiate with the Duke of Burgundy, and concluded a truce76 with him in May. In the following year an alliance, offensive and defensive77, was made with the French Princes who were acting78 on behalf of the then disabled King; and again, a month after this, another treaty was concluded with the Duke of Burgundy. The affairs of the Prince himself were one of the subjects dealt with in these negotiations79. Henry the Fourth was eager in the extreme to strengthen his position by a matrimonial alliance with a royal family of undoubted title. It was now a daughter of the French King, and now a daughter of the Duke of Burgundy, who seemed to him a desirable bride for the heir to his crown; and it is just possible that the young man, who was quite capable of being resolute80 in such matters, did not wholly approve of the diplomacy81 by which his father sought to dispose of him in marriage.
It is possible that a curious story, previously82 referred to as bearing on the question of Henry’s possible residence at Oxford83, may belong to this time of estrangement84. It was on a New Year’s Day—the New Year’s Day of 1411–12, if this conjecture be correct—that the Prince, finding that his enemies had slandered85 him to his father, came to Westminster Hall. Dressed, according to one version, in his old student’s gown, with the needle and thread, still yearly presented to the members of Eglesfield’s foundation, stuck in its collar, he advanced, leaving his attendants clustered round the coal fire in the middle of the hall, to the upper end where the King sat with his immediate86 attendants. Saluting87 his father41 he begged for a private audience, and the King, who was unable to walk, was carried into another room. Then the Prince fell on his knees, and drawing his dagger88 from its sheath presented it to his father, and begged him to plunge89 it into his heart if he thought that there could be found there any feelings but those of affection and loyalty90. The chronicler Otterbourne tells a somewhat similar story, but refers it to the June of this same year.
Another charge that has been brought against Henry may be traced in the first place to John Stow, whose Summary of the Chronicles of England was published in 1570, and through him to Robert Fabyan, whose Chronicle was probably written early in the sixteenth century. Stow writes:
“He (the Prince) lived somewhat insolently91, insomuch that while his father lived, being accompanied with some of his young lords and gentlemen, he would wait in disguised array for his own receivers and distress92 them of their money, and sometimes at such enterprises both he and his companions were sorely beaten; and when his receivers made to him their complaints how they were robbed in their coming to him, he would give them their discharge of so much money as they had lost, and besides that they should not depart from him without great rewards for their trouble and vexation, especially they should be rewarded that best had resisted him and his company, and of whom he had received the greatest and most strokes.”
Of Fabyan it is only necessary to say that he does not give any such details, but says generally that the “King, before the death of his father, applied93 himself unto all vice29 and insolency, and drew unto him violent and wildly-disposed persons.”42 Stow, therefore, it will be seen, improved upon Fabyan. Recent writers have improved upon Stow by finding a cause for these lawless proceedings in Henry’s grinding poverty. Poverty was doubtless the prevailing94 condition of both father and son; but the King was as liberal to his heir as his means permitted. The Prince had often, it is clear, money enough to advance his soldiers’ pay, for we hear of sums repaid him on this account. The story may be dismissed as a fable95, or, if it has any foundation at all, as the exaggerated report of a youthful freak.
A still more baseless invention is that the Prince and his wild companions indulged in various extravagant96 doings at his manor97 of Cheylesmore, near Coventry, and that on one occasion he and they were taken into custody98 by the Mayor of Coventry. The legend cannot, it seems, be traced beyond the latter part of the seventeenth century.
The other charges against Henry’s character may be more conveniently considered in the next chapter.
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constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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circumspection
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| n.细心，慎重 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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intimacies
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| 亲密( intimacy的名词复数 )； 密切； 亲昵的言行； 性行为 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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fixed
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professes
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narrate
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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writ
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monk
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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afflicted
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unwilling
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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efficiently
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| adv.高效率地，有能力地 | |
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overt
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conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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testimony
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gainsaid
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| v.否认，反驳( gainsay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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oust
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| vt.剥夺，取代，驱逐 | |
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groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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elevation
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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versus
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| prep.以…为对手，对；与…相比之下 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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dotage
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| n.年老体衰；年老昏聩 | |
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perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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complimentary
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| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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conjectures
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| 推测，猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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72
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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holder
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| n.持有者，占有者；(台，架等)支持物 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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tortuous
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| adj.弯弯曲曲的，蜿蜒的 | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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slandered
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| 造谣中伤( slander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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saluting
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的现在分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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insolently
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| adv.自豪地，自傲地 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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manor
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| n.庄园，领地 | |
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custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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