“Of his true titles to some certain dukedoms; And, generally, to the crown and seat of France, Derived9 from Edward, his great-grandfather.”
We are not called upon to discuss the historical foundation for this story. The chroniclers of the sixteenth51 century probably put something of the feelings which were dominant10 in their own times into their narratives11 of the earlier age. But the movement which culminated12 in the action of Henry the Eighth was then beginning. The wealth of the Church was certainly overgrown and often ill-applied. Cupidity13 it was sure to excite; but wise and honourable14 statesmen also regarded it with dislike as an influence adverse15 to the national prosperity. But to suppose that the ecclesiastical authorities could stifle17 these feelings by forcing, so to speak, upon the nation a war to which it was averse18 or even indifferent is to contradict all the analogies of history.
It would be equally erroneous to suppose that Henry himself was driven to embark19 in war by a feeling of the insecurity of his position, and by the desire to conceal20 by the glory of his military achievements the weakness of his title to the throne. Still it is true that the claim to the French crown was the heritage of the Plantagenets, and that Henry was compelled to assert it if he would show himself the authentic21 representative of the second Henry and the third Edward.
For some time after William of Normandy seized the English throne the relations of the King of England to the King of France—it might be more correct to say, the king who reigned23 at Paris—were those of an over-powerful vassal24 to a weak suzerain. When Henry the Second actually ruled over a larger part of France than the prince who was nominally26 its sovereign, this reversal of the ordinary state of things, according to which the lord was the superior, the vassal the inferior, was complete. But the tendency of things was to strengthen the central52 power at Paris, and to weaken the great feudatories. The English kings could not retain a permanent hold on their continental28 possessions. In the course of the forty-three years’ reign22 of Philip Augustus the vast French territory held by Henry the Second was reduced to the provinces of Gascony and Guienne, from more than a half to less than a tenth of the whole country.
Without following in detail the events of the next hundred years, we may say that their tendency was to separate the two countries more and more completely, and to prepare the way for the change in their relations which may be held to date from the year 1327. In that year the last of the three sons of Philip the Fair died childless. Edward the Third of England, as the son of Philip’s daughter Isabella, put forward a claim to the succession as against Philip of Valois, who, as descended29 from a common grandfather, Philip the Hardy30, was his first cousin.5 This claim he attempted to enforce by the invasion which began with the brilliant victories of Crecy and Poictiers, and reached a certain measure of success in the Treaty of Bretigny (1360). But before many years had passed, all but Calais was lost to England; and when Henry the Fifth resolved to recover what he claimed as the inheritance of his predecessors, he had to begin, it may be said, the work of conquest over again.
Allies, however, he had whose assistance he was to53 find very useful. The dynasty of De Montfort had been established in possession of the dukedom of Britanny in a great measure by English help, and though the relations between the two countries had not been invariably friendly since that time, the sense of this obligation, and, still more powerfully, a jealous fear of the French king, inclined Britanny to the English alliance.
The Dukes of Burgundy, though they had no such motives31 of gratitude32 towards England, felt a far stronger hostility33 towards France. The feud27 between the rival factions34 which went by the names of Burgundians and Armagnacs had now been raging for several years; and though the attitude of the Burgundians varied—at the great struggle of Agincourt they were allies, though lukewarm and even doubtful allies, of the French—they ultimately ranked themselves decidedly on Henry’s side.
In 1414, then, Henry formally demanded, as the heir of Isabella, mother of his great-grandfather Edward, the crown of France. This claim the French princes wholly refused to consider. Henry then moderated his demands so far, at least, as to allow Charles to remain in nominal25 possession of his kingdom; but they were still conceived on a scale such as to render their acceptance impossible. France was to cede35 to England, no longer as a feudal36 superior making a grant to a vassal, but in full sovereignty, the provinces of Normandy, Maine, and Anjou, together with all that was comprised in the ancient duchy of Aquitaine. Half, too, of Provence was claimed, and the arrears37 of the ransom38 of King John, amounting to twelve hundred thousand crowns, were also to be paid. Finally, the French king was to give his54 youngest daughter, Katharine, in marriage to Henry, with a portion of two million crowns.6
The French Ministers offered, in answer, to yield the duchy of Aquitaine, comprising the provinces of Anjou, Gascony, Guienne, and Poitou, and to give the hand of the Princess Katharine with a dowry of six hundred thousand crowns, more, it was urged, than any daughter of France had ever before received on the occasion of her marriage.
These offers were refused. On September 17th (1414) writs39 were issued calling together a new Parliament to meet on November 19th at Westminster. The King was present, but what we should call the Royal Speech was delivered by Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester and Lord Chancellor40. In this the speaker declared, not only that the King was resolved to govern his realm wisely, but that he would prosecute41 even to death his claim to the rightful inheritance, so long withheld42 from him and his predecessors, of the crown of France. That he might do this with success, the Commons were exhorted43 to grant a liberal subsidy44. They voted, with the assent45 of the peers and the clergy, two-tenths and two-fifteenths.7
55 The scrupulous46 side of Henry’s character, which seems to have been not less developed than what may be described as the ambitious side, would not be satisfied without another attempt at negotiation47. His uncle, the Earl of Dorset, afterwards Duke of Exeter, accompanied by the Bishops48 of Durham and Norwich, and a retinue49 so splendidly equipped as to excite the astonishment50 of the French, visited Paris with a new offer. Normandy and Maine were no longer to be claimed: the dowry of the Princess was to be reduced from two to one million crowns; but the duchy of Aquitaine and a portion of Provence were still demanded. The French Ministers declined to yield in the matter of the territory, but were willing to raise their offer of a dowry from six to eight hundred thousand crowns. These terms were, of course, unacceptable, and the ambassadors returned to England.
One more effort for peace was made, and this time the overture51 came from France. It may be conveniently mentioned in this place, though it was not made till the preparations for war were considerably52 advanced, and indeed was called forth53 by the alarming report of the fleet and army which the English king was mustering54 that had been carried across the Channel.
On the 29th of June the King, being present in a council held at Winchester, granted seven safe-conducts to the ambassadors of “our adversary55 of France [for so, in view of his own claim, he now styles the French king] about to come into the realm on account of certain matters manifestly concerning the honour of God and the staying of the shedding of human blood.” The principal ambassador was Thomas, Archbishop of Bruges.56 Another high ecclesiastic16, three nobles, and two lawyers accompanied him. The mission was on a splendid scale, for the united retinues56 numbered three hundred and fifty. Henry received them at Winchester.
The Archbishop of Bruges set forth his mission in a long and eloquent57 oration58. After a preliminary dissuasion59 of war and praise of peace, he proceeded to offer terms: Limoges and its dependencies were to be ceded60 to the English crown, and another hundred thousand crowns to be added to the Princess’s dowry.
On the question of money a compromise had been nearly reached. The English demand had been reduced to a million crowns, and the French offer raised to nine hundred thousand. As to territory, the difference was hopelessly wide. Limoges and its dependencies was a poor country, which it would not be worth while to accept. The Archbishop of Canterbury, the accomplished61 Chicheley, was spokesman for the King. He made no mention of dowry, but declared that if the French king would not give with his daughter Aquitaine, Anjou, and all that had ever appertained to the ancestors of the King of England, the said King would in no wise “retire his army nor break his journey, but would with all diligence enter into France, and destroy the people, waste the country, and subvert62 the towns with blood, sword, and fire, and never cease till he had recovered his ancient right and lawful63 patrimony64.” When Chicheley sat down, the King stood up and declared his assent to what he had said, and promised on the word of a prince to perform it to the uttermost.
It was evident that he was bent65 on war. The concessions57 made by his own ambassadors had been taken back, and the conditions now demanded amounted to nothing less than a partition of France. At the beginning of the negotiations66 these had been put forward, in a not uncommon67 fashion of diplomacy68, as a maximum from which it might be convenient to make large deductions69; as an ultimatum70, delivered by a sovereign whose army was almost ready to sail, they meant nothing less than war.
And so the Archbishop of Bruges took them. Casting aside diplomatic forms, he broke forth into an angry denunciation of English arrogance71 and injustice72, and warned the King of the danger into which he was running. Finally, he demanded a safe-conduct to return; a mere73 form of speech, as such a safe-conduct was included in that already given to him and his colleagues.
English chroniclers call him “a proud and presumptuous74 prelate,” yet his anger was nothing but natural. Henry did not resent it, though he did not retreat one whit75 from his position. The safe-conduct he granted, and then added (I quote the speech as it is given by Hollingshead):
“I little esteem76 your French brass77, and less set by your power and strength; I know perfectly78 my right to my reign which you usurp79; and except you deny the apparent truth, so do yourselves also; if you neither do nor will know it, yet God and the world knoweth it. The power of your master you see, but my puissance ye have not yet tasted. If he have loving subjects, I am (I thank God) not unstored of the same; and I say this unto you, that before one year pass, I trust to make the highest crown of your country to stoop, and the proudest mitre to have his humiliation80. In the meantime tell this to the usurper81 your master, that58 within three months I will enter into France, as into mine own true and lawful patrimony, appointing to acquire the same, not with bray82 of words, but with deeds of men and dint83 of sword, by the aid of God, in whom is my whole trust and confidence. Further matter at this present I impart not unto you, saving that with warrant you may depart safely and surely into your own country, where I trust sooner to visit you than you shall have cause to bid me welcome.”
We can hardly suppose that we have here Henry’s very words. The speech has a certain rhetorical, antithetical cast that inclines us to attribute it to the pen of a chronicler who, we may conjecture84 further, was writing in Latin. But it probably represents the substance of the King’s reply with sufficient accuracy.
Nothing more in the way of negotiation could be done. It only remained to press forward the preparations for war.
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1
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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culminated
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| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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stifle
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| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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25
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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cede
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| v.割让，放弃 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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writs
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| n.书面命令，令状( writ的名词复数 ) | |
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40
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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41
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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42
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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43
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44
subsidy
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| n.补助金，津贴 | |
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45
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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46
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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48
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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49
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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50
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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51
overture
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| n.前奏曲、序曲，提议，提案，初步交涉 | |
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52
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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53
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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54
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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55
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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retinues
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| n.一批随员( retinue的名词复数 ) | |
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57
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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58
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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59
dissuasion
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| n.劝止；谏言 | |
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ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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61
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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62
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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66
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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deductions
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| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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70
ultimatum
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| n.最后通牒 | |
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71
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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72
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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76
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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78
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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usurp
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| vt.篡夺，霸占；vi.篡位 | |
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80
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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81
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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82
bray
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| n.驴叫声, 喇叭声；v.驴叫 | |
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83
dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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84
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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