Cosne-sur-Loire, a walled city belonging to the Duke of Burgundy, had been besieged5 by the Dauphin, and had agreed to capitulate unless relieved before August 6th. The Duke sent for help to Flanders and Picardy, and, of course, to King Henry. The King replied that he would come in person, and bring his whole army with him. The army marched out of its quarters in Paris and its environs, and Henry, after taking leave of his wife, whom indeed he never saw again, started from Senlis to join it. He was able to ride as far as Melun, where he exchanged the saddle for a litter, intending to overtake the army; but his illness increased so rapidly that he was compelled to give up his purpose. He handed over the command to the Duke of Bedford, and was carried to the Bois de Vincennes. There he took to his bed, from which he never rose again.
He seems to have been aware that his days were numbered. The Dukes of Bedford and Exeter, the Earl146 of Warwick, and some four or five more of his most trusted counsellors were called to his bedside. To his brother John he said: “My good brother, I beseech6 you, on the loyalty7 and love you have ever expressed for me, that you show the same loyalty and affection to my son Henry, your nephew.” He then gave him directions as to the policy he was to pursue. Monstrelet professes8 to give the dying man’s exact words, but at this point they are obscure and even contradictory9. The Duke of Burgundy was to have the Regency of France, if he wished for it; otherwise his brother was to take it himself. Then, turning to his uncle, he said: “My good uncle of Exeter, I nominate you sole Regent of the kingdom of England, for that you well know how to govern it; and I likewise nominate you as guardian10 to my son; and I insist, on your love to me, that very often you personally visit and see him.” To the Earl of Warwick his words were: “My dear cousin of Warwick, I will that you be his governor, and that you teach him all things becoming his rank, for I cannot provide a fitter person for the purpose.”
Then followed some advice as to the management of affairs. Above all things, dissension with the Duke of Burgundy must be avoided; and this was especially impressed on his brother Humphrey, whose relations with the Duke were not friendly. Unless they could keep on good terms with him, everything would be ruined. The princes of the French royal family whom they had in custody12 were on no account to be released.
After an interview with Sir Hugh de Lannoy, who had come to him on a mission from the Duke of Burgundy, Henry began to prepare for his end. He147 sent for his physicians, and asked them how long they thought he had to live. They were naturally unwilling13 to tell him the truth, and endeavoured to evade14 the question: “It depended solely,” they said, “on the will of God whether he should be restored to health.” The King, dissatisfied with this answer, repeated his question, and commanded them to tell him the actual truth. They consulted together. Then one of them, whom they had appointed their spokesman, fell on his knees by the bedside and said: “Sire, you must think on your soul; for, unless it be the will of God to decree otherwise, it is impossible that you should live more than two hours.”
On hearing this, Henry sent for his confessor. He made his confession15, and received the last sacraments of the Church. He then bade his chaplains recite the seven penitential Psalms16. When in chanting the fifty-first they came to the words “Build Thou the walls of Jerusalem,” he interrupted them and said aloud that he had fully17 intended, after wholly subduing18 the realm of France and restoring it to peace, to conquer the kingdom of Jerusalem. The priests went on with their devotions. In the midst of them he cried out again, as if addressing some invisible adversary19, “Thou liest, thou liest; my part is with the Lord Jesus”; then with a still louder voice, “In manus tuas, Domine”—and so breathed his last. The day of his death was the last day of August. He had just completed his thirty-fourth year.
The body was embalmed20 and placed in a coffin21 of lead. From Vincennes it was first taken in great pomp, attended by the English princes, his household, and a148 multitude of the people, to the Church of Notre-Dame in Paris, where a solemn service was performed over it. From Paris it was removed with the same state to Rouen.
At Rouen, Queen Katherine, who had been kept in ignorance of her husband’s perilous22 condition, waited with the corpse23 till affairs were sufficiently24 settled to allow of the return of the princes to England. This was not for some weeks, and it must have been about the beginning of November when the funeral procession set out. The route was through Abbeville, Hesdin, Montreuil, and Boulogne to Calais.
The coffin was placed on a car drawn25 by four magnificent horses. Above it was an effigy26 of the King, worked in leather, beautifully painted, with a crown of gold upon the head. The right hand held a sceptre; the left a golden ball; the face looked up to the heavens. The effigy lay on a mattress27, on which was a coverlet of vermilion silk interwoven with beaten gold. When it passed through any town a canopy28 of silk, like that which is borne over the Host on Corpus Christi Day, was carried over it by men of rank. The King of Scots followed as chief mourner; with him were Henry’s kinsmen29, the English nobles in France, and the officers of his household; at the distance of a league behind followed the Queen with her ladies. The first halt was at the Church of St. Wolfran in Abbeville; there the coffin rested awhile, while rows of priests on either side chanted requiems30 unceasingly day and night. In every town through which the procession passed, masses were daily said from break of day to noon for the dead man’s soul.
149 From Calais the body was transported to Dover. From Dover it was carried through Canterbury and Rochester to London, which was reached on Martinmas Day (November 11th). As it approached the city it was met by fifteen bishops31 clad in their episcopal robes, a number of mitred abbots and other dignified32 ecclesiastics33, and a vast multitude of people of all ranks. The service for the dead was chanted as the car passed over London Bridge, down Lombard Street, to St. Paul’s Cathedral. The adornment34 of the horses which drew it was notably36 significant. On the collar of the first were emblazoned the ancient arms of England; on that of the second, the arms of France and England quartered—these the late King had borne in his lifetime, as a solemn claim to the double crown; the third showed the arms of France simply; the fourth the traditionary bearings of the invincible37 Arthur—for, like him, Henry had never been vanquished38 in the field—three crowns or on a field azure39. After a great service in St. Paul’s the body was transferred to its final resting-place in Westminster. Preparations on a scale and of a kind such as had never before been thought of were there made for its reception. The relics40 hitherto preserved at the extreme eastern end of the Confessor’s Chapel41 were removed from their place, to make room for the body of the great King. Over the spot was raised a chantry, where masses were to be offered up for ever for his soul, and an altar built in honour of the Annunciation. For a year thirty poor persons were to recite there the Psalter of the Virgin42, adding to it in English the words, “Mother of God, remember thy servant Henry, who putteth his whole trust in thee!”150 The masses have long since ceased to be said; but the chapel with its elaborate sculptures still remains43 to show the reverence44 in which the pious45 soldier was held—reverence such, writes Monstrelet, “as if it were certain he was a saint in Paradise.” The shape of the chapel is that of the first letter of his name. Among the statues which adorn35 it are those of St. George of England and St. Denis of France, the two kingdoms which for a time at least he had united; and the sculptures represent the scenes of his life, his coronation, and his victories in France. The shield and the helmet that are still to be seen above the tomb belong indeed to Henry’s time, but are not, as they have been represented to be, his actual arms, having been furnished by the undertaker as part of the funeral equipment. On the tomb below may still be seen the image of the King, but sadly stripped of its ancient splendour. For the leather effigy which was carried from Rouen to London was substituted, as a more permanent memorial, a figure cut out of heart of oak, covered with silver-gilt and with a head of solid silver. These ornaments46 were too tempting47 for the cupidity48 of some of his degenerate49 countrymen. Sepulchrum modicum50 et mansurum is the terse51 phrase of Tacitus, but Henry’s tomb did not fulfil the condition. Two teeth of gold were carried off in the reign52 of Edward the Fourth, and the silver was stolen at the time of the Dissolution. Had it been wrought53 of humbler stone or alabaster54, it might not have been the headless effigy which stirred the wrath55 of Addison, and still rebukes56 us with the thought of to what meanness humanity can descend57.
The author of the curious Versus58 Rhythmici de151 Henrico Quinto has given us an elaborate description of the King’s personal appearance. The name of this writer is unknown, but it is clear from many of the expressions that he uses that he was a Westminster monk59 who held some office in the royal household. Henry’s head, he tells us, was spherical60, his forehead smooth (planus), an epithet61 which may possibly mean not receding62. These two characteristics were, in his view, signs of intelligence; whether he is right or wrong in his generalisation, we may gather that Henry had an intelligent aspect. His hair was brown, thick, and smooth: here the writer uses again the epithet plani, for want, it would seem, of a more convenient word; he was moving, it should be said, in the very cramping63 fetters64 of Leonine verse. His nose was straight, and his face long (extensus): he had, that is, the oval face so characteristic of the great Englishmen of a later age, the golden time of Elizabeth. His complexion65 was bright (floridus is the word used, but “florid” would give a false impression): his eyes clear and brilliant, opening wide, with a reddish tinge66 in them (if this is the true translation of subrufe patentes); they were the eyes of a dove when he was not provoked, of a lion when he was stirred with anger. His teeth were white as snow and evenly set; his ears small and well shaped; his chin divided (fissum, meaning that it had a noticeable indentation); his neck of a becoming thickness, and fair; his cheeks flat (non inflat? is the phrase, meaning that they were not “puffy,” as were the cheeks of Henry the Eighth) and of a good colour, and his lips of a vermilion hue67. His limbs were strongly and handsomely formed, with bones and152 sinews firmly knit together. The chronicler Hall gives a description which is substantially the same: “He was of stature68 more than the common sort, of body lean, well-membered and strongly made, a face beautiful, somewhat long-necked, black haired.” Black as the colour of his hair is doubtless a mistake for brown, the epithet used by the contemporary chronicler.
The author of this description goes on to relate the royal virtues69. Henry was regular in his attendance at mass, which he heard in his private closet, diligently71 abstracting his mind at the time from worldly cares. He made weekly confession. He was moderate in food and drink, liberal in almsgiving, regular in his fasts. His mood varied72 between liveliness and gravity (morosus). He was diligent70 in the administration of justice, specially2 ready to help the cause of the widow, prompt to put down abuses, “often reading books he surrenders himself to an honourable73 occupation; and,” goes on the writer with an abrupt74 transition, “as a bold archer75 he avoids inaction; therefore he is not fleshy, nor burdened with corpulence, but a handsome man, never weary, whether he be on horseback or on foot.” Elsewhere, too, he speaks of the King’s fondness for hunting, fowling76, and fishing, and of his activity as a walker and rider, characteristics which follow his praises as “one who was not given to vice11 or gluttony.” There can be no doubt that, at least from the time when his father’s death brought home to him the responsibilities of power, he emphatically deserved the praise of purity of life.
The devotional aspect of his character has been spoken of more than once in these pages. It would be unjust to doubt the sincerity77 of his piety78 because many of his153 acts seem inconsistent with our own conceptions of the character which piety should produce. It was not the less genuine in him because it did not make him tender-hearted or philanthropic, because he pursued his great scheme of conquest without scruple79, without remorse80, without a thought for the blood which he was shedding, or for the desolation which he was causing. His religion made him what few kings have been, temperate81 and chaste82. It did not make him merciful; it would not be too much to say that in Henry’s age it made no man merciful. We must compare it, not with the religion of a Havelock or a Gordon, but with the grovelling83 superstition84 of a Lewis the Eleventh. It would certainly be more just to charge him with fanaticism85 than with hypocrisy86. He seems to have looked upon his wars for the acquisition of the French crown as a devout87 prince two centuries before might have looked upon a crusade. It was his mission to recover what he seems, difficult as it is to believe it, to have sincerely regarded as his rightful inheritance. By one of those processes of self-deception that are so difficult to imagine of others, so easy to perform for ourselves, he had persuaded himself of the soundness of a title which seems to us to need no refutation; and all his candid88, his almost audacious confidence, his unhesitating rejection89 of compromises, as well as the earnestness of his prayers and thanksgivings for victory, indicate a profound conviction that he was doing a work to which he had been divinely sent. If we are to compare him with the famous conquerors90 of the world, we should find his parallel in Alexander, convinced that it was his mission to take the vengeance92 of force for centuries of Persian wrong, rather than in154 Napoleon, whose faith did not go beyond a conviction of the power of his big battalions93.
Of Henry’s qualities as a military leader it is impossible to speak too highly. The one possible exception where he may be thought to have failed, not indeed in skill, but in prudence94, was the march from Harfleur to Calais. Yet it was a piece of calculated audacity95 abundantly justified96 by the result. To have gone back from Harfleur with nothing to show for a wasted army but a single seaport97, would have discredited98 him both at home and abroad. He had to make an impressive display of his superiority if he was to be accepted as the future conqueror91 of France. His career after this was one of unbroken success—success earned by courage, foresight99, tactical skill, fertility of resource, economy of strength, in short, by all the qualities of a great captain. There is no more conclusive100 proof of his greatness than the instantaneous change which his presence wrought in the prospects101 of a campaign: Ipso adventu profligata bella.
Of his qualities as a ruler it is difficult to speak. It would be unjust to compare him with Richard C?ur de Lion, and speak of him as a great soldier and nothing more. On the other hand, we do not find in him—we have indeed no opportunity of finding in him—the great legislative102 power of Edward the First. But he was not unmindful of his duties as a king, and in the midst of his campaigns he found time for the cares of civil government. England never had a more popular sovereign, though he made demands upon it in men and money which, considering the shortness of his reign, must have exceeded all precedent;155 and even in the country which he ruled as a stranger he won a general admiration103 and respect.
It should not affect our estimate of his greatness that we now see his schemes of conquest to have been chimerical104, his purpose of uniting the crowns of England and France an impossible dream. He must have himself found it to be so had he lived. When thirty years had passed, after an enormous expenditure105 of blood and treasure, nothing was left of his French conquests. But he had come nearer than any who had gone before him to the accomplishment106 of the great hope of his predecessors107. He died in Paris, the “Heir of France.”
THE END
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1
mantles
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| vt.&vi.覆盖（mantle的第三人称单数形式） | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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embalmed
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| adj.用防腐药物保存（尸体）的v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的过去式和过去分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
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coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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mattress
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| n.床垫，床褥 | |
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canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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requiems
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| （天主教）安魂弥撒仪式，安魂曲( requiem的名词复数 ) | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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adornment
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| n.装饰；装饰品 | |
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adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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azure
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| adj.天蓝色的，蔚蓝色的 | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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modicum
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| n.少量，一小份 | |
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terse
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| adj.(说话，文笔)精炼的，简明的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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alabaster
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| adj.雪白的；n.雪花石膏；条纹大理石 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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rebukes
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的第三人称单数 ) | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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versus
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| prep.以…为对手，对；与…相比之下 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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spherical
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| adj.球形的；球面的 | |
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epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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receding
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的现在分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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cramping
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| 图像压缩 | |
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fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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tinge
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| vt.(较淡)着色于，染色；使带有…气息；n.淡淡色彩，些微的气息 | |
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hue
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| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
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stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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archer
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| n.射手，弓箭手 | |
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fowling
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| 捕鸟，打鸟 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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grovelling
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| adj.卑下的，奴颜婢膝的v.卑躬屈节，奴颜婢膝( grovel的现在分词 )；趴 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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seaport
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| n.海港，港口，港市 | |
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discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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102
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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105
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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107
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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