"Well, Phineas; how do you like the Ph[oe]nix?" Phineas Finn had flown back to London at the instigation probably of Mr. Rattler, and was now standing at the window of Brooks's club with Barrington Erle. It was near nine one Thursday evening, and they were both about to return to the House.
"I don't like the Castle, if you mean that."
"Tyrone isn't troublesome, surely?" The Marquis of Tyrone was the Lord Lieutenant20 of the day, and had in his time been a very strong Conservative.
"He finds me troublesome, I fear."
"I don't wonder at that, Phineas."
"How should it be otherwise? What can he and I have in sympathy with one another? He has been brought up with all an Orangeman's hatred21 for a Papist. Now that he is in high office, he can abandon the display of the feeling,—perhaps the feeling itself as regards the country at large. He knows that it doesn't become a Lord Lieutenant to be Orange. But how can he put himself into a boat with me?"
"All that kind of thing vanishes when a man is in office."
"Yes, as a rule; because men go together into office with the same general predilections22. Is it too hot to walk down?"
"I'll walk a little way,—till you make me hot by arguing."
"I haven't an argument left in me," said Phineas. "Of course everything over there seems easy enough now,—so easy that Lord Tyrone evidently imagines that the good times are coming back in which governors may govern and not be governed."
"You are pretty quiet in Ireland now, I suppose;—no martial23 law, suspension of the habeas corpus, or anything of that kind, just at present?"
"No; thank goodness!" said Phineas.
"I'm not quite sure whether a general suspension of the habeas corpus would not upon the whole be the most comfortable state of things for Irishmen themselves. But whether good or bad, you've nothing of that kind of thing now. You've no great measure that you wish to pass?"
"But they've a great measure that they wish to pass."
"They know better than that. They don't want to kill their golden goose."
"The people, who are infinitely24 ignorant of all political work, do want it. There are counties in which, if you were to poll the people, Home Rule would carry nearly every voter,—except the members themselves."
"You wouldn't give it them?"
"Certainly not;—any more than I would allow a son to ruin himself because he asked me. But I would endeavour to teach them that they can get nothing by Home Rule,—that their taxes would be heavier, their property less secure, their lives less safe, their general position more debased, and their chances of national success more remote than ever."
"You can never teach them, except by the slow lesson of habit. The Heptarchy didn't mould itself into a nation in a day."
"Men were governed then, and could be and were moulded. I feel sure that even in Ireland there is a stratum25 of men, above the working peasants, who would understand, and make those below them understand, the position of the country, if they could only be got to give up fighting about religion. Even now Home Rule is regarded by the multitude as a weapon to be used against Protestantism on behalf of the Pope."
"I suppose the Pope is the great sinner?"
"They got over the Pope in France,—even in early days, before religion had become a farce26 in the country. They have done so in Italy."
"Yes;—they've got over the Pope in Italy, certainly."
"And yet," said Phineas, "the bulk of the people are staunch Catholics. Of course the same attempt to maintain a temporal influence, with the hope of recovering temporal power, is made in other countries. But while we see the attempt failing elsewhere,—so that we know that the power of the Church is going to the wall,—yet in Ireland it is infinitely stronger now than it was fifty, or even twenty years ago."
"Because we have been removing restraints on Papal aggression27, while other nations have been imposing28 restraints. There are those at Rome who believe all England to be Romish at heart, because here in England a Roman Catholic can say what he will, and print what he will."
"And yet," said Phineas, "all England does not return one Catholic to the House, while we have Jews in plenty. You have a Jew among your English judges, but at present not a single Roman Catholic. What do you suppose are the comparative numbers of the population here in England?"
"And you are going to cure all this;—while Tyrone thinks it ought to be left as it is? I rather agree with Tyrone."
"No," said Phineas, wearily; "I doubt whether I shall ever cure anything, or even make any real attempt. My patriotism29 just goes far enough to make me unhappy, and Lord Tyrone thinks that while Dublin ladies dance at the Castle, and the list of agrarian30 murders is kept low, the country is admirably managed. I don't quite agree with him;—that's all."
Then there arose a legal difficulty, which caused much trouble to the Coalition Ministry. There fell vacant a certain seat on the bench of judges,—a seat of considerable dignity and importance, but not quite of the highest rank. Sir Gregory Grogram, who was a rich, energetic man, determined31 to have a peerage, and convinced that, should the Coalition fall to pieces, the Liberal element would be in the ascendant,—so that the woolsack would then be opened to him,—declined to occupy the place. Sir Timothy Beeswax, the Solicitor-General, saw that it was exactly suited for him, and had no hesitation32 in expressing his opinion to that effect. But the place was not given to Sir Timothy. It was explained to Sir Timothy that the old rule,—or rather custom,—of offering certain high positions to the law officers of the Crown had been abrogated33. Some Prime Minister, or, more probably, some collection of Cabinet Ministers, had asserted the custom to be a bad one,—and, as far as right went, Sir Timothy was declared not to have a leg to stand upon. He was informed that his services in the House were too valuable to be so lost. Some people said that his temper was against him. Others were of opinion that he had risen from the ranks too quickly, and that Lord Ramsden, who had come from the same party, thought that Sir Timothy had not yet won his spurs. The Solicitor-General resigned in a huff, and then withdrew his resignation. Sir Gregory thought the withdrawal34 should not be accepted, having found Sir Timothy to be an unsympathetic colleague. Our Duke consulted the old Duke, among whose theories of official life forbearance to all colleagues and subordinates was conspicuous35. The withdrawal was, therefore, allowed,—but the Coalition could not after that be said to be strong in regard to its Law Officers.
But the first concerted attack against the Ministry was made in reference to the budget. Mr. Monk36, who had consented to undertake the duties of Chancellor37 of the Exchequer38 under the urgent entreaties39 of the two dukes, was of course late with his budget. It was April before the Coalition had been formed. The budget when produced had been very popular. Budgets, like babies, are always little loves when first born. But as their infancy40 passes away, they also become subject to many stripes. The details are less pleasing than was the whole in the hands of the nurse. There was a certain "interest," very influential41 both by general wealth and by the presence of many members in the House, which thought that Mr. Monk had disregarded its just claims. Mr. Monk had refused to relieve the Brewers from their licences. Now the Brewers had for some years been agitating42 about their licences,—and it is acknowledged in politics that any measure is to be carried, or to be left out in the cold uncarried and neglected, according to the number of deputations which may be got to press a Minister on the subject. Now the Brewers had had deputation after deputation to many Chancellors43 of the Exchequer; and these deputations had been most respectable,—we may almost say imperative44. It was quite usual for a deputation to have four or five County members among its body, all Brewers; and the average wealth of a deputation of Brewers would buy up half London. All the Brewers in the House had been among the supporters of the Coalition, the number of Liberal and Conservative Brewers having been about equal. But now there was a fear that the "interest" might put itself into opposition45. Mr. Monk had been firm. More than one of the Ministry had wished to yield;—but he had discussed the matter with his Chief, and they were both very firm. The Duke had never doubted. Mr. Monk had never doubted. From day to day certain organs of the Press expressed an opinion, gradually increasing in strength, that however strong might be the Coalition as a body, it was weak as to finance. This was hard, because not very many years ago the Duke himself had been known as a particularly strong Minister of Finance. An amendment46 was moved in Committee as to the Brewers' Licences, and there was almost a general opinion that the Coalition would be broken up. Mr. Monk would certainly not remain in office if the Brewers were to be relieved from their licences.
Then it was that Phineas Finn was recalled from Ireland in red-hot haste. The measure was debated for a couple of nights, and Mr. Monk carried his point. The Brewers' Licences were allowed to remain, as one great gentleman from Burton declared, a "disgrace to the fiscal47 sagacity of the country." The Coalition was so far victorious;—but there arose a general feeling that its strength had been impaired48.
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1 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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2 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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3 fawn | |
n.未满周岁的小鹿;v.巴结,奉承 | |
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4 stranded | |
a.搁浅的,进退两难的 | |
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5 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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6 scattering | |
n.[物]散射;散乱,分散;在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的;分散在不同范围的;广泛扩散的;(选票)数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式);散布;驱散 | |
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7 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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8 absurdity | |
n.荒谬,愚蠢;谬论 | |
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9 capability | |
n.能力;才能;(pl)可发展的能力或特性等 | |
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10 dispensing | |
v.分配( dispense的现在分词 );施与;配(药) | |
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11 economists | |
n.经济学家,经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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12 philosophical | |
adj.哲学家的,哲学上的,达观的 | |
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13 scourges | |
带来灾难的人或东西,祸害( scourge的名词复数 ); 鞭子 | |
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14 wielded | |
手持着使用(武器、工具等)( wield的过去式和过去分词 ); 具有; 运用(权力); 施加(影响) | |
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15 wield | |
vt.行使,运用,支配;挥,使用(武器等) | |
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16 orator | |
n.演说者,演讲者,雄辩家 | |
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17 lengthy | |
adj.漫长的,冗长的 | |
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18 jauntiness | |
n.心满意足;洋洋得意;高兴;活泼 | |
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19 jaunty | |
adj.愉快的,满足的;adv.心满意足地,洋洋得意地;n.心满意足;洋洋得意 | |
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20 lieutenant | |
n.陆军中尉,海军上尉;代理官员,副职官员 | |
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21 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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22 predilections | |
n.偏爱,偏好,嗜好( predilection的名词复数 ) | |
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23 martial | |
adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
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24 infinitely | |
adv.无限地,无穷地 | |
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25 stratum | |
n.地层,社会阶层 | |
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26 farce | |
n.闹剧,笑剧,滑稽戏;胡闹 | |
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27 aggression | |
n.进攻,侵略,侵犯,侵害 | |
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28 imposing | |
adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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29 patriotism | |
n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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30 agrarian | |
adj.土地的,农村的,农业的 | |
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31 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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32 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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33 abrogated | |
废除(法律等)( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 ); 取消; 去掉; 抛开 | |
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34 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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35 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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36 monk | |
n.和尚,僧侣,修道士 | |
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37 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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38 exchequer | |
n.财政部;国库 | |
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39 entreaties | |
n.恳求,乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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40 infancy | |
n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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41 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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42 agitating | |
搅动( agitate的现在分词 ); 激怒; 使焦虑不安; (尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而)激烈争论 | |
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43 chancellors | |
大臣( chancellor的名词复数 ); (某些美国大学的)校长; (德国或奥地利的)总理; (英国大学的)名誉校长 | |
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44 imperative | |
n.命令,需要;规则;祈使语气;adj.强制的;紧急的 | |
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45 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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46 amendment | |
n.改正,修正,改善,修正案 | |
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47 fiscal | |
adj.财政的,会计的,国库的,国库岁入的 | |
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48 impaired | |
adj.受损的;出毛病的;有(身体或智力)缺陷的v.损害,削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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