But something must be told of the occurrences of these two years. In the first place, no marriage had taken place—that is, among our personages; nor had their ranks been thinned by any death. In our retrospective view we will give the pas to Mr. Harcourt, for he had taken the greatest stride in winning that world's success, which is the goal of all our ambition. He had gone on and prospered4 greatly; and nowadays all men at the bar said all manner of good things of him. He was already in Parliament as the honourable5 member for the Battersea Hamlets, and was not only there, but listened to when it suited him to speak. But when he did speak, he spoke6 only as a lawyer. He never allowed himself to be enticed7 away from his own profession by the meretricious8 allurements9 of general politics. On points of law reform, he had an energetic opinion; on matters connected with justice, he had ideas which were very much his own—or which at least were stated in language which was so; being a denizen10 of the common law, he was loud against the delays and cost of Chancery, and was supposed to have supplied the legal details of a very telling tale which was written about this time with the object of upsetting the lord-chancellor as then constituted.
But though he worked as a member only in legal matters, of course he was always ready to support his party with his vote in all matters. His party! here had been his great difficulty on first entering the House of Commons. What should be his party?
He had worked hard as a lawyer. In so doing no party had been necessary to him. Honest hard work—honest, that is, as regarded the work itself, if not always so as regarded the object. Honest hard work, and some cunning in the method of his eloquence11, had at first sufficed him. He was not called upon to have, or at any rate to state, any marked political tenets. But no man can rise to great note as a lawyer without a party. Opulence12 without note would by no means have sufficed with Mr. Harcourt.
When, therefore, he found it expedient13 in the course of his profession to go into Parliament, and with this object presented himself to the inhabitants of the Battersea Hamlets, it was necessary that he should adopt a party. At that time the political watchword of the day was the repeal14 of the corn laws. Now the electors of the Battersea Hamlets required especially to know whether Mr. Harcourt was or was not for free trade in corn.
To tell the truth, he did not care two straws about corn. He cared only for law—for that and what was to be got by it. It was necessary that he should assume some care for corn—learn a good deal about it, perhaps, so as to be able, if called on, to talk on the subject by the hour at a stretch; but it was not a matter on which he was personally solicitous15 a fortnight or so before he began his canvass16.
The Conservatives were at that time in, and were declared foes17 to free trade in corn. They were committed to the maintenance of a duty on imported wheat—if any men were ever politically committed to anything. Indeed, it had latterly been their great shibboleth—latterly; that is, since their other greater shibboleths18 had been cut from under their feet.
At that time men had not learnt thoroughly19 by experience, as now they have, that no reform, no innovation—experience almost justifies20 us in saying no revolution—stinks so foully21 in the nostrils22 of an English Tory politician as to be absolutely irreconcilable23 to him. When taken in the refreshing24 waters of office any such pill can be swallowed. This is now a fact recognized in politics; and it is a great point gained in favour of that party that their power of deglutition should be so recognized. Let the people want what they will, Jew senators, cheap corn, vote by ballot25, no property qualification, or anything else, the Tories will carry it for them if the Whigs cannot. A poor Whig premier26 has none but the Liberals to back him; but a reforming Tory will be backed by all the world—except those few whom his own dishonesty will personally have disgusted.
But at that time—some twelve or fifteen years since—all this was not a part of the political A B C; and Harcourt had much doubt in his own mind as to the party which ought to be blessed with his adherence27. Lord chancellorships and lord chief-justiceships, though not enjoyed till middle life, or, indeed, till the evening of a lawyer's days, must, in fact, be won or lost in the heyday28 of his career. One false step in his political novitiate may cost him everything. A man when known as a recognized Whig may fight battle after battle with mercenary electors, sit yawning year after year till twelve o'clock, ready to attack on every point the tactics of his honourable and learned friend on the Treasury29 seats, and yet see junior after junior rise to the bench before him—and all because at starting he decided30 wrongly as to his party.
If Harcourt had predilections32, they were with the Whigs; but he was not weak enough to let any predilection31 be a burden to his interests. Where was the best opening for him? The Tories—I still prefer the name, as being without definite meaning; the direct falsehood implied in the title of Conservative amounts almost to a libel—the Tories were in; but from the fact of being in, were always liable to be turned out. Then, too, they were of course provided with attorneys and solicitors-general, lords-advocate and legal hangers-on of every sort. The coming chances might be better with the Whigs.
Under these circumstances, he went to his old friend Mr. Die, Mr. Neversaye Die, the rich, quiet, hard-working, old chancery barrister, to whose fostering care he had some time since recommended his friend Bertram. Every one has some quiet, old, family, confidential33 friend; a man given to silence, but of undoubted knowledge of the world, whose experience is vast, and who, though he has not risen in the world himself, is always the man to help others to do so. Every one has such a friend as this, and Mr. Neversaye Die was Harcourt's friend. Mr. Die himself was supposed to be a Tory, quite of the old school, a Lord Eldon Tory; but Harcourt knew that this would in no way bias34 his judgment35. The mind of a barrister who has been for fifty years practising in court will never be biassed36 by his predilections.
Mr. Die soon understood the whole matter. His young friend Harcourt was going into Parliament with the special object of becoming a solicitor-general as soon as possible. He could so become by means only of two moving powers. He must be solicitor-general either to the Whigs or to the Tories. To which he should be so was a question mainly indifferent to Mr. Harcourt himself, and also to Mr. Die in framing his advice.
Mr. Die himself of course regarded corn-law repeal as an invention of the devil. He had lived long enough to have regarded Catholic emancipation37 and parliamentary reform in the same light. Could you have opened his mind, you would probably have found there a settled conviction that the world was slowly coming to an end, that end being brought about by such devilish works as these. But you would also have found a conviction that the Three per Cents. would last his time, and that his fear for the future might with safety be thrown forward, so as to appertain to the fourth or fifth, or, perhaps, even to the tenth or twelfth coming generation. Mr. Die was not, therefore, personally wretched under his own political creed38.
"I should be inclined to support the government if I were going into Parliament as a young man," said Mr. Die.
"There are nine seniors of mine in the House who now do so." By seniors, Mr. Harcourt alluded39 to his seniors at the bar.
"Yes; but they like young blood nowadays. I think it's the safest."
"I shall never carry the Battersea Hamlets unless I pledge myself on this corn-law question."
"Well," said Mr. Die—"well; a seat is certainly a great thing, and not to be had at any moment. I think I should be inclined to yield to the electors."
"And commit myself to the repeal of the corn laws?"
"Commit yourself!" said Mr. Die, with a gentle smile. "A public man has to commit himself to many things nowadays. But my opinion is, that—that you may hold the popular opinion about free trade, and be not a whit40 the less useful to Sir Robert on that account."
Mr. Harcourt was still a young man, and was, therefore, excusable in not seeing to the depth of Mr. Die's wisdom. He certainly did not see to the depth of it; but he had come to his oracle41 with faith, and wisely resolved to be guided by wisdom so much superior to his own.
"Never bind42 yourself wantonly to an expiring policy," said Mr. Die. "The man who does so has surely to unbind himself; and, to say the least of it, that always takes time."
So Mr. Harcourt presented himself to the electors of the Battersea Hamlets as a man very anxious in their behalf in all things, but anxious in their behalf above all things for free trade in corn. "Is it credible43, that now, in this year of grace 184—,—" and so on. Such were the eloquent44 words which he addressed to the electors on this subject, and so taken were they by his enthusiasm that they returned him by a large majority.
Mr. Dod, therefore, in his remarkably45 useful little parliamentary compendium46, put down Mr. Harcourt as a liberal: this he had an opportunity of doing immediately after Mr. Harcourt's election: in his next edition, however, he added, "but supports the general policy of Sir Robert Peel's government."
Mr. Harcourt had altogether managed this little affair so well that, despite his youth, despite also those nine political seniors of his, men began to talk of him as one who might shortly hope to fill high places. He made himself very useful in the House, and did so in a quiet, business-like, unexciting manner, very pleasant to the leading politician of the Treasury bench.
And then there came the Irish famine, and all the bindings of all the Tories were scattered47 to the winds like feathers. The Irishman's potato-pot ceased to be full, and at once the great territorial48 magnates of England were convinced that they had clung to the horns of a false altar. They were convinced; or at least had to acknowledge such conviction. The prime minister held short little debates with his underlings—with dukes and marquises, with earls and viscounts; held short debates with them, but allowed to no underling—to no duke, and to no viscount—to have any longer an opinion of his own. The altar had been a false altar: it was enough for them that they were so told. With great wisdom the majority of them considered that this was enough; and so the bill for the repeal of the corn laws was brought before the House, and the world knew that it would be carried.
And now there was a great opportunity for Mr. Harcourt. He could support the prime minister and merit all manner of legal generalships without any self-unbinding. Alas49! such comfort as this can only belong to the young among politicians! Up to this period he had meddled50 only with law questions. Now was the time for him to come out with that great liberal speech, which should merit the eternal gratitude51 of the Tory leader. Just at the time at which we recommence our tale he did come out with a very great liberal speech, in which, as an independent member, he vehemently52 eulogized the daring policy of that great man who, as he said, was brave enough, and wise enough, and good enough to save his country at the expense of his party. Whether there were not men who could have saved their country without betraying their friends—who would have done so had not Sir Robert been ready with his apostacy; who in fact did so by forcing Sir Robert to his apostacy—as to that, Mr. Harcourt then said nothing. What might not be expected from the hands of a man so eulogized? of a man who was thus able to keep the votes of the Tories and carry the measures of the Liberals? of a man of whom it might now be predicated that his political power would end only with his political life? We should be going on too fast were we to declare in how few months after this triumph that great political chieftain was driven from the Treasury bench.
Mr. Harcourt's name was now mentioned in all clubs and all dining-rooms. He was an acute and successful lawyer, an eloquent debater, and a young man. The world was at his feet, and Mr. Die was very proud of him. Mr. Die was proud of him, and proud also of his own advice. He said nothing about it even to Harcourt himself, for to Mr. Die had been given the gift of reticence53; but his old eye twinkled as his wisdom was confessed by the youth at his feet. "In politics one should always look forward," he said, as he held up to the light the glass of old port which he was about to sip54; "in real life it is better to look back,—if one has anything to look back at." Mr. Die had something to look back at. He had sixty thousand pounds in the funds.
And now we must say a word of Mr. Harcourt, with reference to the other persons of our story. He was still very intimate with Bertram, but he hardly regarded him in the same light as he had done two years before. Bertram had not hitherto justified55 the expectation of his friends. This must be explained more at length in the next two chapters; but the effect on Harcourt had been that he no longer looked up with reverence56 to his friend's undoubted talents. He had a lower opinion of him than formerly. Indeed, he himself had risen so quickly that he had left Bertram immeasurably below him, and the difference in their pursuits naturally brought them together less frequently than heretofore.
But if Harcourt was less concerned than he had been with George Bertram junior, he was much more concerned than he had been with George Bertram senior. He had in former days known nothing of the old merchant; now he was, within certain bounds, almost intimate with him; occasionally dined down at Hadley, and frequently consulted him on money matters of deep import.
With Miss Baker57, also, and Caroline Waddington, Mr. Harcourt was intimate. Between him and Miss Baker there existed a warm friendship, and with Caroline, even, he was on such terms that she often spoke to him as to the deep troubles of her love and engagement. For these were deep troubles, as will be seen also in the coming chapters.
George Bertram had been told by Miss Baker that Caroline was the granddaughter of old Mr. Bertram, and George in his confidence with his friend had told him the secret. Indeed, there had been hardly any alternative, for George had been driven to consult his friend more than once as to this delay in his marriage; and who can ever consult a friend with advantage on any subject without telling him all the circumstances?
It was after this that Harcourt and Miss Baker became so intimate. The ladies at Littlebath had many troubles, and during those troubles the famous young barrister was very civil to them. In the latter of those two years that are now gone, circumstances had brought them up to London for a couple of months in the spring; and then they saw much of Mr. Harcourt, but nothing of George Bertram, though George was still the affianced husband of Miss Waddington.
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unities
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| n.统一体( unity的名词复数 )；（艺术等） 完整；（文学、戏剧） （情节、时间和地点的）统一性；团结一致 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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enticed
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| 诱惑，怂恿( entice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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meretricious
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| adj.华而不实的，俗艳的 | |
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allurements
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| n.诱惑( allurement的名词复数 )；吸引；诱惑物；有诱惑力的事物 | |
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denizen
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| n.居民，外籍居民 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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canvass
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| v.招徕顾客，兜售；游说；详细检查，讨论 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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shibboleths
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| n.（党派、集团等的）准则( shibboleth的名词复数 )；教条；用语；行话 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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foully
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| ad.卑鄙地 | |
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nostrils
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| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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refreshing
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| adj.使精神振作的，使人清爽的，使人喜欢的 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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heyday
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| n.全盛时期，青春期 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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predilection
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| n.偏好 | |
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predilections
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| n.偏爱，偏好，嗜好( predilection的名词复数 ) | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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biassed
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| （统计试验中）结果偏倚的，有偏的 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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compendium
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| n.简要，概略 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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meddled
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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sip
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| v.小口地喝，抿，呷；n.一小口的量 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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56
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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57
baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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