There are six episodes, or, as I may say, divisions in the life of Cicero to which special interest attaches itself. The first is the accusation1 against Verres, in which he drove the miscreant2 howling out of the city. The second is his Consulship4, in which he drove Catiline out of the city, and caused certain other conspirators6 who were joined with the arch rebel to be killed, either legally or illegally. The third was his exile, in which he himself was driven out of Rome. The fourth was a driving out, too, though of a more honorable kind, when he was compelled, much against his will, to undertake the government of a province. The fifth was C?sar's passing of the Rubicon, the battle of Pharsalia, and his subsequent adherence7 to C?sar. The last was his internecine8 combat with Antony, which produced the Philippics, and that memorable9 series of letters in which he strove to stir into flames the expiring embers of the Republic. The literary work with which we are acquainted is spread, but spread very unequally, over his whole life. I have already told the story of Sextus Roscius Amerinus, having taken it from his own words. From that time onward10 he wrote continually; but the fervid11 stream of his eloquence12 came forth13 from him with unrivalled rapidity in the twenty last miserable14 months of his life.
We have now come to the first of those episodes, and I have to tell the way in which Cicero struggled with Verres, and how he conquered him. In 74 b.c. Verres was Pr?tor in Rome. At that period of the Republic there were eight Pr?tors elected 126annually, two of whom remained in the city, whereas the others were employed abroad, generally with the armies of the Empire. In the next year, 73 b.c., Verres went in due course to Sicily with proconsular or propr?torial authority, having the government assigned to him for twelve months. This was usual and constitutional, but it was not unusual, even if unconstitutional, that this period should be prolonged. In the case of Verres it was prolonged, so that he should hold the office for three years. He had gone through the other offices of the State, having been Qu?stor in Asia and ?dile afterward15 in Rome, to the great misfortune of all who were subjected to his handling, as we shall learn by-and-by. The facts are mentioned here to show that the great offices of the Republic were open to such a man as Verres. They were in fact more open to such a candidate than they would be to one less iniquitous—to an honest man or a scrupulous16 one, or to one partially17 honest, or not altogether unscrupulous. If you send a dog into a wood to get truffles, you will endeavor to find one that will tear up as many truffles as possible. A proconsular robber did not rob only for himself; he robbed more or less for all Rome. Verres boasted that with his three years of rule he could bring enough home to bribe18 all the judges, secure all the best advocates, and live in splendid opulence19 for the rest of his life. What a dog he was to send into a wood for truffles!
To such a condition as this had Rome fallen when the deputies from Sicily came to complain of their late governor, and to obtain the services of Cicero in seeking for whatever reparation might be possible. Verres had carried on his plunder22 during the years 73, 72, 71 b.c. During this time Cicero had been engaged sedulously23 as an advocate in Rome. We know the names of some of the cases in which he was engaged—those, for instance, for Publius Oppius, who, having been Qu?stor in Bithynia, was accused by his Proconsul of having endeavored to rob the soldiers of their dues. We are told that the poor province suffered greatly under these two officers, who 127were always quarrelling as to a division of their plunder. In this case the senior officer accused the younger, and the younger, by Cicero's aid, was acquitted25. Quintilian more than once refers to the speech made for Oppius. Cicero also defended Varenus, who was charged with having murdered his brother, and one Caius Mustius, of whom we only know that he was a farmer of taxes. He was advocate also for Sthenius, a Sicilian, who was accused before the Tribunes by Verres. We shall hear of Sthenius again among the victims in Sicily. The special charge in this case was that, having been condemned27 by Verres as Pr?tor in Sicily, he had run away to Rome, which was illegal. He was, however, acquitted. Of these speeches we have only some short fragments, which have been quoted by authors whose works have come down to us, such as Quintilian; by which we know, at any rate, that Cicero's writings had been so far carefully preserved, and that they were commonly read in those days. I will translate here the concluding words of a short paper written by M. du Rozoir in reference to Cicero's life at this period: "The assiduity of our orator28 at the bar had obtained for him a high degree of favor among the people, because they had seen how strictly29 he had observed that Cincian law which forbade advocates to take either money or presents for then pleadings—which law, however, the advocates of the day generally did not scruple30 to neglect."97 It is a good thing to be honest when honesty is in vogue31; but to be honest when honesty is out of fashion is magnificent.
In the affair with Verres, there are two matters to interest the reader—indeed, to instruct the reader—if the story were sufficiently32 well told. The iniquity33 of Verres is the first—which is of so extravagant34 a nature as to become farcical by the absurdity35 of the extent to which he was not afraid to go 128in the furtherance of his avarice36 and lust37. As the victims suffered two thousand years ago, we can allow ourselves to be amused by the inexhaustible fertility of the man's resources and the singular iniquity of his schemes. Then we are brought face to face with the barefaced38 corruption40 of the Roman judges—a corruption which, however, became a regular trade, if not ennobled, made, at any rate, aristocratic by the birth, wealth high names, and senatorial rank of the robbers. Sulla, for certain State purposes—which consisted in the maintenance of the oligarchy41—had transferred the privileges of sitting on the judgment42-seat from the Equites, or Knights43, to the Senators. From among the latter a considerable number—thirty, perhaps, or forty, or even fifty—were appointed to sit with the Pr?tor to hear criminal cases of importance, and by their votes, which were recorded on tablets, the accused person was acquitted or condemned. To be acquitted by the most profuse45 corruption entailed46 no disgrace on him who was tried, and often but little on the judges who tried him. In Cicero's time the practice, with all its chances, had come to be well understood. The Provincial47 Governors, with their Qu?stors and lieutenants48, were chosen from the high aristocracy, which also supplied the judges. The judges themselves had been employed, or hoped to be employed, in similar lucrative50 service. The leading advocates belonged to the same class. If the proconsular thief, when he had made his bag, would divide the spoil with some semblance51 of equity52 among his brethren, nothing could be more convenient. The provinces were so large, and the Greek spirit of commercial enterprise which prevailed in them so lively, that there was room for plunder ample, at any rate, for a generation or two. The Republic boasted that, in its love of pure justice, it had provided by certain laws for the protection of its allied53 subjects against any possible faults of administration on the part of its own officers. If any injury were done to a province, or a city, or even to an individual, the province, or city, or individual could bring its grievance54 to the ivory chair 129of the Pr?tor in Rome and demand redress55; and there had been cases not a few in which a delinquent56 officer had been condemned to banishment57. Much, indeed, was necessary before the scheme as it was found to exist by Verres could work itself into perfection. Verres felt that in his time everything had been done for security as well as splendor58. He would have all the great officers of State on his side. The Sicilians, if he could manage the case as he thought it might be managed, would not have a leg to stand upon. There was many a trick within his power before they could succeed in making good even their standing59 before the Pr?tor. It was in this condition of things that Cicero bethought himself that he might at one blow break through the corruption of the judgment-seat, and this he determined60 to do by subjecting the judges to the light of public opinion. If Verres could be tried under a bushel, as it were, in the dark, as many others had been tried, so that little or nothing should be said about the trial in the city at large, then there would be no danger for the judges. It could only be by shaming them, by making them understand that Rome would become too hot to hold them, that they could be brought to give a verdict against the accused. This it was that Cicero determined to effect, and did effect. And we see throughout the whole pleadings that he was concerned in the matter not only for the Sicilians, or against Verres. Could something be done for the sake of Rome, for the sake of the Republic, to redeem62 the courts of justice from the obloquy63 which was attached to them? Might it be possible for a man so to address himself not only to the judgment-seat, but to all Rome, as to do away with this iniquity once and forever? Could he so fill the minds of the citizens generally with horror at such proceedings64 as to make them earnest in demanding reform? Hortensius, the great advocate of the day, was not only engaged on behalf of Verres, but he was already chosen as Consul3 for the next year. Metellus, who was elected Pr?tor for the next year, was hot in 130defence of Verres. Indeed, there were three Metelluses among the friends of the accused, who had also on his side the Scipio of the day. The aristocracy of Rome was altogether on the side of Verres, as was natural. But if Cicero might succeed at all in this which he meditated66, the very greatness of his opponents would help him. When it was known that he was to be pitted against Hortensius as an advocate, and that he intended to defy Hortensius as the coming Consul, then surely Rome would be awake to the occasion; and if Rome could be made to awake herself, then would this beautiful scheme of wealth from provincial plunder be brought to an end.
I will first speak of the work of the judges, and of the attempts made to hinder Cicero in the business he had undertaken. Then I will endeavor to tell something of the story of Verres and his doings. The subject divides itself naturally in this way. There are extant seven so-called orations68 about Verres, of which the two first apply to the manner in which the case should be brought before the courts. These two were really spoken, and were so effective that Verres—or probably Hortensius, on his behalf—was frightened into silence. Verres pleaded guilty, as we should say, which, in accordance with the usages of the court, he was enabled to do by retiring and going into voluntary banishment. This he did, sooner than stand his ground and listen to the narration70 of his iniquities71 as it would be given by Cicero in the full speech—the "perpetua oratio"—which would follow the examination of the witnesses. What the orator said before the examination of the witnesses was very short. He had to husband his time, as it was a part of the grand scheme of Hortensius to get adjournment72 after adjournment because of certain sacred rites73 and games, during the celebration of which the courts could not sit. All this was arranged for in the scheme; but Cicero, in order that he might baffle the schemers, got through his preliminary work as quickly as possible, saying all that he had to say about the manner of the trial, about the judges, about the scheme, but dilating74 131very little on the iniquities of the criminal. But having thus succeeded, having gained his cause in a great measure by the unexpected quickness of his operations, then he told his story. Then was made that "perpetua oratio" by which we have learned the extent to which a Roman governor could go on desolating75 a people who were intrusted to his protection. This full narration is divided into five parts, each devoted76 to a separate class of iniquity. These were never spoken, though they appear in the form of speeches. They would have been spoken, if required, in answer to the defence made by Hortensius on behalf of Verres after the hearing of the evidence. But the defence broke down altogether, in the fashion thus described by Cicero himself. "In that one hour in which I spoke69"—this was the speech which we designate as the Actio Prima contra Verrem, the first pleading made against Verres, to which we shall come just now—"I took away all hope of bribing77 the judges from the accused—from this brazen78-faced, rich, dissolute, and abandoned man. On the first day of the trial, on the mere79 calling of the names of the witnesses, the people of Rome were able to perceive that if this criminal were absolved80, then there could be no chance for the Republic. On the second day his friends and advocates had not only lost all hope of gaining their cause, but all relish81 for going on with it. The third day so paralyzed the man himself that he had to bethink himself not what sort of reply he could make, but how he could escape the necessity of replying by pretending to be ill."98 It was in this way that the trial was brought to an end.
But we must go back to the beginning. When an accusation was to be made against some great Roman of the day on account of illegal public misdoings, as was to be made now against Verres, the conduct of the case, which would require probably great labor82 and expense, and would give scope for the display of oratorical83 excellence84, was regarded as a task in 132which a young aspirant85 to public favor might obtain honor and by which he might make himself known to the people. It had, therefore, come to pass that there might be two or more accusers anxious to undertake the work, and to show themselves off as solicitous86 on behalf of injured innocence87, or desirous of laboring88 in the service of the Republic. When this was the case, a court of judges was called upon to decide whether this man or that other was most fit to perform the work in hand. Such a trial was called "Divinatio," because the judges had to get their lights in the matter as best they could without the assistance of witnesses—by some process of divination—with the aid of the gods, as it might be. Cicero's first speech in the matter of Verres is called In Quintum C?cilium Divinatio, because one C?cilius came forward to take the case away from him. Here was a part of the scheme laid by Hortensius. To deal with Cicero in such a matter would no doubt be awkward. His purpose, his diligence, his skill, his eloquence, his honesty were known. There must be a trial. So much was acknowledged; but if the conduct of it could be relegated89 to a man who was dishonest, or who had no skill, no fitness, no special desire for success, then the little scheme could be carried through in that way. So C?cilius was put forward as Cicero's competitor, and our first speech is that made by Cicero to prove his own superiority to that of his rival.
Whether C?cilius was or was not hired to break down in his assumed duty as accuser, we do not know. The biographers have agreed to say that such was the case,99 grounding their assertion, no doubt, on extreme probability. But I doubt whether there is any evidence as to this. Cicero himself brings this accusation, but not in that direct manner which he would have used had he been able to prove it. The Sicilians, 133at any rate, said that it was so. As to the incompetency90 of the man, there was probably no doubt, and it might be quite as serviceable to have an incompetent91 as a dishonest accuser. C?cilius himself had declared that no one could be so fit as himself for the work. He knew Sicily well, having been born there. He had been Qu?stor there with Verres, and had been able to watch the governor's doings. No doubt there was—or had been in more pious92 days—a feeling that a Qu?stor should never turn against the Proconsul under whom he had served, and to whom he had held the position almost of a son.100 But there was less of that feeling now than heretofore. Verres had quarrelled with his Qu?stor. Oppius was called on to defend himself against the Proconsul with whom he had served. No one could know the doings of the governor of a province as well as his own Qu?stor; and, therefore, so said C?cilius, he would be the preferable accuser. As to his hatred93 of the man, there could be no doubt as to that. Everybody knew that they had quarrelled. The purpose, no doubt, was to give some colorable excuse to the judges for rescuing Verres, the great paymaster, from the fangs94 of Cicero.
Cicero's speech on the occasion—which, as speeches went in those days, was very short—is a model of sagacity and courage. He had to plead his own fitness, the unfitness of his adversary95, and the wishes in the matter of the Sicilians. This had to be done with no halting phrases. It was not simply his object to convince a body of honest men that, with the view of getting at the truth, he would be the better advocate of the two. We may imagine that there was not a judge there, not a Roman present, who was not well aware of that before the orator began. It was needed that the absurdity of the comparison between them should be declared so loudly 134that the judges would not dare to betray the Sicilians, and to liberate96 the accused, by choosing the incompetent man. When Cicero rose to speak, there was probably not one of them of his own party, not a Consul, a Pr?tor, an ?dile, or a Qu?stor, not a judge, not a Senator, not a hanger-on about the courts, but was anxious that Verres with his plunder should escape. Their hope of living upon the wealth of the provinces hung upon it. But if he could speak winged words—words that should fly all over Rome, that might fly also among subject nations—then would the judges not dare to carry out this portion of the scheme.
"When," he says, "I had served as Qu?stor in Sicily, and had left the province after such a fashion that all the Sicilians had a grateful memory of my authority there, though they had older friends on whom they relied much, they felt that I might be a bulwark97 to them in their need. These Sicilians, harassed98 and robbed, have now come to me in public bodies, and have implored99 me to undertake their defence. 'The time has come,' they say, 'not that I should look after the interest of this or that man, but that I should protect the very life and well-being100 of the whole province.' I am inclined by my sense of duty, by the faith which I owe them, by my pity for them, by the example of all good Romans before me, by the custom of the Republic, by the old constitution, to undertake this task, not as pertaining101 to my own interests, but to those of my close friends."101 That was his own reason for undertaking102 the case. Then he reminds the judges of what the Roman people wished—the people who had felt with dismay the injury inflicted103 upon them by Sulla's withdrawal104 of all power from the Tribunes, and by the putting the whole authority of the bench into the hands of the Senators. "The Roman people, much as they have been made to suffer, regret nothing of that they have lost so much as the strength and majesty105 of the old 135judges. It is with the desire of having them back that they demand for the Tribunes their former power. It is this misconduct of the present judges that has caused them to ask for another class of men for the judgment-seat. By the fault and to the shame of the judges of to-day, the Censor's authority, which has hitherto always been regarded as odious106 and stern, even that is now requested by the people."102 Then he goes on to show that, if justice is intended, this case will be put into the hands of him whom the Sicilians have themselves chosen. Had the Sicilians said that they were unwilling107 to trust their affairs to C?cilius because they had not known him, but were willing to trust him, Cicero, whom they did know, would not even that have been reasonable enough of itself? But the Sicilians had known both of them, had known C?cilius almost as well as Cicero, and had expressed themselves clearly. Much as they desired to have Cicero, they were as anxious not to have C?cilius. Even had they held their tongues about this, everybody would have known it; but they had been far from holding their tongues. "Yet you offer yourself to these most unwilling clients," he says, turning to C?cilius. "Yet you are ready to plead in a cause that does not belong to you! Yet you would defend those who would rather have no defender108 than such a one as you!"103 Then he attacks Hortensius, the advocate for Verres. "Let him not think that, if I am to be employed here, the judges can be bribed109 without infinite danger to all concerned. In undertaking this cause of the Sicilians, I undertake also the cause of the people of Rome at large. It is not only that one wretched sinner should be crushed, which is what the Sicilians want, but that this terrible injustice111 should be stopped altogether, in compliance112 with the wishes of the people."104 When we remember how this was spoken, in the presence of those very judges, in the presence of Hortensius himself, in reliance only on the public opinion which he was to 136create by his own words, we cannot but acknowledge that it is very fine.
After that he again turns upon C?cilius. "Learn from me," he says, "how many things are expected from him who undertakes the accusation of another. If there be one of those qualities in you, I will give up to you all that you ask."105 C?cilius was probably even now in alliance with Verres. He himself, when Qu?stor, had robbed the people in the collection of the corn dues, and was unable therefore to include that matter in his accusation. "You can bring no charge against him on this head, lest it be seen that you were a partner with him in the business."106 He ridicules113 him as to his personal insufficiency. "What, C?cilius! as to those practices of the profession without which an action such as this cannot be carried on, do you think that there is nothing in them? Need there be no skill in the business, no habit of speaking, no familiarity with the Forum115, with the judgment-seats, and the laws?"107 "I know well how difficult the ground is. Let me advise you to look into yourself, and to see whether you are able to do that kind of thing. Have you got voice for it, prudence116, memory, wit? Are you able to expose the life of Verres, as it must be done, to divide it into parts and make everything clear? In doing all this, though nature should have assisted you"—as it has not at all, is of course implied—"if from your earliest childhood you had been imbued117 with letters; if you had learned Greek at Athens instead of at Lilyb?um—Latin in Rome instead of in Sicily—still would it not be a task beyond your strength to undertake such a case, so widely thought of, to complete it by your industry, and then to grasp it in your memory; to make it plain by your eloquence, and to support it with voice and strength sufficient? 'Have I these gifts,' you will ask. Would that I had! But from my childhood I have done all that I could to attain118 them."108
137Cicero makes his points so well that I would fain go through the whole speech, were it not that a similar reason might induce me to give abridgments of all his speeches. It may not be that the readers of these orations will always sympathize with the orator in the matter which he has in hand—though his power over words is so great as to carry the reader with him very generally, even at this distance of time—but the neatness with which the weapon is used, the effectiveness of the thrust for the purpose intended, the certainty with which the nail is hit on the head—never with an expenditure119 of unnecessary force, but always with the exact strength wanted for the purpose—these are the characteristics of Cicero's speeches which carry the reader on with a delight which he will want to share with others, as a man when he has heard a good story instantly wishes to tell it again. And with Cicero we are charmed by the modernness, by the tone of to-day, which his language takes. The rapid way in which he runs from scorn to pity, from pity to anger, from anger to public zeal120, and then instantly to irony121 and ridicule114, implies a lightness of touch which, not unreasonably122, surprises us as having endured for so many hundred years. That poetry should remain to us, even lines so vapid123 as some of those in which Ovid sung of love, seems to be more natural, because verses, though they be light, must have been labored124. But these words spoken by Cicero seem almost to ring in our ears as having come to us direct from a man's lips. We see the anger gathering125 on the brow of Hortensius, followed by a look of acknowledged defeat. We see the startled attention of the judges as they began to feel that in this case they must depart from their intended purpose. We can understand how C?cilius cowered126, and found consolation127 in being relieved from his task. We can fancy how Verres suffered—Verres whom no shame could have touched—when all his bribes128 were becoming inefficient129 under the hands of the orator.
Cicero was chosen for the task, and then the real work began. 138The work as he did it was certainly beyond the strength of any ordinary advocate. It was necessary that he should proceed to Sicily to obtain the evidence which was to be collected over the whole island. He must rate up, too, all the previous details of the life of this robber. He must be thoroughly130 prepared to meet the schemers on every point. He asked for a hundred and ten days for the purpose of getting up his case, but he took only fifty. We must imagine that, as he became more thoroughly versed131 in the intrigues132 of his adversaries133, new lights came upon him. Were he to use the whole time allotted134 to him, or even half the time, and then make such an exposition of the criminal as he would delight to do were he to indulge himself with that "perpetua oratio" of which we hear, then the trial would be protracted135 till the coming of certain public games, during which the courts would not sit. There seem to have been three sets of games in his way—a special set for this year, to be given by Pompey, which were to last fifteen days; then the Ludi Romani, which were continued for nine days. Soon after that would come the games in honor of Victory—so soon that an adjournment over them would be obtained as a matter of course. In this way the trial would be thrown over into the next year, when Hortensius and one Metellus would be Consuls5, and another Metellus would be the Pr?tor, controlling the judgment-seats. Glabrio was the Pr?tor for this present year. In Glabrio Cicero could put some trust. With Hortensius and the two Metelluses in power, Verres would be as good as acquitted. Cicero, therefore, had to be on the alert, so that in this unexpected way, by sacrificing his own grand opportunity for a speech, he might conquer the schemers. We hear how he went to Sicily in a little boat from an unknown port, so as to escape the dangers contrived136 for him by the friends of Verres.109 139If it could be arranged that the clever advocate should be kidnapped by a pirate, what a pleasant way would that be of putting an end to these abominable137 reforms! Let them get rid of Cicero, if only for a time, and the plunder might still be divided. Against all this he had to provide. When in Sicily he travelled sometimes on foot, for the sake of caution—never with the retinue138 to which he was entitled as a Roman senator. As a Roman senator he might have demanded free entertainment at any town he entered, at great cost to the town. But from all this he abstained139, and hurried back to Rome with his evidence so quickly that he was able to produce it before the judges, so as to save the adjournments which he feared.
Verres retired140 from the trial, pleading guilty, after hearing the evidence. Of the witnesses and of the manner in which they told the story, we have no account. The second speech which we have—the Divinatio, or speech against C?cilius, having been the first—is called the Actio Prima contra Verrem—"the first process against Verres." This is almost entirely141 confined to an exhortation142 to the judges. Cicero had made up his mind to make no speech about Verres till after the trial should be over. There would not be the requisite143 time. The evidence he must bring forward. And he would so appall144 these corrupt39 judges that they should not dare to acquit24 the accused. This Actio Prima contains the words in which he did appall the judges. As we read them, we pity the judges. There were fourteen, whose names we know. That there may have been many more is probable. There was the Pr?tor Urbanus of the day, Glabrio. With him were Metellus, one of the Pr?tors for the next year, and C?sonius, who, with Cicero himself, was ?dile designate. There were three Tribunes of 140the people and two military Tribunes. There was a Servilius, a Catulus, a Marcellus. Whom among these he suspected we can hardly say. Certainly he suspected Metellus. To Servilius110 he paid an ornate compliment in one of the written orations published after the trial was over, from whence we may suppose that he was well inclined toward him. Of Glabrio he spoke well. The body, as a body, was of such a nature that he found it necessary to appall them. It is thus that he begins: "Not by human wisdom, O ye judges, but by chance, and by the aid, as it were, of the gods themselves, an event has come to pass by which the hatred now felt for your order, and the infamy145 attached to the judgment seat, may be appeased146; for an opinion has gone abroad, disgraceful to the Republic, full of danger to yourselves—which is in the mouths of all men not only here in Rome but through all nations—that by these courts as they are now constituted, a man, if he be only rich enough, will never be condemned, though he be ever so guilty." What an exordium with which to begin a forensic147 pleading before a bench of judges composed of Pr?tors, ?diles, and coming Consuls! And this at a time, too, when men's minds were still full of Sulla's power; when some were thinking that they too might be Sullas; while the idea was still strong that a few nobles ought to rule the Roman Empire for their own advantage and their own luxury! What words to address to a Metellus, a Catulus, and a Marcellus! I have brought before you such a wretch110, he goes on to say, that by a just judgment upon him you can recover your favor with the people of Rome, and your credit with other nations. "This is a trial in which you, indeed, will have to judge this man who is accused, but in which also the Roman people will have to judge you. By what is done to him will be determined whether a man who is guilty, and at the same time rich, can possibly be condemned in Rome.111If the matter goes amiss here, all men will declare, 141not that better men should be selected out of your order, which would be impossible, but that another order of citizens must be named from which to select the judges."112 This short speech was made. The witnesses were examined during nine days; then Hortensius, with hardly a struggle at a reply, gave way, and Verres stood condemned by his own verdict.
When the trial was over, and Verres had consented to go into exile, and to pay whatever fine was demanded, the "perpetua oratio" which Cicero thought good to make on the matter was published to the world. It is written as though it was to have been spoken, with counterfeit148 tricks of oratory—with some tricks so well done in the first part of it as to have made one think that, when these special words were prepared, he must have intended to speak them. It has been agreed, however, that such was not the case. It consists of a narration of the villainies of Verres, and is divided into what have been called five different speeches, to which the following appellations150 are given: De Pr?tura Urbana, in which we are told what Verres did when he was city Pr?tor, and very many things also which he did before he came to that office, De Jurisdictione Siciliensi, in which is described his conduct as a Roman magistrate152 on the island; De Re Frumentaria, setting forth the abomination of his exactions in regard to the corn tax; De Signis, detailing the robberies he perpetuated153 in regard to statues and other ornaments154; and De Suppliciis, giving an account of the murders he committed and the tortures he inflicted. A question is sometimes mooted155 in conversation whether or no the general happiness of the world has been improved by increasing civilization When the reader finds from these stories, as told by a leading Roman of the day, how men were treated under the Roman oligarchy—not only Greek allies but Romans also—I think he will be inclined to answer the question in favour of civilization.
142I can only give a few of the many little histories which have been preserved for us in this Actio Secunda; but perhaps these few may suffice to show how a great Roman officer could demean himself in his government. Of the doings of Verres before he went to Sicily I will select two. It became his duty on one occasion—a job which he seems to have sought for purpose of rapine—to go to Lampsacus, a town in Asia, as lieutenant49, or legate, for Dolabella, who then had command in Asia. Lampsacus was on the Hellespont, an allied town of specially156 good repute. Here he is put up as a guest, with all the honors of a Roman officer, at the house of a citizen named Janitor157. But he heard that another citizen, one Philodamus, had a beautiful daughter—an article with which we must suppose that Janitor was not equally well supplied. Verres, determined to get at the lady, orders that his creature Rubrius shall be quartered at the house of Philodamus. Philodamus, who from his rank was entitled to be burdened only with the presence of leading Romans, grumbles158 at this; but, having grumbled159, consents, and having consented, does the best to make his house comfortable. He gives a great supper, at which the Romans eat and drink, and purposely create a tumult160. Verres, we understand, was not there. The intention is that the girl shall be carried away and brought to him. In the middle of their cups the father is desired to produce his daughter; but this he refuses to do. Rubrius then orders the doors to be closed, and proceeds to ransack161 the house. Philodamus, who will not stand this, fetches his son, and calls his fellow-citizens around him. Rubrius succeeds in pouring boiling water over his host, but in the row the Romans get the worst of it. At last one of Verres's lictors—absolutely a Roman lictor—is killed, and the woman is not carried off. The man at least bore the outward signs of a lictor, but, according to Cicero, was in the pay of Verres as his pimp.
So far Verres fails; and the reader, rejoicing at the courage of the father who could protect his own house even against 143Romans, begins to feel some surprise that this case should have been selected. So far the lieutenant had not done the mischief162 he had intended, but he soon avenges163 his failure. He induces Dolabella, his chief, to have Philodamus and his son carried off to Laodicea, and there tried before Nero, the then Proconsul, for killing164 the sham61 lictor. They are tried at Laodicea before Nero, Verres himself sitting as one of the judges, and are condemned. Then in the market place of the town, in the presence of each other, the father and son are beheaded—a thing, as Cicero says, very sad for all Asia to behold165. All this had been done some years ago; and, nevertheless, Verres had been chosen Pr?tor, and sent to Sicily to govern the Sicilians.
When Verres was Pr?tor at Rome—the year before he was sent to Sicily—it became his duty, or rather privilege, as he found it, to see that a certain temple of Castor in the city was given up in proper condition by the executors of a defunct166 citizen who had taken a contract for keeping it in repair. This man, whose name had been Junius, left a son, who was a Junius also under age, with a large fortune in charge of various trustees, tutors, as they were called, whose duty it was to protect the heir's interests. Verres, knowing of old that no property was so easily preyed167 on as that of a minor168, sees at once that something may be done with the temple of Castor. The heir took oath, and to the extent of his property he was bound to keep the edifice169 in good repair. But Verres, when he made an inspection170, finds everything to be in more than usually good order. There is not a scratch on the roof of which he can make use. Nothing has been allowed to go astray. Then "one of his dogs"—for he had boasted to his friend Ligur that he always went about with dogs to search out his game for him—suggested that some of the columns were out of the perpendicular171. Verres does not know what this means; but the dog explains. All columns are, in fact, by strict measurement, more or less out of the perpendicular, as we are told that all eyes squint172 a little, though we do not see that they squint. 144But as columns ought to be perpendicular, here was a matter on which he might go to work. He does go to work. The trustees knowing their man—knowing also that in the present condition of Rome it was impossible to escape from an unjust Pr?tor without paying largely—went to his mistress and endeavored to settle the matter with her. Here we have an amusing picture of the way in which the affairs of the city were carried on in that lady's establishment; how she had her levee, took her bribes, and drove a lucrative trade. Doing, however, no good with her, the trustees settled with an agent to pay Verres two hundred thousand sesterces to drop the affair. This was something under ￡2000. But Verres repudiated173 the arrangement with scorn. He could do much better than that with such a temple and such a minor. He puts the repairs up to auction174; and refusing a bid from the trustees themselves—the very persons who are the most interested in getting the work done, if there were work to do—has it knocked down to himself for five hundred and sixty thousand sesterces, or about ￡5000.113 Then we are told how he had the pretended work done by the putting up of a rough crane. No real work is done, no new stones are brought, no money is spent. That is the way in which Verres filled his office as Pr?tor Urbanus; but it does not seem that any public notice is taken of his iniquities as long as he confined himself to little jobs such as this.
Then we come to the affairs of Sicily—and the long list of robberies is commenced by which that province was made desolate175. It seems that nothing gave so grand a scope to the greed of a public functionary176 who was at the same time governor and judge as disputed wills. It was not necessary that any of the persons concerned should dispute the will among 145them. Given the facts that a man had died and left property behind him, then Verres would find means to drag the heir into court, and either frighten him into payment of a bribe or else rob him of his inheritance. Before he left Rome for the province he heard that a large fortune had been left to one Dio on condition that he should put up certain statues in the market-place.114 It was not uncommon177 for a man to desire the reputation of adorning178 his own city, but to choose that the expense should be borne by his heir rather than by himself. Failing to put up the statues, the heir was required to pay a fine to Venus Erycina—to enrich, that is, the worship of that goddess, who had a favorite temple under Mount Eryx. The statues had been duly erected179. But, nevertheless, here there was an opening. So Verres goes to work, and in the name of Venus brings an action against Dio. The verdict is given, not in favor of Venus but in favor of Verres.
This manner of paying honor to the gods, and especially to Venus, was common in Sicily. Two sons115 received a fortune from their father, with a condition that, if some special thing were not done, a fine should be paid to Venus. The man had been dead twenty years ago. But "the dogs" which the Pr?tor kept were very sharp, and, distant as was the time, found out the clause. Action is taken against the two sons, who indeed gain their case; but they gain it by a bribe so enormous that they are ruined men. There was one Heraclius,116 the son of Hiero, a nobleman of Syracuse, who received a legacy180 amounting to 3,000,000 sesterces—we will say ￡24,000—from a relative, also a Heraclius. He had, too, a house full of handsome silver plate, silk and hangings, and valuable slaves. A man, "Dives equom, dives pictai vestis et auri." Verres heard, of course. He had by this time taken some Sicilian dogs into his service, men of Syracuse, and had learned from 146them that there was a clause in the will of the elder Heraclius that certain statues should be put up in the gymnasium of the city. They undertake to bring forward servants of the gymnasium who should say that the statues were never properly erected. Cicero tells us how Verres went to work, now in this court, now in that, breaking all the laws as to Sicilian jurisdiction151, but still proceeding65 under the pretence181 of law, till he got everything out of the wretch—not only all the legacies182 from Heraclius, but every shilling, and every article left to the man by his father. There is a pretence of giving some of the money to the town of Syracuse; but for himself he takes all the valuables, the Corinthian vases, the purple hangings, what slaves he chooses. Then everything else is sold by auction. How he divided the spoil with the Syracusans, and then quarrelled with them, and how he lied as to the share taken by himself, will all be found in Cicero's narrative183. Heraclius was of course ruined. For the stories of Epicrates and Sopater I must refer the reader to the oration67. In that of Sopater there is the peculiarity185 that Verres managed to get paid by everybody all round.
The story of Sthenius is so interesting that I cannot pass it by. Sthenius was a man of wealth and high standing, living at Therma in Sicily, with whom Verres often took up his abode186; for, as governor, he travelled much about the island, always in pursuit of plunder. Sthenius had had his house full of beautiful things. Of all these Verres possessed187 himself—some by begging, some by demanding, and some by absolute robbery. Sthenius, grieved as he was to find himself pillaged189, bore all this. The man was Roman Pr?tor, and injuries such as these had to be endured. At Therma, however, in the public place of the city, there were some beautiful statues. For these Verres longed, and desired his host to get them for him. Sthenius declared that this was impossible. The statues had, under peculiar184 circumstances, been recovered by Scipio Africanus from Carthage, and been restored by the Roman General 147to the Sicilians, from whom they had been taken, and had been erected at Therma. There was a peculiarly beautiful figure of Stesichorus, the poet, as an old man bent190 double, with a book in his hand—a very glorious work of art; and there was a goat—in bronze probably—as to which Cicero is at the pains of telling us that even he, unskilled as he was in such matters, could see its charms. No one had sharper eyes for such pretty ornaments than Cicero, or a more decided191 taste for them. But as Hortensius, his rival and opponent in this case, had taken a marble sphinx from Verres, he thought it expedient192 to show how superior he was to such matters. There was probably something of joke in this, as his predilections193 would no doubt be known to those he was addressing.117
In the matter Sthenius was incorruptible, and not even the Pr?tor could carry them away without his aid. Cicero, who is very warm in praise of Sthenius, declares that "here at last Verres had found one town, the only one in the world, from which he was unable to carry away something of the public property by force, or stealth, or open command, or favor."118 The governor was so disgusted with this that he abandoned Sthenius, leaving the house which he had plundered194 of everything, and betook himself to that of one Agathinus, who had a beautiful daughter, Callidama, who, with her husband, Dorotheus, lived with her father They were enemies of Sthenius, and we are given to understand that Verres ingratiated himself with them partly for the sake of Callidama, who seems very quickly to have been given up to him,119 and partly that he might instigate195 them to bring actions against Sthenius. This is done with great success; so that Sthenius is forced to run away, and betake himself, winter as it was, across the seas to Rome. It has already been told that when he was at Rome 148an action was brought against him by Verres for having run away when he was under judgment, in which Cicero defended him, and in which he was acquitted. In the teeth of his acquittal, Verres persecuted196 the man by every form of law which came to his hands as Pr?tor, but always in opposition197 to the law. There is an audacity198 about the man's proceedings, in his open contempt of the laws which it was his special duty to carry out, making us feel how confident he was that he could carry everything before him in Rome by means of his money. By robbery and concealing199 his robberies, by selling his judgments200 in such a way that he should maintain some reticence201 by ordinary precaution, he might have made much money, as other governors had done. But he resolved that it would pay him better to rob everywhere openly, and then, when the day of reckoning came, to buy the judges wholesale202. As to shame at such doings, there was no such feelings left among Romans.
Before he comes to the story of Sthenius, Cicero makes a grandly ironical203 appeal to the bench before him: "Yes, O judges, keep this man; keep him in the State! Spare him, preserve him so that he, too, may sit with us as a judge here so that he, too, may, with impartiality204, advise us, as a Senator, what may be best for us as to peace and war! Not that we need trouble ourselves as to his senatorial duties. His authority would be nothing. When would he dare, or when would he care, to come among us? Unless it might be in the idle month of February, when would a man so idle, so debauched, show himself in the Senate-house? Let him come and show himself. Let him advise us to attack the Cretans; to pronounce the Greeks of Byzantium free; to declare Ptolemy King.120 Let him speak and vote as Hortensius may direct. This will have but little effect upon our lives or our property. But beyond 149this there is something we must look to; something that would be distrusted; something that every good man has to fear! If by chance this man should escape out of our hands, he would have to sit there upon that bench and be a judge. He would be called upon to pronounce on the lives of a Roman citizen. He would be the right-hand officer in the army of this man here,121 of this man who is striving to be the lord and ruler of our judgment-seats. The people of Rome at least refuse this! This at least cannot be endured!"
The third of these narratives205 tells us how Verres managed in his province that provision of corn for the use of Rome, the collection of which made the possession of Sicily so important to the Romans. He begins with telling his readers—as he does too frequently—how great and peculiar is the task he has undertaken; and he uses an argument of which we cannot but admit the truth, though we doubt whether any modern advocate would dare to put it forward. We must remember, however, that Romans were not accustomed to be shamefaced in praising themselves. What Cicero says of himself all others said also of themselves; only Cicero could say it better than others. He reminds us that he who accuses another of any crime is bound to be especially free from that crime himself. "Would you charge any one as a thief? you must be clear from any suspicion of even desiring another man's property. Have you brought a man up for malice206 or cruelty? take care that you be not found hard-hearted. Have you called a man a seducer207 or an adulterer? be sure that your own life shows no trace of such vices21. Whatever you would punish in another, that you must avoid yourself. A public accuser would be intolerable, or even a caviller208, who should inveigh209 against sins for which he himself is called in question. But in this 150man I find all wickednesses combined. There is no lust, no iniquity, no shamelessness of which his life does not supply with ample evidence." The nature of the difficulty to which Cicero is thus subjected is visible enough. As Verres is all that is bad, so must he, as accuser, be all that is good; which is more, we should say, than any man would choose to declare of himself! But he is equal to the occasion. "In regard to this man, O judges, I lay down for myself the law as I have stated it. I must so live that I must clearly seem to be, and always have been, the very opposite of this man, not only in my words and deeds, but as to that arrogance210 and impudence211 which you see in him." Then he shows how opposite he is to Verres at any rate, in impudence! "I am not sorry to see," he goes on to say, "that that life which has always been the life of my own choosing, has now been made a necessity to me by the law which I have laid down for myself."122 Mr. Pecksniff spoke of himself in the same way, but no one, I think, believed him. Cicero probably was believed. But the most wonderful thing is, that his manner of life justified212 what he said of himself. When others of his own order were abandoned to lust, iniquity, and shamelessness, he lived in purity, with clean hands, doing good as far as was in his power to those around him. A laugh will be raised at his expense in regard to that assertion of his that, even in the matter of arrogance, his conduct should be the opposite of that of Verres. But this will come because I have failed to interpret accurately213 the meaning of those words, "oris oculorumque illa contumacia ac superbia quam videtis." Verres, as we can understand, had carried himself during the trial with a bragging214, brazen, bold face, determined to show no shame as to his own doings. It is in this, which was a matter of manner and taste, that Cicero declares that he will be the man's opposite as well as in conduct. As to the ordinary boastings, by which it has to be acknowledged 151that Cicero sometimes disgusts his readers, it will be impossible for us to receive a just idea of his character without remembering that it was the custom of a Roman to boast. We wait to have good things said of us, or are supposed to wait. The Roman said them of himself. The "veni, vidi, vici" was the ordinary mode of expression in those times, and in earlier times among the Greeks.123 This is distasteful to us; and it will probably be distasteful to those who come after us, two or three hundred years hence, that this or that British statesman should have made himself an Earl or a Knight44 of the Garter. Now it is thought by many to be proper enough. It will shock men in future days that great peers or rich commoners should have bargained for ribbons and lieutenancies and titles. Now it is the way of the time. Though virtue215 and vice20 may be said to remain the same from all time to all time, the latitudes216 allowed and the deviations217 encouraged in this or the other age must be considered before the character of a man can be discovered. The boastings of Cicero have been preserved for us. We have to bethink ourselves that his words are 2000 years old. There is such a touch of humanity in them, such a feeling of latter-day civilization and almost of Christianity, that we are apt to condemn26 what remains218 in them of paganism, as though they were uttered yesterday. When we come to the coarseness of his attacks, his descriptions of Piso by-and-by, his abuse of Gabinius, and his invectives against Antony; when we read his altered opinions, as shown in the period of C?sar's dominion219, 152his flattery of C?sar when in power, and his exultations when C?sar has been killed; when we find that he could be coarse in his language and a bully220, and servile—for it has all to be admitted—we have to reflect under what circumstances, under what surroundings, and for what object were used the words which displease221 us. Speaking before the full court at this trial, he dared to say he knew how to live as a man and to carry himself as a gentleman. As men and gentlemen were then, he was justified.
The description of Verres's rapacity222 in regard to the corn tax is long and complex, and need hardly be followed at length, unless by those who desire to know how the iniquity of such a one could make the most of an imposition which was in itself very bad, and pile up the burden till the poor province was unable to bear it. There were three kinds of imposition as to corn. The first, called the "decumanum," was simply a tithe223.
The producers through the island had to furnish Rome with a tenth of their produce, and it was the Pr?tor's duty, or rather that of the Qu?stor under the Pr?tor, to see that the tithe was collected. How Verres saw to this himself, and how he treated the Sicilian husbandmen in regard to the tithe, is so told that we are obliged to give the man credit for an infinite fertility of resources. Then there is the "emptum," or corn bought for the use of Rome, of which there were two kinds. A second tithe had to be furnished at a price fixed224 by the Roman Senate, which price was considered to be below that of its real value, and then 800,000 bushels were purchased, or nominally225 purchased, at a price which was also fixed by the Senate, but which was nearer to the real value. Three sesterces a bushel for the first and four for the last, were the prices fixed at this time. For making these payments vast sums of money were remitted226 to Verres, of which the accounts were so kept that it was hard to say whether any found its way into the hands of the farmers who undoubtedly227 furnished the corn. The third corn tax was the "?stimatum." This consisted of a certain fixed quantity 153which had to be supplied to the Pr?tor for the use of his governmental establishment—to be supplied either in grain or in money. What such a one as Verres would do with his, the reader may conceive.
All this was of vital importance to Rome. Sicily and Africa were the granaries from which Rome was supplied with its bread. To get supplies from a province was necessary. Rich men have servants in order that they may live at ease themselves. So it was with the Romans to whom the provinces acted as servants. It was necessary to have a sharp agent, some Proconsul or Propr?tor; but when there came one so sharp as Verres, all power of recreating supplies would for a time be destroyed. Even Cicero boasted that in a time of great scarcity228, he, being then Qu?stor in Sicily, had sent extraordinary store of corn over to the city.124 But he had so done it as to satisfy all who were concerned.
Verres, in his corn dealings with the Sicilians, had a certain friend, companion, and minister—one of his favorite dogs, perhaps we may call him—named Apronius, whom Cicero specially describes. The description I must give, because it is so powerful; because it shows us how one man could in those days speak of another in open court before all the world; because it affords us an instance of the intensity229 of hatred which the orator could throw into his words; but I must hide it in the original language, as I could not translate it without offence.125
154Then we have a book devoted to the special pillage188 of statues and other ornaments, which, for the genius displayed in story-telling, is perhaps of all the Verrine orations the most amusing. The Greek people had become in a peculiar way devoted to what we generally call Art. We are much given to the collecting of pictures, china, bronze, and marbles, partly from love of such things, partly from pride in ornamenting230 our houses so as to excite the admiration231 of others, partly from a feeling that money so invested is not badly placed with a view to future returns. All these feelings operated with the Greeks to a much greater extent. Investments in consols and railway shares were not open to them. Money they used to lend at usury232, no doubt, but with a great chance of losing it. The Greek colonists233 were industrious234, were covetous235, and prudent236. From this it had come to pass that, as they made their way about the world—to the cities which they established round the Mediterranean237—they collected in their new homes great store of ornamental238 wealth. This was done with much profusion239 at Syracuse, a Greek city in Sicily, and spread from them over the whole island. The temples of the gods were filled with the works of the great Greek artists, and every man of note had his gallery. That Verres, hog240 as he is described to have been, had a passion for these things, is manifest to us. He came to his death at last in defence of some favorite images. He had returned to Rome by means of C?sar's amnesty, and Marc Antony had him murdered because he would not surrender some treasures of art. When we read the De Signis—About Statues—we are led to imagine that the 155search after these things was the chief object of the man throughout his three years of office—as we have before been made to suppose that all his mind and time had been devoted to the cheating of the Sicilians in the matter of corn. But though Verres loved these trinkets, it was not altogether for himself that he sought them. Only one third of his plunder was for himself. Senators, judges, advocates, Consuls, and Pr?tors could be bribed with articles of vertu as well as with money.
There are eleven separate stories told of these robberies. I will give very shortly the details of one or two. There was one Marcus Heius, a rich citizen of Messana, in whose house Verres took great delight. Messana itself was very useful to him, and the Mamertines, as the people of Messana were called were his best friends in all Sicily: for he made Messana the depot241 of his plunder, and there he caused to be built at the expense of the Government an enormous ship called the Cybea,126 in which his treasures were carried out of the island. He therefore specially favored Messana, and the district of Messana was supposed to have been scourged242 by him with lighter243 rods than those used elsewhere in Sicily. But this man Heius had a chapel244, very sacred, in which were preserved four specially beautiful images. There was a Cupid by Praxiteles, and a bronze Hercules by Myro, and two Can?phr? by Polycletus. These were treasures which all the world came to see, and which were open to be seen by all the world. These Verres took away, and caused accounts to be forged in which it was made to appear that he had bought them for trifling245 sums. It seems that some forced assent246 had been obtained from Heius as to the transaction. Now there was a plan in vogue for making things pleasant for a Proconsul retiring 156from his government, in accordance with which a deputation would proceed from the province to Rome to declare how well and kindly247 the Proconsul had behaved in his government. The allies, even when they had been, as it were, skinned alive by their governor, were constrained248 to send their deputations. Deputations were got up in Sicily from Messana and Syracuse, and with the others from Messana came this man Heius. Heius did not wish to tell about his statues; but he was asked questions, and was forced to answer. Cicero informs us how it all took place. "He was a man," he said—this is what Cicero tells us that Heius said—"who was well esteemed249 in his own country, and would wish you"—you judges—"to think well of his religious spirit and of his personal dignity. He had come here to praise Verres because he had been required to do so by his fellow-citizens. He, however, had never kept things for sale in his own house; and had he been left to himself, nothing would have induced him to part with the sacred images which had been left to him by his ancestors as the ornaments of his own chapel.127 Nevertheless, he had come to praise Verres, and would have held his tongue had it been possible."
Cicero finishes his catalogue by telling us of the manifold robberies committed by Verres in Syracuse, especially from the temples of the gods; and he begins his account of the Syracusan iniquities by drawing a parallel between two Romans whose names were well known in that city: Marcellus, who had besieged250 it as an enemy and taken it, and Verres, who had been sent to govern it in peace. Marcellus had saved the lives of the Syracusans; Verres had made the Forum to run with their blood. The harbor which had held its own against Marcellus, as we may read in our Livy, had been wilfully251 opened by Verres to Cilician pirates. This Syracuse which had been so carefully preserved by its Roman conqueror252 157the most beautiful of all the Greek cities on the face of the earth—so beautiful that Marcellus had spared to it all its public ornaments—had been stripped bare by Verres. There was the temple of Minerva from which he had taken all the pictures. There were doors to this temple of such beauty that books had been written about them. He stripped the ivory ornaments from them, and the golden balls with which they had been made splendid. He tore off from them the head of the Gorgon253 and carried it away, leaving them to be rude doors, Goth that he was!
And he took the Sappho from the Prytaneum, the work of Silanion! a thing of such beauty that no other man can have the like of it in his own private house; yet Verres has it—a man hardly fit to carry such a work of art as a burden, not possess it as a treasure of his own. "What, too!" he says, "have you not stolen P?an from the temple of ?sculapius—a statue so remarkable254 for its beauty, so well-known for the worship attached to it, that all the world has been wont255 to visit it? What! has not the image of Arist?us been taken by you from the temple of Bacchus? Have you not even stolen the statue of Jupiter Imperator, so sacred in the eyes of all men—that Jupiter which the Greeks call Ourios? You have not hesitated to rob the temple of Proserpine of the lovely head in Parian marble."128 Then Cicero speaks of the worship due to all these gods as though he himself believed in their godhead. As he had begun this chapter with the Mamertines of Messana, so he ends it with an address to them. "It is well that you should come, you alone out of all the provinces, and praise Verres here in Rome. But what can you say for him? Was it not your duty to have built a ship for the Republic? You have built none such, but have constructed a huge private transport-vessel256 for Verres. Have you not been exempted257 from your tax on corn? Have you not been exempted in regard to 158naval and military recruits? Have you not been the receptacle of all his stolen goods? They will have to confess, these Mamertines, that many a ship laden258 with his spoils has left their port, and especially this huge transport-ship which they built for him!"
In the De Suppliciis—the treatise259 about punishments, as the last division of this process is called—Cicero tells the world how Verres exacted vengeance260 from those who were opposed to him, and with what horrid261 cruelty he raged against his enemies. The stories, indeed, are very dreadful. It is harrowing to think that so evil a man should have been invested with powers so great for so bad a purpose. But that which strikes a modern reader most is the sanctity attached to the name of a Roman citizen, and the audacity with which the Roman Proconsul disregarded that sanctity. "Cives Romanus" is Cicero's cry from the beginning to the end. No doubt he is addressing himself to Romans, and seeking popularity, as he always did. But, nevertheless, the demands made upon the outside world at large by the glory of that appellation149 are astonishing, even when put forward on such an occasion as this. One Gavius escapes from a prison in Syracuse, and, making his way to Messana, foolishly boasts that he would be soon over in Italy, out of the way of Pr?tor Verres and his cruelties. Verres, unfortunately, is in Messana, and soon hears from some of his friends, the Mamertines, what Gavius was saying. He at once orders Gavius to be flogged in public. "Cives Romanus sum!" exclaims Gavius, no doubt truly. It suits Verres to pretend to disbelieve this, and to declare that the man is a runagate slave. The poor wretch still cries "Cives Romanus!" and trusts alone to that appeal. Whereupon Verres puts up a cross on the sea-shore, and has the man crucified in sight of Italy, so that he shall be able to see the country of which he is so proud. Whether he had done anything to deserve crucifixion, or flogging, or punishment at all, we are not told. The accusation against Verres is not for crucifying the man, but 159for crucifying the Roman. It is on this occasion that Cicero uses the words which have become proverbial as to the iniquity of this proceeding.129 During the telling of this story he explains this doctrine262, claiming for the Roman citizen, all the world over, some such protection as freemasons are supposed to give each other, whether known or unknown. "Men of straw," he says, "of no special birth, go about the world. They resort to places they have never seen before, where they know none, and none know them. Here, trusting to their claim solely263, they feel themselves to be safe—not only where our magistrates264 are to be found, who are bound both by law and by opinion, not only among other Roman citizens who speak their language and follow the same customs, but abroad, over the whole world, they find this to be sufficient protection."130 Then he goes on to say that if any Pr?tor may at his will put aside this sanctity, all the provinces, all the kingdoms, all the free states, all the world abroad, will very soon lose the feeling.
But the most remarkable story is that told of a certain pirate captain. Verres had been remiss265 in regard to the pirates—very cowardly, indeed, if we are to believe Cicero. Piracy266 in the Mediterranean was at that time a terrible drawback to trade—that piracy that a year or two afterward Pompey was effectual in destroying. A governor in Sicily had, among other special duties, to keep a sharp lookout267 for the pirates. This Verres omitted so entirely that these scourges268 of the sea soon learned that they might do almost as they pleased on the Sicilian coasts. But it came to pass that on one day a pirate vessel fell by accident into the hands of the governor's officers. It was not taken, Cicero says, but was so overladen that it was picked up almost sinking.131 It was found to be full of 160fine, handsome men, of silver both plated and coined, and precious stuffs. Though not "taken," it was "found," and carried into Syracuse. Syracuse is full of the news, and the first demand is that the pirates, according to Roman custom, shall all be killed. But this does not suit Verres. The slave-markets of the Roman Empire are open, and there are men among the pirates whom it will suit him better to sell than to kill. There are six musicians, "symphoniacos homines," whom he sends as a present to a friend at Rome. But the people of Syracuse are very much in earnest. They are too sharp to be put off with pretences269, and they count the number of slaughtered270 pirates. There are only some useless, weak, ugly old fellows beheaded from day to day; and being well aware how many men it must have taken to row and manage such a vessel, they demand that the full crew shall be brought to the block. "There is nothing in victory more sweet," says Cicero, "no evidence more sure, than to see those whom you did fear, but have now got the better of, brought out to tortures or death."132 Verres is so much frightened by the resolution of the citizens that he does not dare to neglect their wishes. There are lying in the prisons of Syracuse a lot of prisoners, Roman citizens, of whom he is glad to rid himself. He has them brought out, with their heads wrapped up so that they shall not be known, and has them beheaded instead of the pirates! A great deal is said, too, about the pirate captain—the arch-pirate, as he is called. There seems to have been some money dealings personally between him and Verres, on account of which Verres kept him hidden. At any rate, the arch-pirate was saved. "In such a manner this celebrated271 victory is managed.133 The pirate ship is taken, and the chief pirate is allowed to escape. The musicians are sent to Rome. The men who are good-looking and young are taken to the Pr?tor's house. As many Roman citizens as will fill their places are carried out 161as public enemies, and are tortured and killed! All the gold and silver and precious stuffs are made a prize of by Verres!"
Such are the accusations272 brought against this wonderful man—the truth of which has, I think, on the whole been admitted. The picture of Roman life which it displays is wonderful, that such atrocities273 should have been possible; and equally so of provincial subjection, that such cruelties should have been endured. But in it all the greatest wonder is that there should have risen up a man so determined to take the part of the weak against the strong with no reward before him, apparently274 with no other prospect275 than that of making himself odious to the party to which he belonged. Cicero was not a Gracchus, anxious to throw himself into the arms of the people; he was an oligarch by conviction, born to oligarchy, bred to it, convinced that by it alone could the Roman Republic be preserved. But he was convinced also that unless these oligarchs could be made to do their duty the Republic could not stand. Therefore it was that he dared to defy his own brethren, and to make the acquittal of Verres an impossibility. I should be inclined to think that the day on which Hortensius threw up the sponge, and Verres submitted to banishment and fine, was the happiest in the orator's life.
Verres was made to pay a fine which was very insufficient276 for his crimes, and then to retire into comfortable exile. From this he returned to Rome when the Roman exiles were amnestied, and was shortly afterward murdered by Antony, as has been told before.
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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miscreant
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| n.恶棍 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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internecine
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| adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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sedulously
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| ad.孜孜不倦地 | |
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acquit
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| vt.宣判无罪；(oneself)使(自己)表现出 | |
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acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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barefaced
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| adj.厚颜无耻的，公然的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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delinquent
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| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
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banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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iniquities
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| n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 )；极不公正 | |
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adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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dilating
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| v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的现在分词 ) | |
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desolating
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| 毁坏( desolate的现在分词 )； 极大地破坏； 使沮丧； 使痛苦 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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bribing
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| 贿赂 | |
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brazen
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| adj.厚脸皮的，无耻的，坚硬的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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absolved
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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83
oratorical
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| adj.演说的，雄辩的 | |
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84
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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85
aspirant
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| n.热望者；adj.渴望的 | |
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86
solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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87
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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88
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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89
relegated
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| v.使降级( relegate的过去式和过去分词 )；使降职；转移；把…归类 | |
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90
incompetency
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| n.无能力，不适当 | |
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91
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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92
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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93
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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94
fangs
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| n.（尤指狗和狼的）长而尖的牙( fang的名词复数 )；（蛇的）毒牙；罐座 | |
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95
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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96
liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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97
bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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98
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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99
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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101
pertaining
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| 与…有关系的，附属…的，为…固有的(to) | |
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102
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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103
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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105
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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106
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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107
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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108
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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109
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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110
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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111
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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112
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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113
ridicules
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| n.嘲笑( ridicule的名词复数 )；奚落；嘲弄；戏弄v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的第三人称单数 ) | |
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114
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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115
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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116
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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117
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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118
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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119
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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120
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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121
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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122
unreasonably
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| adv. 不合理地 | |
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123
vapid
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| adj.无味的；无生气的 | |
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124
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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125
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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126
cowered
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| v.畏缩，抖缩( cower的过去式 ) | |
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127
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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128
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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129
inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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130
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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131
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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132
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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133
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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134
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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136
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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137
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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138
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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139
abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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140
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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141
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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142
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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143
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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144
appall
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| vt.使惊骇，使大吃一惊 | |
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145
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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146
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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147
forensic
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| adj.法庭的，雄辩的 | |
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148
counterfeit
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| vt.伪造，仿造；adj.伪造的，假冒的 | |
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149
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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150
appellations
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| n.名称，称号( appellation的名词复数 ) | |
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151
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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152
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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153
perpetuated
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| vt.使永存（perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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154
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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155
mooted
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|
| adj.未决定的，有争议的，有疑问的v.提出…供讨论( moot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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156
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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157
janitor
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| n.看门人，管门人 | |
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158
grumbles
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| 抱怨( grumble的第三人称单数 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
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159
grumbled
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| 抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
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160
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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161
ransack
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| v.彻底搜索，洗劫 | |
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162
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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163
avenges
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的第三人称单数 )；为…报复 | |
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164
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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165
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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166
defunct
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| adj.死亡的；已倒闭的 | |
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167
preyed
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| v.掠食( prey的过去式和过去分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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168
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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169
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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170
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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171
perpendicular
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| adj.垂直的，直立的；n.垂直线，垂直的位置 | |
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172
squint
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| v. 使变斜视眼, 斜视, 眯眼看, 偏移, 窥视; n. 斜视, 斜孔小窗; adj. 斜视的, 斜的 | |
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173
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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174
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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175
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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176
functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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177
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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178
adorning
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| 修饰，装饰物 | |
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179
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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180
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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181
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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182
legacies
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| n.遗产( legacy的名词复数 )；遗留之物；遗留问题；后遗症 | |
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183
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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184
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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185
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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186
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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187
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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188
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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189
pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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190
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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191
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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192
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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193
predilections
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| n.偏爱，偏好，嗜好( predilection的名词复数 ) | |
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194
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
instigate
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| v.教唆，怂恿，煽动 | |
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196
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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197
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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198
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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199
concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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200
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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201
reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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202
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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203
ironical
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| adj.讽刺的，冷嘲的 | |
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204
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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205
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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206
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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207
seducer
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| n.诱惑者,骗子,玩弄女性的人 | |
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208
caviller
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| n.提出令人为难的问题的人 | |
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209
inveigh
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| v.痛骂 | |
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210
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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211
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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212
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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213
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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bragging
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| v.自夸，吹嘘( brag的现在分词 )；大话 | |
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215
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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217
deviations
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| 背离，偏离( deviation的名词复数 )； 离经叛道的行为 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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219
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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220
bully
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| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
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221
displease
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| vt.使不高兴，惹怒；n.不悦，不满，生气 | |
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222
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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223
tithe
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| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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228
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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229
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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230
ornamenting
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| v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的现在分词 ) | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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232
usury
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| n.高利贷 | |
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233
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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236
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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ornamental
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| adj.装饰的；作装饰用的；n.装饰品；观赏植物 | |
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profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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240
hog
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| n.猪；馋嘴贪吃的人；vt.把…占为己有，独占 | |
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241
depot
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| n.仓库，储藏处；公共汽车站；火车站 | |
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scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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246
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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wilfully
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| adv.任性固执地；蓄意地 | |
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252
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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253
gorgon
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| n.丑陋女人，蛇发女怪 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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256
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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258
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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260
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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261
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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263
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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264
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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remiss
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| adj.不小心的，马虎 | |
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266
piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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lookout
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| n.注意，前途，瞭望台 | |
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268
scourges
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| 带来灾难的人或东西，祸害( scourge的名词复数 )； 鞭子 | |
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pretences
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| n.假装( pretence的名词复数 )；作假；自命；自称 | |
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270
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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271
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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272
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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273
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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274
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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275
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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276
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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