To wash the blackamoor white has been the favorite task of some modern historians. To find a paradox1 in character is a relief to the investigating mind which does not care to walk always in the well-tried paths, or to follow the grooves2 made plain and uninteresting by earlier writers. Tiberius and even Nero have been praised. The memories of our early years have been shocked by instructions to regard Richard III. and Henry VIII. as great and scrupulous3 kings. The devil may have been painted blacker than he should be, and the minds of just men, who will not accept the verdict of the majority, have been much exercised to put the matter right. We are now told that Catiline was a popular hero; that, though he might have wished to murder Cicero, he was, in accordance with the practice of his days, not much to be blamed for that; and that he was simply the follower4 of the Gracchi, and the forerunner5 of C?sar in his desire to oppose the oligarchy6 of Rome.177 In this there is much that is true. Murder was common. He who had seen the Sullan proscriptions, as both Catiline and Cicero had done, might well have learned to feel less scrupulous as to blood than we do in these days. Even Cicero, who of all the Romans was the most humane—even he, no doubt, would have been well contented7 that Catiline should have been destroyed by the people.178 Even he was the cause, 206as we shall see just now, of the execution of the leaders of the conspirators8 whom Catiline left behind him in the city—an execution of which the legality is at any rate very doubtful. But in judging even of bloodshed we have to regard the circumstances of the time in the verdicts we give. Our consciousness of altered manners and of the growth of gentleness force this upon us. We cannot execrate10 the conspirators who murdered C?sar as we would do those who might now plot the death of a tyrant11; nor can we deal as heavily with the murderers of C?sar as we would have done then with Catilinarian conspirators in Rome, had Catiline's conspiracy12 succeeded. And so, too, in acknowledging that Catiline was the outcome of the Gracchi, and to some extent the preparation for C?sar, we must again compare him with them, his motives14 and designs with theirs, before we can allow ourselves to sympathize with him, because there was much in them worthy15 of praise and honor.
That the Gracchi were seditious no historian has, I think, denied. They were willing to use the usages and laws of the Republic where those usages and laws assisted them, but as willing to act illegally when the usages and laws ran counter to them. In the reforms or changes which they attempted they were undoubtedly16 rebels; but no reader comes across the tale of the death, first of one and then of the other, without a regret. It has to be owned that they were murdered in tumults17 which they themselves had occasioned. But they were honest and patriotic18. History has declared of them that their efforts were made with the real purport20 of relieving their fellow-countrymen from what they believed to be the tyranny of oligarchs. The Republic even in their time had become too rotten to be saved; but the world has not the less given them the credit for a desire to do good; and the names of the two 207brothers, rebels as they were, have come down to us with a sweet savor21 about them. C?sar, on the other hand, was no doubt of the same political party. He too was opposed to the oligarchs, but it never occurred to him that he could save the Republic by any struggles after freedom. His mind was not given to patriotism22 of that sort—not to memories, not to associations. Even laws were nothing to him but as they might be useful. To his thinking, probably even in his early days, the state of Rome required a master. Its wealth, its pleasures, its soldiers, its power, were there for any one to take who could take them—for any one to hold who could hold them. Mr. Beesly, the last defender23 of Catiline, has stated that very little was known in Rome of C?sar till the time of Catiline's conspiracy, and in that I agree with him. He possessed24 high family rank, and had been Qu?stor and ?dile; but it was only from this year out that his name was much in men's mouths, and that he was learning to look into things. It may be that he had previously25 been in league with Catiline—that he was in league with him till the time came for the great attempt. The evidence, as far as it goes, seems to show that it was so. Rome had been the prey26 of many conspiracies27. The dominion28 of Marius and the dominion of Sulla had been effected by conspiracies. No doubt the opinion was strong with many that both C?sar and Crassus, the rich man, were concerned with Catiline. But C?sar was very far-seeing, and, if such connection existed, knew how to withdraw from it when the time was not found to be opportune29. But from first to last he always was opposed to the oligarchy. The various steps from the Gracchi to him were as those which had to be made from the Girondists to Napoleon. Catiline, no doubt, was one of the steps, as were Danton and Robespierre steps. The continuation of steps in each case was at first occasioned by the bad government and greed of a few men in power. But as Robespierre was vile30 and low, whereas Vergniaud was honest and Napoleon great, so was it with Catiline 208between the Gracchi and C?sar. There is, to my thinking, no excuse for Catiline in the fact that he was a natural step, not even though he were a necessary step, between the Gracchi and C?sar.
I regard as futile31 the attempts which are made to rewrite history on the base of moral convictions and philosophical32 conclusion. History very often has been, and no doubt often again will be, rewritten, with good effect and in the service of truth, on the finding of new facts. Records have been brought to light which have hitherto been buried, and testimonies34 are compared with testimonies which have not before been seen together. But to imagine that a man may have been good who has lain under the ban of all the historians, all the poets, and all the tellers35 of anecdotes36, and then to declare such goodness simply in accordance with the dictates37 of a generous heart or a contradictory38 spirit, is to disturb rather than to assist history. Of Catiline we at least know that he headed a sedition39 in Rome in the year of Cicero's Consulship40; that he left the city suddenly; that he was killed in the neighborhood of Pistoia fighting against the Generals of the Republic, and that he left certain accomplices43 in Rome who were put to death by an edict of the Senate. So much I think is certain to the most truculent44 doubter. From his contemporaries, Sallust and Cicero, we have a very strongly expressed opinion of his character. They have left to us denunciations of the man which have made him odious45 to all after-ages, so that modern poets have made him a stock character, and have dramatized him as a fiend. Voltaire has described him as calling upon his fellow-conspirators to murder Cicero and Cato, and to burn the city. Ben Jonson makes Catiline kill a slave and mix his blood, to be drained by his friends. "There cannot be a fitter drink to make this sanction in." The friends of Catiline will say that this shows no evidence against the man. None, certainly; but it is a continued expression of the feeling that has prevailed since Catiline's time. In his own age Cicero and Sallust, who 209were opposed in all their political views, combined to speak ill of him. In the next, Virgil makes him as suffering his punishment in hell.179 In the next, Velleius Paterculus speaks of him as the conspirator9 whom Cicero had banished47.180 Juvenal makes various allusions49 to him, but all in the same spirit. Juvenal cared nothing for history, but used the names of well-known persons as illustrations of the idea which he was presenting.181 Valerius Maximus, who wrote commendable50 little essays about all the virtues51 and all the vices53, which he illustrated54 with the names of all the vicious and all the virtuous55 people he knew, is very severe on Catiline.182 Florus, who wrote two centuries and a half after the conspiracy, gives us of Catiline the same personal story as that told both by Sallust and Cicero: "Debauchery, in the first place; and then the poverty which that had produced; and then the opportunity of the time, because the Roman armies were in distant lands, induced Catiline to conspire56 for the destruction of his country."183 Mommsen, who was certainly biassed57 by no feeling in favor of Cicero, declares that Catiline in particular was "one of the most nefarious58 men in that nefarious age. His villanies belong to the criminal records, not to history."184 All this is no evidence. Cicero and Sallust may possibly have combined to lie about Catiline. Other Roman writers may have followed them, and modern 210poets and modern historians may have followed the Roman writers. It is possible that the world may have been wrong as to a period of Roman history with which it has thought itself to be well acquainted; but the world now has nothing to go by but the facts as they have come down to it. The writers of the ages since have combined to speak of Cicero with respect and admiration59. They have combined, also, to speak of Catiline with abhorrence60. They have agreed, also, to treat those other rebels, the Gracchi, after such a fashion that, in spite of their sedition, a sweet savor, as I have said, attaches itself to their names. For myself, I am contented to take the opinion of the world, and feel assured that I shall do no injustice61 in speaking of Catiline as all who have written about him hitherto have spoken of him I cannot consent to the building up of a noble patriot19 out of such materials as we have concerning him.185
Two strong points have been made for Catiline in Mr. 211Beesly's defence. His ancestors had been Consuls42 when the forefathers63 of patricians64 of a later date "were clapping their chapped hands and throwing up their sweaty nightcaps." That scorn against the people should be expressed by the aristocrat65 Casca was well supposed by Shakspeare; but how did a liberal of the present day bring himself to do honor to his hero by such allusions? In truth, however, the glory of 212ancient blood and the disgrace attaching to the signs of labor66 are ideas seldom relinquished67 even by democratic minds. A Howard is nowhere lovelier than in America, or a sweaty nightcap less relished68. We are then reminded how Catiline died fighting, with the wounds all in front; and are told that the "world has generally a generous word for the memory of a brave man dying for his cause, be that cause what it will; but for Catiline none!" I think there is a mistake in the sentiment expressed here. To die readily when death must come is but a little thing, and is done daily by the poorest of mankind. The Romans could generally do it, and so can the Chinese. A Zulu is quite equal to it, and people lower in civilization than Chinese or Zulus. To encounter death, or the danger of death, for the sake of duty—when the choice is there; but duty and death are preferred to ignominious69 security, or, better still, to security which shall bring with it self-abasement—that is grand. When I hear that a man "rushed into the field and, foremost fighting, fell," if there have been no adequate occasion, I think him a fool. If it be that he has chosen to hurry on the necessary event, as was Catiline's case, I recognize him as having been endowed with certain physical attributes which are neither glorious nor disgraceful. That Catiline was constitutionally a brave man no one has denied. Rush, the murderer, was one of the bravest men of whom I remember to have heard. What credit is due to Rush is due to Catiline.
What we believe to be the story of Catiline's life is this: In Sulla's time he was engaged, as behooved70 a great nobleman of ancient blood, in carrying out the Dictator's proscriptions and in running through whatever means he had. There are fearful stories told of him as to murdering his own son and other relatives; as to which Mr. Beesly is no doubt right in saying that such tales were too lightly told in Rome to deserve implicit71 confidence. To serve a purpose any one would say anything of any enemy. Very marvellous qualities are attributed to him—as to having been at the same time steeped in luxury and yet able and willing to bear all bodily hardships. He probably had been engaged in murders—as how should a man not have been so who had served under Sulla during the Dictatorship? He had probably allured73 some young aristocrats74 into debauchery, when all young aristocrats were so allured. He had probably undergone some extremity75 of cold and hunger. In reading of these things the reader will know by instinct how much he may believe, and how much he should receive as mythic. That he was a fast young nobleman, brought up to know no scruples77, to disregard blood, and to look upon his country as a milch cow from which a young nobleman might be fed with never-ending streams of rich cream in the shape of money to be borrowed, wealth to be snatched, and, above all, foreigners to be plundered79, we may take, I think, as proved. In spite of his vices, or by aid of them, he rose in the service of his country. That such a one should become a Pr?tor and a Governor was natural. He went to Africa with proconsular authority, and of course fleeced the Africans. It was as natural as that a flock of sheep should lose their wool at shearing82 time. He came back intent, as was natural also, on being a Consul41, and of carrying on the game of promotion83 and of plunder80. But there came a spoke62 in his wheel—the not unusual spoke of an accusation84 from the province. While under accusation for provincial85 robbery he could not come forward as a candidate, and thus he was stopped in his career.
It is not possible now to unravel86 all the personal feuds87 of 213the time—the ins and outs of family quarrels. Clodius—the Clodius who was afterward88 Cicero's notorious enemy and the victim of Milo's fury—became the accuser of Catiline on behalf of the Africans. Though Clodius was much the younger, they were men of the same class. It may be possible that Clodius was appointed to the work—as it had been intended that C?cilius should be appointed at the prosecution89 of Verres—in order to assure not the conviction but the acquittal of the guilty man. The historians and biographers say that Clodius was at last bought by a bribe91, and that he betrayed the Africans after that fashion. It may be that such bribery92 was arranged from the first. Our interest in that trial lies in the fact that Cicero no doubt intended, from political motives, to defend Catiline. It has been said that he did do so. As far as we know, he abandoned the intention. We have no trace of his speech, and no allusion48 in history to an occurrence which would certainly have been mentioned.186 But there was no reason why he should not have done so. He defended Fonteius, and I am quite willing to own that he knew Fonteius to have been a robber. When I look at the practice of our own times, I find that thieves and rebels are defended by honorable advocates, who do not scruple76 to take their briefs in opposition93 to their own opinions. It suited Cicero to do the same. If I were detected in a plot for blowing up a Cabinet Council, I do not doubt but that I should get the late attorney-general to defend me.187
214But Catiline, though he was acquitted94, was balked95 in his candidature for the Consulship of the next year, b.c. 65. P. Sulla and Autronius were elected188—that Sulla to whose subsequent defence I have just referred in this note—but were ejected on the score of bribery, and two others, Torquatus and Cotta, were elected in their place. In this way three men standing96 on high before their countrymen—one having been debarred from standing for the Consulship, and the other two having been robbed of their prize even when it was within their grasp—not unnaturally97 became traitors99 at heart. Almost as naturally they came together and conspired100. Why should they have been selected as victims, having only done that which every aristocrat did as a matter of course in following out his recognized profession in living upon the subject nations? Their conduct had probably been the same as that of others, or if more glaring, only so much so as is always the case with vices as they become more common. However, the three men fell, and became the centre of a plot which is known as the first Catiline conspiracy.
The reader must bear in mind that I am now telling the story of Catiline, and going back to a period of two years before Cicero's Consulship, which was b.c. 63. How during 215that year Cicero successfully defended Murena when Cato endeavored to rob him of his coming Consulship, has been already told. It may be that Murena's hands were no cleaner than those of Sulla and Autronius, and that they lacked only the consular81 authority and forensic102 eloquence103 of the advocate who defended Murena. At this time, when the two appointed Consuls were rejected, Cicero had hardly as yet taken any part in public politics. He had been Qu?stor, ?dile, and Pr?tor, filling those administrative104 offices to the best of his ability. He had, he says, hardly heard of the first conspiracy.189 That what he says is true, is, I think, proved by the absence of all allusion to it in his early letters, or in the speeches or fragments of speeches that are extant. But that there was such a conspiracy we cannot doubt, nor that the three men named, Catiline, Sulla, and Autronius, were leaders in it. What would interest us, if only we could have the truth, is whether C?sar and Crassus were joined in it.
It is necessary again to consider the condition of the Republic. To us a conspiracy to subvert105 the government under which the conspirer lives seems either a very terrible remedy for great evils, or an attempt to do evil which all good men should oppose. We have the happy conspiracy in which Washington became the military leader, and the French Revolution, which, bloody106 as it was, succeeded in rescuing Frenchmen from the condition of serfdom. At home we have our own conspiracy against the Stuart royalty107, which had also noble results. The Gracchi had attempted to effect something of the same kind at Rome; but the moral condition of the people had become so low that no real love of liberty remained. Conspiracy! oh yes. As long as there was anything to get, of course he who had not got it would conspire 216against him who had. There had been conspiracies for and against Marius, for and against Cinna, for and against Sulla. There was a grasping for plunder, a thirst for power which meant luxury, a greed for blood which grew from the hatred108 which such rivalry109 produced. These were the motive13 causes for conspiracies; not whether Romans should be free but whether a Sulla or a Cotta should be allowed to run riot in a province.
C?sar at this time had not done much in the Roman world except fall greatly into debt. Knowing, as we do know now, his immense intellectual capacity, we cannot doubt but at the age he had now reached, thirty-five, b.c. 65, he had considered deeply his prospects110 in life. There is no reason for supposing that he had conceived the idea of being a great soldier. That came to him by pure accident, some years afterward. To be Qu?stor, Pr?tor, and Consul, and catch what was going, seems to have been the cause to him of having encountered extraordinary debt. That he would have been a Verres, or a Fonteius, or a Catiline, we certainly are not entitled to think. Over whatever people he might have come to reign78, and in whatever way he might have procured111 his kingdom, he would have reigned112 with a far-seeing eye, fixed113 upon future results. At this period he was looking out for a way to advance himself. There were three men, all just six years his senior, who had risen or were rising into great repute; they were Pompey, Cicero, and Catiline. There were two who were noted114 for having clean hands in the midst of all the dirt around; and they were undoubtedly the first Romans of the day. Catiline was determined115 that he too would be among the first Romans of the day; but his hands had never been clean. Which was the better way for such a one as C?sar to go?
To have had Pompey under his feet, or Cicero, must have then seemed to C?sar to be impracticable, though the time came when he did, in different ways, have his feet on both. With Catiline the chance of success might be better. Crassus 217he had already compassed. Crassus was like M. Poirier in the play—a man who, having become rich, then allowed himself the luxury of an ambition. If C?sar joined the plot we can well understand that Crassus should have gone with him. We have all but sufficient authority for saying that it was so, but authority insufficient116 for declaring it. That Sallust, in his short account of the first conspiracy, should not have implicated117 C?sar was a matter of course,190 as he wrote altogether in C?sar's interest. That Cicero should not have mentioned it is also quite intelligible118. He did not wish to pull down upon his ears the whole house of the aristocracy. Throughout his career it was his object to maintain the tenor119 of the law with what smallest breach120 of it might be possible; but he was wise enough to know that when the laws were being broken on every side he could not catch in his nets all those who broke them. He had to pass over much; to make the best of the state of things as he found them. It is not to be supposed that a conspirator against the Republic would be horrible to him, as would be to us a traitor98 against the Crown: there were too many of them for horror. If C?sar and Crassus could be got to keep themselves quiet, he would be willing enough not to have to add them to his list of enemies. Livy is presumed to have told us that this conspiracy intended to restore the ejected Consuls, and to kill the Consuls who had been established in their place. But the book in which this was written is lost, and we have only the Epitome121, or heading of the book, of which we know that it was not written by Livy.191 Suetonius, who got his story not improbably from Livy, tells us that C?sar was suspected of having joined this conspiracy with Crassus;192 and he goes on to say that Cicero, writing subsequently to one Axius, declared that "C?sar had attempted in his Consulship to accomplish the dominion which he had intended to grasp in his ?dileship" 218the year in question. There is, however, no such letter extant. Asconius, who, as I have said before, wrote in the time of Tiberius, declares that Cicero in his lost oration122, "In toga candida," accused Crassus of having been the author of the conspiracy. Such is the information we have; and if we elect to believe that C?sar was then joined with Catiline, we must be guided by our ideas of probability rather than by evidence.193 As I have said before, conspiracies had been very rife123. To C?sar it was no doubt becoming manifest that the Republic, with its oligarchs, must fall. Subsequently it did fall, and he was—I will not say the conspirator, nor will I judge the question by saying that he was the traitor; but the man of power who, having the legions of the Republic in his hands, used them against the Republic. I can well understand that he should have joined such a conspiracy as this first of Catiline, and then have backed out of it when he found he could not trust those who were joined with him.
This conspiracy failed. One man omitted to give a signal at one time, and another at another. The Senate was to have been slaughtered124; the two Consuls, Cotta and Torquatus, murdered, and the two ex-Consuls, Sulla and Autronius, replaced. Though all the details seem to have been known to the Consuls, Catiline was allowed to go free, nor were any steps taken for the punishment of the conspirators.
The second conspiracy was attempted in the Consulship of Cicero, b.c. 63, two years after the first. Catiline had struggled for the Consulship, and had failed. Again there would be no province, no plunder, no power. This interference, as it must have seemed to him, with his peculiar126 privileges, had all come from Cicero. Cicero was the busybody who was attempting to stop the order of things 219which had, to his thinking, been specially127 ordained128 by all the gods for the sustenance129 of one so well born, and at the same time so poor, as himself. There was a vulgar meddling130 about it—all coming from the violent virtue52 of a Consul whose father had been a nobody at Arpinum—which was well calculated to drive Catiline into madness. So he went to work and got together in Rome a body of men as discontented and almost as nobly born as himself, and in the country north of Rome an army of rebels, and began his operations with very little secrecy131. In all the story the most remarkable132 feature is the openness with which many of the details of the conspiracy were carried on. The existence of the rebel army was known; it was known that Catiline was the leader; the causes of his disaffection were known; his comrades in guilt90 were known When any special act was intended, such as might be the murder of the Consul or the firing of the city, secret plots were concocted133 in abundance. But the grand fact of a wide-spread conspiracy could go naked in Rome, and not even a Cicero dare to meddle134 with it.
b.c. 63, ?tat 44
As to this second conspiracy, the conspiracy with which Sallust and Cicero have made us so well acquainted, there is no sufficient ground for asserting that C?sar was concerned in it.194 That he was greatly concerned in the treatment of the conspirators there is no doubt. He had probably learned to appreciate the rage, the madness, the impotence of Catiline at their proper worth. He too, I think, must have looked upon Cicero as a meddling, over-virtuous busybody; as did even Pompey when he returned from the East. What practical use could there be in such a man at such a time—in one who really 220believed in honesty, who thought of liberty and the Republic, and imagined that he could set the world right by talking? Such must have been the feeling of C?sar, who had both experience and foresight135 to tell him that Rome wanted and must have a master. He probably had patriotism enough to feel that he, if he could acquire the mastership, would do something beyond robbery—would not satisfy himself with cutting the throats of all his enemies, and feeding his supporters with the property of his opponents. But Cicero was impracticable—unless, indeed, he could be so flattered as to be made useful. It was thus, I think, that C?sar regarded Cicero, and thus that he induced Pompey to regard him. But now, in the year of his Consulship, Cicero had really talked himself into power, and for this year his virtue must be allowed to have its full way.
He did so much in this year, was so really efficacious in restraining for a time the greed and violence of the aristocracy, that it is not surprising that he was taught to believe in himself. There were, too, enough of others anxious for the Republic to bolster136 him up in his own belief. There was that Cornelius in whose defence Cicero made the two great speeches which have been unfortunately lost, and there was Cato, and up to this time there was Pompey, as Cicero thought. Cicero, till he found himself candidate for the Consulship, had contented himself with undertaking137 separate cases, in which, no doubt, politics were concerned, but which were not exclusively political. He had advocated the employment of Pompey in the East, and had defended Cornelius. He was well acquainted with the history of the Republic; but he had probably never asked himself the question whether it was in mortal peril138, and if so, whether it might possibly be saved. In his Consulship he did do so; and, seeing less of the Republic than we can see now, told himself that it was possible.
The stories told to us of Catiline's conspiracy by Sallust and by Cicero are so little conflicting that we can trust them both. Trusting them both, we are justified139 in believing that 221we know the truth. We are here concerned only with the part which Cicero took. Nothing, I think, which Cicero says is contradicted by Sallust, though of much that Cicero certainly did Sallust is silent. Sallust damns him, but only by faint praise. We may, therefore, take the account of the plot as given by Cicero himself as verified: indeed, I am not aware that any of Cicero's facts have been questioned.
Sallust declares that Catiline's attempt was popular in Rome generally.195 This, I think, must be taken as showing simply that revolution and conspiracy were in themselves popular: that, as a condition of things around him such as existed in Rome, a plotter of state plots should be able to collect a body of followers140, was a thing of course; that there were many citizens who would not work, and who expected to live in luxury on public or private plunder, is certain. When the conspiracy was first announced in the Senate, Catiline had an army collected; but we have no proof that the hearts of the inhabitants of Rome generally were with the conspirators. On the other hand, we have proof, in the unparalleled devotion shown by the citizens to Cicero after the conspiracy was quelled141, that their hearts were with him. The populace, fond of change, liked a disturbance142; but there is nothing to show that Catiline was ever beloved as had been the Gracchi, and other tribunes of the people who came after them.
Catiline, in the autumn of the year b.c. 63, had arranged the outside circumstances of his conspiracy, knowing that he would, for the third time, be unsuccessful in his canvass143 for the Consulship. That Cicero with other Senators should be murdered seems to have been their first object, and that then the Consulship should be seized by force. On the 21st of 222October Cicero made his first report to the Senate as to the conspiracy, and called upon Catiline for his answer. It was then that Catiline made his famous reply: "That the Republic had two bodies, of which one was weak and had a bad head"—meaning the aristocracy, with Cicero as its chief—"and the other strong, but without any head," meaning the people; "but that as for himself, so well had the people deserved of him, that as long as he lived a head should be forth-coming."196 Then, at that sitting, the Senate decreed, in the usual formula, "That the Consuls were to take care that the Republic did not suffer.197 On the 22d of October, the new Consuls, Silanus and Murena, were elected. On the 23d, Catiline was regularly accused of conspiracy by Paulus Lepidus, a young nobleman, in conformity144 with a law which had been enacted145 fifty-five years earlier, "de vi publica," as to violence applied146 to the State. Two days afterward it was officially reported that Manlius—or Mallius, as he seems to have been generally called—Catiline's lieutenant147, had openly taken up arms in Etruria. The 27th had been fixed by the conspirators for the murder of Cicero and the other Senators. That all this was to be, and was so arranged by Catiline, had been declared in the Senate by Cicero himself on that day when Catiline told them of the two bodies and the two heads. Cicero, with his intelligence, ingenuity148, and industry, had learned every detail. There was one Curius among the conspirators, a fair specimen149 of the young Roman nobleman of the day, who told it all to his mistress Fulvia, and she carried the information to the Consul. It is all narrated150 with fair dramatic accuracy in Ben Jonson's dull play, though he has attributed to C?sar a share in the plot, for doing which he had no authority. Cicero, on that sitting in the Senate, had been specially anxious to make Catiline understand that he knew privately151 every circumstance of the 223plot. Throughout the whole conspiracy his object was not to take Catiline, but to drive him out of Rome. If the people could be stirred up to kill him in their wrath152, that might be well; in that way there might be an end of all the trouble. But if that did not come to pass, then it would be best to make the city unbearable153 to the conspirators. If they could be driven out, they must either take themselves to foreign parts and be dispersed154, or must else fight and assuredly be conquered. Cicero himself was never blood-thirsty, but the necessity was strong upon him of ridding the Republic from these blood-thirsty men.
The scheme for destroying Cicero and the Senators on the 27th of October had proved abortive155. On the 6th of the next month a meeting was held in the house of one Marcus Porcius L?ca, at which a plot was arranged for the killing156 of Cicero the next day—for the killing of Cicero alone—he having been by this time found to be the one great obstacle in their path. Two knights157 were told off for the service, named Vargunteius and Cornelius. These, after the Roman fashion, were to make their way early on the following morning into the Consul's bedroom for the ostensible158 purpose of paying him their morning compliments, but, when there, they were to slay159 him. All this, however, was told to Cicero, and the two knights, when they came, were refused admittance. If Cicero had been a man given to fear, as has been said of him, he must have passed a wretched life at this period. As far as I can judge of his words and doings throughout his life, he was not harassed160 by constitutional timidity. He feared to disgrace his name, to lower his authority, to become small in the eyes of men, to make political mistakes, to do that which might turn against him. In much of this there was a falling off from that dignity which, if we do not often find it in a man, we can all of us imagine; but of personal dread161 as to his own skin, as to his own life, there was very little. At this time, when, as he knew well, many men with many weapons in their hands, men 224who were altogether unscrupulous, were in search for his blood he never seems to have trembled.
But all Rome trembled—even according to Sallust. I have already shown how he declares in one part of his narrative162 that the common people as a body were with Catiline, and have attempted to explain what was meant by that expression. In another, in an earlier chapter, he says "that the State," meaning the city, "was disturbed by all this, and its appearance changed.198 Instead of the joy and ease which had lately prevailed, the effect of the long peace, a sudden sadness fell upon every one." I quote the passage because that other passage has been taken as proving the popularity of Catiline. There can, I think, be no doubt that the population of Rome was, as a body, afraid of Catiline. The city was to be burnt down, the Consuls and the Senate were to be murdered, debts were to be wiped out, slaves were probably to be encouraged against their masters. The "permota civitas" and the "cuncta plebes," of which Sallust speaks, mean that all the "householders" were disturbed, and that all the "roughs" were eager with revolutionary hopes.
On the 8th of November, the day after that on which the Consul was to have been murdered in his own house, he called a special meeting of the Senate in the temple of Jupiter Stator. The Senate in Cicero's time was convened163 according to expedience164, or perhaps as to the dignity of the occasion, in various temples. Of these none had a higher reputation than that of the special Jupiter who is held to have befriended Romulus in his fight with the Sabines. Here was launched that thunderbolt of eloquence which all English school-boys have known for its "Quousque tandem165 abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra." Whether it be from the awe166 which has come down to me from my earliest years, mixed perhaps with something of dread for the great pedagogue167 who first made the words to sound grandly 225in my ears, or whether true critical judgment168 has since approved to me the real weight of the words, they certainly do contain for my intelligence an expression of almost divine indignation. Then there follows a string of questions, which to translate would be vain, which to quote, for those who read the language, is surely unnecessary. It is said to have been a fault with Cicero that in his speeches he runs too much into that vein169 of wrathful interrogation which undoubtedly palls170 upon us in English oratory172 when frequent resort is made to it. It seems to be too easy, and to contain too little of argument. It was this, probably, of which his contemporaries complained when they declared him to be florid, redundant173, and Asiatic in his style.199 This questioning runs through nearly the whole speech, but the reader cannot fail to acknowledge its efficacy in reference to the matter in hand. Catiline was sitting there himself in the Senate, and the questions were for the most part addressed to him. We can see him now, a man of large frame, with bold, glaring eyes, looking in his wrath as though he were hardly able to keep his hands from the Consul's throat, even there in the Senate. Though he knew that this attack was to be made on him, he had stalked into the temple and seated himself in a place of honor, among the benches intended for those who had been Consuls. When there, no one spoke to him, no one saluted174 him. The consular Senators shrunk away, leaving their places of privilege. Even his brother-conspirators, of whom many were present, did not dare to recognize him. Lentulus was no doubt there, and Cethegus, and two of the Sullan family, and Cassius Longinus, and Autronius, and L?ca, and Curius. All of them were or had been conspirators in the same cause. C?sar was there too, and Crassus. A fellow conspirator with Catiline would probably be a Senator. Cicero knew them all. We cannot say that in this matter C?sar 226was guilty, but Cicero, no doubt, felt that C?sar's heart was with Catiline. It was his present task so to thunder with his eloquence that he should turn these bitter enemies into seeming friends—to drive Catiline from out of the midst of them, so that it should seem that he had been expelled by those who were in truth his brother-conspirators; and this it was that he did.
He declared the nature of the plot, and boldly said that, such being the facts, Catiline deserved death. "If," he says, "I should order you to be taken and killed, believe me I should be blamed rather for my delay in doing so than for my cruelty." He spoke throughout as though all the power were in his own hands, either to strike or to forbear. But it was his object to drive him out and not to kill him. "Go," he said; "that camp of yours and Mallius, your lieutenant, are too long without you. Take your friends with you. Take them all. Cleanse175 the city of your presence. When its walls are between you and me then I shall feel myself secure. Among us here you may no longer stir yourself. I will not have it—I will not endure it. If I were to suffer you to be killed, your followers in the conspiracy would remain here; but if you go out, as I desire you, this cesspool of filth176 will drain itself off from out the city. Do you hesitate to do at my command that which you would fain do yourself? The Consul requires an enemy to depart from the city. Do you ask me whether you are to go into exile? I do not order it; but if you ask my counsel, I advise it." Exile was the severest punishment known by the Roman law, as applicable to a citizen, and such a punishment it was in the power of no Consul or other officer of state to inflict177. Though he had taken upon himself the duty of protecting the Republic, still he could not condemn178 a citizen. It was to the moral effect of his words that he must trust: "Non jubeo, sed si me consulis, suadeo." Catiline heard him to the end, and then, muttering a curse, left the Senate, and went out of the city. Sallust tells us that he threatened 227to extinguish, in the midst of the general ruin he would create, the flames prepared for his own destruction. Sallust, however, was not present on the occasion, and the threat probably had been uttered at an earlier period of Catiline's career. Cicero tells us expressly, in one of his subsequent works, that Catiline was struck dumb.200
Of this first Catiline oration Sallust says, that "Marcus Tullius the Consul, either fearing the presence of the man, or stirred to anger, made a brilliant speech, very useful to the Republic."201 This, coming from an enemy, is stronger testimony179 to the truth of the story told by Cicero, than would have been any vehement180 praise from the pen of a friend.
Catiline met some of his colleagues the same night. They were the very men who as Senators had been present at his confusion, and to them he declared his purpose of going. There was nothing to be done in the city by him. The Consul was not to be reached. Catiline himself was too closely watched for personal action. He would join the army at F?sul? and then return and burn the city. His friends, Lentulus, Cethegus, and the others, were to remain and be ready for fire and slaughter125 as soon as Catiline with his army should appear before the walls. He went, and Cicero had been so far successful.
But these men, Lentulus, Cethegus, and the other Senators, though they had not dared to sit near Catiline in the Senate, or to speak a word to him, went about their work zealously181 when evening had come. A report was spread among the people that the Consul had taken upon himself to drive a citizen into exile. Catiline, the ill-used Catiline—Catiline, the friend of the people, had, they said, gone to Marseilles in order that he might escape the fury of the tyrant Consul. In this we see the jealousy182 of Romans as to the infliction183 of any punishment 228by an individual officer on a citizen. It was with a full knowledge of what was likely to come that Cicero had ironically declared that he only advised the conspirator to go. The feeling was so strong that on the next morning he found himself compelled to address the people on the subject. Then was uttered the second Catiline oration, which was spoken in the open air to the citizens at large. Here too there are words, among those with which he began his speech, almost as familiar to us as the "Quousque tandem"—"Abiit; excessit; evasit; erupit!" This Catiline, says Cicero, this pest of his country, raging in his madness, I have turned out of the city. If you like it better, I have expelled him by my very words. "He has departed. He has fled. He has gone out from among us. He has broken away!" "I have made this conspiracy plain to you all, as I said I would, unless indeed there may be some one here who does not believe that the friends of Catiline will do the same as Catiline would have done. But there is no time now for soft measures. We have to be strong-handed. There is one thing I will do for these men. Let them too go out, so that Catiline shall not pine for them. I will show them the road. He has gone by the Via Aurelia. If they will hurry they may catch him before night." He implies by this that the story about Marseilles was false. Then he speaks with irony184 of himself as that violent Consul who could drive citizens into exile by the very breath of his mouth. "Ego185 vehemens ille consul qui verbo cives in exsilium ejicio." So he goes on, in truth defending himself, but leading them with him to take part in the accusation which he intends to bring against the chief conspirators who remain in the city. If they too will go, they may go unscathed; if they choose to remain, let them look to themselves.
Through it all we can see there is but one thing that he fears—that he shall be driven by the exigencies186 of the occasion to take some steps which shall afterward be judged not to have been strictly187 legal, and which shall put him into the 229power of his enemies when the day of his ascendency shall have passed away. It crops out repeatedly in these speeches.202 He seems to be aware that some over-strong measure will be forced upon him for which he alone will be held responsible. If he can only avoid that, he will fear nothing else; if he cannot avoid it, he will encounter even that danger. His foresight was wonderfully accurate. The strong hand was used, and the punishment came upon him, not from his enemies but from his friends, almost to the bursting of his heart.
Though the Senate had decreed that the Consuls were to see that the Republic should take no harm, and though it was presumed that extraordinary power was thereby188 conferred, it is evident that no power was conferred of inflicting189 punishment. Antony, as Cicero's colleague, was nothing. The authority, the responsibility, the action were, and were intended, to remain with Cicero. He could not legally banish46 any one. It was only too evident that there must be much slaughter. There was the army of rebels with which it would be necessary to fight. Let them go, these rebels within the city, and either join the army and get themselves killed, or else disappear, whither they would, among the provinces. The object of this second Catiline oration, spoken to the people, was to convince the remaining conspirators that they had better go, and to teach the citizens generally that in giving such counsel he was "banishing190" no one. As far as the citizens were concerned he was successful; but he did not induce the friends of Catiline to follow their chief. This took place on the 9th of November. 230After the oration the Senate met again, and declared Catiline and Mallius to be public enemies.
Twenty-four days elapsed before the third speech was spoken—twenty- four days during which Rome must have been in a state of very great fever. Cicero was actively191 engaged in unravelling192 the plots the details of which were still being carried on within the city; but nevertheless he made that speech for Murena before the judicial193 bench of which I gave an account in the last chapter, and also probably another for Piso, of which we have nothing left. We cannot but marvel72 that he should have been able at such a time to devote his mind to such subjects, and carefully to study all the details of legal cases. It was only on October 21st that Murena had been elected Consul; and yet on the 20th of November Cicero defended him with great skill on a charge of bribery. There is an ease, a playfulness, a softness, a drollery194 about this speech which appears to be almost incompatible195 with the stern, absorbing realities and great personal dangers in the midst of which he was placed; but the agility196 of his mind was such that there appears to have been no difficulty to him in these rapid changes.
On the same day, the 20th of November, when Cicero was defending Murena, the plot was being carried on at the house of a certain Roman lady named Sempronia. It was she of whom Sallust said that she danced better than became an honest woman. If we can believe Sallust, she was steeped in luxury and vice33. At her house a most vile project was hatched for introducing into Rome Rome's bitterest foreign foes197. There were in the city at this time certain delegates from a people called the Allobroges, who inhabited the lower part of Savoy. The Allobroges were of Gaulish race. They were warlike, angry, and at the present moment peculiarly discontented with Rome. There had been certain injuries, either real or presumed, respecting which these delegates had been sent to the city. There they had been delayed, and fobbed 231off with official replies which gave no satisfaction, and were supposed to be ready to do any evil possible to the Republic. What if they could be got to go back suddenly to their homes, and bring a legion of red-haired Gauls to assist the conspirators in burning down Rome? A deputation from the delegates came to Sempronia's house and there met the conspirators—Lentulus and others. They entered freely into the project; but having, as was usual with foreign embassies at Rome, a patron or peculiar friend of their own among the aristocracy, one Fabius Sanga by name, they thought it well to consult him.203 Sanga, as a matter of course, told everything to our astute198 Consul.
Then the matter was arranged with more than all the craft of a modern inspector199 of police. The Allobroges were instructed to lend themselves to the device, stipulating200, however, that they should have a written signed authority which they could show to their rulers at home. The written signed documents were given to them. With certain conspirators to help them out of the city they were sent upon their way. At a bridge over the Tiber they were stopped by Cicero's emissaries. There was a feigned201 fight, but no blood was shed; and the ambassadors with their letters were brought home to the Consul.
We are astonished at the marvellous folly202 of these conspirators, so that we could hardly have believed the story had it not been told alike by Cicero and by Sallust, and had not allusion to the details been common among later writers.204 The ambassadors 232were taken at the Milvian bridge early on the morning of the 3d of December, and in the course of that day Cicero sent for the leaders of the conspiracy to come to him. Lentulus, who was then Pr?tor, Cethegus, Gabinius, and Statilius all obeyed the summons. They did not know what had occurred, and probably thought that their best hope of safety lay in compliance203. C?parius was also sent for, but he for the moment escaped—in vain; for before two days were over he had been taken and put to death with the others. Cicero again called the Senate together, and entered the meeting leading the guilty Pr?tor by the hand. Here the offenders204 were examined and practically acknowledged their guilt. The proofs against them were so convincing that they could not deny it. There were the signatures of some; arms were found hidden in the house of another. The Senate decreed that the men should be kept in durance till some decision as to their fate should have been pronounced. Each of them was then given in custody205 to some noble Roman of the day. Lentulus the Pr?tor was confided206 to the keeping of a Censor207, Cethegus to Cornificius, Statilius to C?sar, Gabinius to Crassus, and C?parius, who had not fled very far before he was taken, to one Terentius. We can imagine how willingly would Crassus and C?sar have let their men go, had they dared. But Cicero was in the ascendant. C?sar, whom we can imagine to have understood that the hour had not yet come for putting an end to the effete208 Republic, and to have perceived also that Catiline was no fit helpmate for him in such a work, must bide209 his time, and for the moment obey. That he was inclined to favor the conspirators there is no doubt; but at present he could befriend them only in accordance with the law. The Allobroges were rewarded. The Pr?tors in the city who had assisted Cicero were thanked. To Cicero himself a supplication210 was decreed. A supplication was, in its origin, a thanksgiving to the gods on account of a victory, but had come to be an honor shown to the General who had gained the victory. 233In this case it was simply a means of adding glory to Cicero, and was peculiar, as hitherto the reward had only been conferred for military service.205 Remembering that, we can understand what at the time must have been the feeling in Rome as to the benefits conferred by the activity and patriotism of the Consul.
On the evening of the same day, the 3d of December, Cicero again addressed the people, explaining to them what he had done, and what he had before explained in the Senate. This was the third Catiline speech, and for rapid narrative is perhaps surpassed by nothing that he ever spoke. He explains again the motives by which he had been actuated; and in doing so extols211 the courage, the sagacity, the activity of Catiline, while he ridicules212 the folly and the fury of the others.206 Had Catiline remained, he says, we should have been forced to fight with him here in the city; but with Lentulus the sleepy, and Cassius the fat, and Cethegus the mad, it has been comparatively easy to deal. It was on this account that he had got rid of him, knowing that their presence would do no harm. Then he reminds the people of all that the gods have done for them, and addresses them in language which makes one feel that they did believe in their gods. It is one instance, one out of many which history and experience afford us, in which an honest and a good man has endeavored to use for salutary purposes a faith in which he has not himself participated. Does the bishop213 of to-day, when he calls upon his clergy214 to 234pray for fine weather, believe that the Almighty215 will change the ordained seasons, and cause his causes to be inoperative because farmers are anxious for their hay or for their wheat? But he feels that when men are in trouble it is well that they should hold communion with the powers of heaven. So much also Cicero believed, and therefore spoke as he did on this occasion. As to his own religious views, I shall say something in a future chapter.
Then in a passage most beautiful for its language, though it is hardly in accordance with our idea of the manner in which a man should speak of himself, he explains his own ambition: "For all which, my fellow-countrymen, I ask for no other recompense, no ornament216 or honor, no monument but that this day may live in your memories. It is within your breasts that I would garner217 and keep fresh my triumph, my glory, the trophies218 of my exploits. No silent, voiceless statue, nothing which can be bestowed219 upon the worthless, can give me delight. Only by your remembrance can my fortunes be nurtured—by your good words, by the records which you shall cause to be written, can they be strengthened and perpetuated220. I do think that this day, the memory of which, I trust, may be eternal, will be famous in history because the city has been preserved, and because my Consulship has been glorious."207 He ends the paragraph by an allusion to Pompey, admitting Pompey to a brotherhood221 of patriotism and praise. We shall see how Pompey repaid him.
How many things must have been astir in his mind when he spoke those words of Pompey! In the next sentence he tells the people of his own danger. He has taken care of their safety; it is for them to take care of his.208 But they, these Quirites, these Roman citizens, these masters of the world, by whom everything was supposed to be governed, could take care 235of no one; certainly not of themselves, as certainly not of another. They could only vote, now this way and now that, as somebody might tell them, or more probably as somebody might pay them. Pompey was coming home, and would soon be the favorite. Cicero must have felt that he had deserved much of Pompey, but was by no means sure that the debt of gratitude222 would be paid.
Now we come to the fourth or last Catiline oration, which was made to the Senate, convened on the 5th of December with the purpose of deciding the fate of the leading conspirators who were held in custody. We learn to what purport were three of the speeches made during this debate—those of C?sar and of Cato and of Cicero. The first two are given to us by Sallust, but we can hardly think that we have the exact words. The C?sarean spirit which induced Sallust to ignore altogether the words of Cicero would have induced him to give his own representation of the other two, even though we were to suppose that he had been able to have them taken down by short-hand writers—Cicero's words, we have no doubt, with such polishing as may have been added to the short-hand writers' notes by Tiro, his slave and secretary. The three are compatible each with the other, and we are entitled to believe that we know the line of argument used by the three orators223.
Silanus, one of the Consuls elect, began the debate by counselling death. We may take it for granted that he had been persuaded by Cicero to make this proposition. During the discussion he trembled at the consequences, and declared himself for an adjournment224 of their decision till they should have dealt with Catiline. Murena, the other Consul elect, and Catulus, the Prince of the Senate,209 spoke for death. Tiberius Nero, grandfather of Tiberius the Emperor, made that proposition for 236adjournment to which Silanus gave way. Then—or I should rather say in the course of the debate, for we do not know who else may have spoken—C?sar got up and made his proposition. His purpose was to save the victims, but he knew well that, with such a spirit abroad as that existing in the Senate and the city, he could only do so not by absolving225 but by condemning226. Wicked as these men might be, abominably227 wicked it was, he said, for the Senate to think of their own dignity rather than of the enormity of the crime. As they could not, he suggested, invent any new punishment adequate to so abominable228 a crime, it would be better that they should leave the conspirators to be dealt with by the ordinary laws. It was thus that, cunningly, he threw out the idea that as Senators they had no power of death. He did not dare to tell them directly that any danger would menace them, but he exposed the danger skilfully229 before their eyes. "Their crimes," he says again, "deserve worse than any torture you can inflict. But men generally recollect230 what comes last. When the punishment is severe, men will remember the severity rather than the crime." He argues all this extremely well. The speech is one of great ingenuity, whether the words be the words of Sallust or of C?sar. We may doubt, indeed, whether the general assertion he made as to death had much weight with the Senators when he told them that death to the wicked was a relief, whereas life was a lasting231 punishment; but when he went on to remind them of the Lex Porcia, by which the power of punishing a Roman citizen, even under the laws, was limited to banishment232, unless by a plebiscite of the people generally ordering death, then he was efficacious. He ended by proposing that the goods of the conspirators should be sold, and that the men should be condemned233 to imprisonment234 for life, each in some separate town. This would, I believe, have been quite as illegal as the death-sentence, but it would not have been irrevocable. The Senate, or the people, in the next year could have restored to the men their liberty, and 237compensated them for their property. Cicero was determined that the men should die. They had not obeyed him by leaving the city, and he was convinced that while they lived the conspiracy would live also. He fully101 understood the danger, and resolved to meet it. He replied to C?sar, and with infinite skill refrained from the expression of any strong opinion, while he led his hearers to the conviction that death was necessary. For himself he had been told of his danger; "but if a man be brave in his duty death cannot be disgraceful to him; to one who had reached the honors of the Consulship it could not be premature235; to no wise man could it be a misery236." Though his brother, though his wife, though his little boy, and his daughter just married were warning him of his peril, not by all that would he be influenced. "Do you," he says, "Conscript Fathers, look to the safety of the Republic. These are not the Gracchi, nor Saturninus, who are brought to you for judgment—men who broke the laws, indeed, and therefore suffered death, but who still were not unpatriotic. These men had sworn to burn the city, to slay the Senate, to force Catiline upon you as a ruler. The proofs of this are in your own hands. It was for me, as your Consul, to bring the facts before you. Now it is for you, at once, before night, to decide what shall be done. The conspirators are very many; it is not only with these few that you are dealing237. On whatever you decide, decide quickly. C?sar tells you of the Sempronian law210—the law, namely, forbidding the death of a Roman citizen—but can he be regarded as a citizen who has been found in arms against the city?" Then there is a fling at C?sar's assumed clemency238, showing us that C?sar had already 238endeavored to make capital out of that virtue which he displayed afterward so signally at Alesia and Uxellodunum. Then again he speaks of himself in words so grand that it is impossible but to sympathize with him: "Let Scipio's name be glorious—he by whose wisdom and valor239 Hannibal was forced out of Italy. Let Africanus be praised loudly, who destroyed Carthage and Numantia, the two cities which were most hostile to Rome. Let Paulus be regarded as great—he whose triumph that great King Perses adorned240. Let Marius be held in undying honor, who twice saved Italy from foreign yoke241. Let Pompey be praised above all, whose noble deeds are as wide as the sun's course. Perhaps among them there may be a spot, too, for me; unless, indeed, to win provinces to which we may take ourselves in exile is more than to guard that city to which the conquerors242 of provinces may return in safety." The last words of the orator171 also are fine: "Therefore, Conscript Fathers, decide wisely and without fear. Your own safety, and that of your wives and children, that of your hearths243 and altars, the temples of your gods, the homes contained in your city, your liberty, the welfare of Italy and of the whole Republic are at stake. It is for you to decide. In me you have a Consul who will obey your decrees, and will see that they be made to prevail while the breath of life remains244 to him." Cato then spoke advocating death, and the Senate decreed that the men should die. Cicero himself led Lentulus down to the vaulted245 prison below, in which executioners were ready for the work, and the other four men were made to follow. A few minutes afterward, in the gleaming of the evening, when Cicero was being led home by the applauding multitude, he was asked after the fate of the conspirators. He answered them but by one word "Vixerunt"—there is said to have been a superstition246 with the Romans as to all mention of death—"They have lived their lives."
As to what was being done outside Rome with the army of conspirators in Etruria, it is not necessary for the biographer 239of Cicero to say much. Catiline fought, and died fighting. The conspiracy was then over. On the 31st of December Cicero retired247 from his office, and Catiline fell at the battle of Pistoia on the 5th of January following, b.c. 62.
A Roman historian writing in the reign of Tiberius has thought it worth his while to remind us that a great glory was added to Cicero's consular year by the birth of Augustus—him who afterward became Augustus C?sar.211 Had a Roman been living now, he might be excused for saying that it was an honor to Augustus to have been born in the year of Cicero's Consulship.
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paradox
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grooves
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scrupulous
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follower
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forerunner
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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7
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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8
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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9
conspirator
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| n.阴谋者，谋叛者 | |
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10
execrate
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| v.憎恶；厌恶；诅咒 | |
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11
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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12
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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13
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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14
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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15
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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16
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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17
tumults
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| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
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18
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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19
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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20
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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21
savor
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| vt.品尝，欣赏；n.味道，风味；情趣，趣味 | |
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22
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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23
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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24
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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25
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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26
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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27
conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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28
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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29
opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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30
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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31
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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32
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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33
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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34
testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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35
tellers
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| n.（银行）出纳员( teller的名词复数 )；（投票时的）计票员；讲故事等的人；讲述者 | |
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36
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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37
dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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38
contradictory
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|
| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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39
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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40
consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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41
consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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42
consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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43
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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44
truculent
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| adj.野蛮的，粗野的 | |
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45
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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46
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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47
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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49
allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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50
commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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51
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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52
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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53
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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54
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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55
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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56
conspire
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| v.密谋，（事件等）巧合，共同导致 | |
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57
biassed
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| （统计试验中）结果偏倚的，有偏的 | |
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58
nefarious
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| adj.恶毒的，极坏的 | |
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59
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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60
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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61
injustice
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|
| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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62
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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63
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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64
patricians
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| n.（古罗马的）统治阶层成员( patrician的名词复数 )；贵族，显贵 | |
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65
aristocrat
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| n.贵族，有贵族气派的人，上层人物 | |
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66
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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67
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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68
relished
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| v.欣赏( relish的过去式和过去分词 )；从…获得乐趣；渴望 | |
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69
ignominious
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|
| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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70
behooved
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| v.适宜( behoove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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72
marvel
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|
| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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73
allured
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| 诱引，吸引( allure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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75
extremity
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|
| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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76
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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77
scruples
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|
| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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78
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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79
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
plunder
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|
| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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81
consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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82
shearing
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|
| n.剪羊毛，剪取的羊毛v.剪羊毛( shear的现在分词 )；切断；剪切 | |
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83
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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84
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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85
provincial
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|
| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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86
unravel
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| v.弄清楚（秘密）；拆开，解开，松开 | |
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87
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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88
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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89
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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90
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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91
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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92
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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93
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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94
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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95
balked
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|
| v.畏缩不前，犹豫( balk的过去式和过去分词 )；（指马）不肯跑 | |
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96
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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97
unnaturally
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| adv.违反习俗地；不自然地；勉强地；不近人情地 | |
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98
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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99
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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100
conspired
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|
| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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101
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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102
forensic
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| adj.法庭的，雄辩的 | |
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103
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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104
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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105
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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106
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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107
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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108
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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109
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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110
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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111
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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112
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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113
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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114
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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115
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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116
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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117
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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118
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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119
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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120
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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121
epitome
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| n.典型，梗概 | |
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122
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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123
rife
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| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
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124
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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126
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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127
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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128
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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129
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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130
meddling
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的现在分词 ) | |
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131
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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132
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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133
concocted
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的过去式和过去分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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134
meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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135
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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136
bolster
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| n.枕垫；v.支持，鼓励 | |
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137
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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138
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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139
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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140
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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141
quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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143
canvass
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| v.招徕顾客，兜售；游说；详细检查，讨论 | |
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144
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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145
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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147
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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148
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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149
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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150
narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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151
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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152
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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153
unbearable
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| adj.不能容忍的；忍受不住的 | |
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154
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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155
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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156
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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157
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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158
ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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159
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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160
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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161
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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162
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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163
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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164
expedience
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| n.方便，私利，权宜 | |
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165
tandem
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| n.同时发生；配合；adv.一个跟着一个地；纵排地；adj.（两匹马）前后纵列的 | |
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166
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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167
pedagogue
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| n.教师 | |
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168
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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169
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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170
palls
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| n.柩衣( pall的名词复数 )；墓衣；棺罩；深色或厚重的覆盖物v.（因过多或过久而）生厌，感到乏味，厌烦( pall的第三人称单数 ) | |
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171
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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172
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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173
redundant
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| adj.多余的，过剩的；(食物)丰富的；被解雇的 | |
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174
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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175
cleanse
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| vt.使清洁，使纯洁，清洗 | |
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176
filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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177
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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178
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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179
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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180
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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181
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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182
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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183
infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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184
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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185
ego
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| n.自我，自己，自尊 | |
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186
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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187
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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188
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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189
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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190
banishing
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的现在分词 ) | |
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191
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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192
unravelling
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| 解开，拆散，散开( unravel的现在分词 )； 阐明； 澄清； 弄清楚 | |
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193
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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194
drollery
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| n.开玩笑，说笑话；滑稽可笑的图画（或故事、小戏等） | |
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195
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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196
agility
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| n.敏捷，活泼 | |
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197
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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198
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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199
inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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200
stipulating
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| v.（尤指在协议或建议中）规定，约定，讲明（条件等）( stipulate的现在分词 )；规定，明确要求 | |
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201
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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202
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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203
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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204
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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205
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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206
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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207
censor
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| n./vt.审查，审查员；删改 | |
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208
effete
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| adj.无生产力的，虚弱的 | |
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209
bide
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| v.忍耐；等候；住 | |
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210
supplication
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| n.恳求，祈愿，哀求 | |
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211
extols
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的第三人称单数 ) | |
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212
ridicules
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| n.嘲笑( ridicule的名词复数 )；奚落；嘲弄；戏弄v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的第三人称单数 ) | |
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213
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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214
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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215
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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216
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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217
garner
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| v.收藏；取得 | |
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218
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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219
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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220
perpetuated
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| vt.使永存（perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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221
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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222
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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223
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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224
adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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225
absolving
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的现在分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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226
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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227
abominably
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| adv. 可恶地，可恨地，恶劣地 | |
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228
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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229
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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230
recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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231
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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232
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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233
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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234
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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235
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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236
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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237
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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238
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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239
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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240
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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241
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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242
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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243
hearths
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| 壁炉前的地板，炉床，壁炉边( hearth的名词复数 ) | |
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244
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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245
vaulted
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| adj.拱状的 | |
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246
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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247
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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