Mr. Pryor, with other gentlemen, was deputed by General Beauregard to demand the surrender of the fort, and in case of the refusal which he foresaw, 121 to direct the commandant of battery, Johnson, to open fire. When the order was delivered to the commandant, he invited my husband to fire the first shot; but this honor my husband declined, and instead suggested the venerable Edmund Ruffin, an intense secessionist, for that service. It was the prevalent impression at the time, that Mr. Ruffin did "fire the first gun"; at all events he fired, to him, the last; for on hearing of Lee's surrender, Cato-like, he destroyed himself.
I have often wondered what would have been the effect upon the fortunes of our own family, had my husband fired the shot that ushered10 in the war. Even had his life been spared, he certainly would not have become an eminent11 lawyer in the state of New York and a justice of its Supreme12 Court.
Fort Sumter was reduced on April 12, and Virginia was in a wild state of excitement and confusion.
The deputation sent to Washington in the interests of peace had failed in its mission. The Convention of 1861 was in session at Richmond as early as April 11—sitting with closed doors. The people were wrought13 to the highest pitch of anxiety lest the conservative spirit of the older men should triumph and should lead them to prefer submission14, which would mean dishonor, to secession, which could mean nothing worse than death.
Business was practically suspended in Richmond and Petersburg; men crowded the streets to learn the latest news from the North, and were inflamed15 by reports of the arrest and incarceration16 in Fort 122 Lafayette of Southern sympathizers. As crowds gathered in different localities the advocates of secession addressed them in impassioned speeches which met with hearty17 response from the people.
On April 16, a body, calling itself the Spontaneous People's Convention, met and organized in the Metropolitan18 Hall at Richmond. The door was kept by a guard with a drawn19 sword in his hand. David Chalmers of Halifax County was president, and Willoughby Newton, vice-president.
Patrick Henry Aylett, grandson of Patrick Henry, made a noble speech, urging moderation and delay; warmer speeches followed. A Southern flag was raised on the capitol amid shouts of applause, but at midnight the governor had it removed, for the convention had not yet passed the ordinance of secession, and those who rose with the dawn of the next eventful day found the state flag calmly floating in its place.
I was a guest of the government house at this time, and in the calm and seclusion20 of Mrs. Letcher's rooms I missed much of the excitement. She was a motherly, domestic woman, who chose to ignore outside disturbances21 for the sake of present peace. We talked together of family matters, as we sewed upon little gowns and pinafores, indulged in reminiscences of the Washington life which we had enjoyed together, and said very little of the troubles of the hour. Mrs. Letcher thought the political storm must pass. It was hard to bear; the governor was nervous and sleeping badly, but quiet would surely come, and when it did—why, then, 123 we would all go down to Old Point Comfort for June, bathe in the sea, and get strong and well. As for fighting—it would never come to that!
On the memorable22 day of the 17th the "Spontaneous Convention" again met to discuss a new political organization of the state. While they argued and struggled, Lieutenant-Governor Montague entered the hall with momentous23 news. An ordinance of secession had been passed by the State Convention. This announcement was followed by a thrilling moment of silence succeeded by tears of gladness and deafening24 shouts of applause. The venerable ex-President Tyler made a stirring address. He gave a brief history of the struggles of the English race from the days of the Magna Charta to the present time, and solemnly declared that at no period of the history of our race had we ever been engaged in a more just and holy effort for the maintenance of liberty and independence than at the present moment. The career of the dominant25 party at the North was but a series of aggressions which fully26 warranted our eternal separation; and if we performed our duty as Christian27 patriots28, the same God who favored the cause of our forefathers29 in the Revolution of 1776 would crown our efforts with success. Generations yet unborn would bless those who had the high privilege of participating in the present struggle. A passionate30 speech followed from ex-Governor Wise. He alluded31 to a rumor32 that one of his children had been seized and held as hostage at the North. "But," he said, "if they suppose hostages of my own heart's blood will stay my 124 hand in the maintenance of sacred rights, they are mistaken. Affection for kindred, property, and life itself sink into insignificance33 in comparison with the overwhelming importance of public duty in such a crisis as this. Virginia is smitten34 with blindness, in that she does not at once seize Washington before the Republican hordes35 get possession of it." The Hon. J. M. Mason and others followed in the same strain. Governor Letcher appeared, and pledged himself to discharge his whole duty as executive of the state in conformity36 with the will of the people and the provisions of the constitution. The ordinance could not become a law until it was ratified37 by the people—and they would be called to vote upon it on May 23. "Not until then," said an ex-Congressman, "will those fellows in Washington know we are Secessionists!" "Never as Secessionists!" said another; "I detest38 the word. We are revolutionists,—rebels, as our fathers were." "But perhaps," ventured one of the old Washington coterie39, to Mr. Hunter, "perhaps the people will not vote us out of the union after all." "My dear lady," said the ex-Senator, proudly, "you may place your little hand against Niagara with more certainty of staying the torrent40 than you can oppose this movement. It was written long ago in the everlasting41 stars that the South would be driven out of the union by the North."
The fate of Virginia had been decided42 April 15, when President Lincoln demanded troops for the subjugation43 of the seceding44 states of the South. The temper of Governor Letcher of Virginia was 125 precisely45 in accord with the spirit that prompted Governor Magoffin of Kentucky to answer to a similar call for state militia46: "Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing47 her sister Southern states!" Until this call of the President, Virginia had been extremely averse48 from secession, and even though she deemed it within her rights to leave the union, she did not wish to pledge herself to join the Confederate States of the South. Virginia was the Virginian's Country. The common people were wont49 to speak of her as "The Old Mother." "The mother of us all," a mother so honored and loved that her brood of children must be noble and true.
Her sons had never forgotten her! She had fought nobly in the Revolution and had afterward50 surrendered, for the common good, her magnificent territory. Had she retained this vast dominion51, she could now have dictated52 to all the other states. She gave it up from a pure spirit of patriotism53—that there might be the fraternity which could not exist without equality,—and in surrendering it, she had reserved for herself the right to withdraw from the Confederation whenever she should deem it expedient54 for her own welfare. There were leading spirits who thought the hour had come when she might demand her right. She was not on a plane with the other states of the union. "Virginia, New York, and Massachusetts had expressly reserved the right to withdraw from the union, and explicitly55 disclaimed56 the right or power to bind57 the hands of posterity58 by any form of government whatever." 126
And so the question of the hour with Virginia was not the right to introduce slavery into the territories. Nothing was said or thought about slavery. The question was of states' rights only.
One need but go back to the original treaties with France and England in 1778 and 1783, to understand the origin and root of this feeling with the Virginians of 1861. France had made her treaty of perpetual alliance with the "Thirteen United Colonies," naming each one separately as one of the contracting parties. The king of England had named each one separately to be "free, sovereign and independent states" and "that he treated with them as such."
Said old John Janney, a union man and president of the Convention of 1861, when taxed with having taken sides with Virginia against the union, "Virginia, sir, was a nation one hundred and eighty years before your union was born."
Another strong party was the "union Party," sternly resolved against secession, willing to run the risks of fighting within the union for the rights of the state. This spirit was so strong, that any hint of secession had been met with angry defiance59. A Presbyterian clergyman had ventured, in his morning sermon, a hint that Virginia might need her sons for defence, when a gray-haired elder left the church and, turning at the door, shouted "Traitor60!" This was in Petersburg, the birthplace of General Winfield Scott.
And still another party was the enthusiastic secession party, resolved upon resistance to coercion61; the 127 men who could believe nothing good of the North, should interests of that section conflict with those of the South; who cherished the bitterest resentments62 for all the sneers63 and insults in Congress; who, like the others, adored their own state and were ready and willing to die in her defence. Strange to say, this was the predominating spirit all through the country, in rural districts as well as in the small towns and the larger cities. It seemed to be born all at once in every breast as soon as Lincoln demanded the soldiers.
The "overt64 act" for which everybody looked had been really the re?nforcement by Federal troops of the fort in Charleston Harbor. When Fort Sumter was reduced by Beauregard, "the fight was on."
On May 23 Virginia ratified an ordinance of secession, and on the early morning of May 24 the Federal soldiers, under General Winfield Scott,[11] crossed the Potomac River and occupied Arlington Heights and the city of Alexandria. "The invasion of Virginia, the pollution of her sacred soil as it was termed, called forth65 a vigorous proclamation from her governor and a cry of rage from her press." General Beauregard issued a fierce proclamation, tending to fire the hearts of the Virginians with anger. "A reckless and unprincipled host," he declared, "has invaded your soil," etc., etc.
General Scott, our father's groomsman, was knocking at the doors of the "fair ladies" he loved, with the menace of torch and sword. 128
And now there was a mighty66 gathering67 of the sons of "The Old Mother!" She raised her standard, "Sic semper tyrannis," and from every quarter of the globe they rallied to her defence, not scurrying68 home for shelter from the storm, but coming to place their own breasts between her and the blast,—descendants of men who had won freedom in 1776, of Light Horse Harry69 Lee, of Peter Johnson, Ensign of the Legion,—Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnston, Thomas Jackson, "Jeb" Stuart, A. P. Hill, Muscoe Garnett, Roger A. Pryor, Austin Smith from far San Francisco, Dr. Garnett from Washington, Bradfute Warwick from Naples, Powhatan Clark from Louisiana, Judge Scarborough from the Court of Claims at Washington, Judge Campbell, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court at Washington, and multitudes of others! "The very earth trembled at the tramp of the Virginians as they marched to the assize of arms of the Mother of them all. From every continent, from every clime, from all avocations70, from the bar, the pulpit, the counting-room, the workshop, the Virginians came.
"'Theirs not to reason why,
Theirs but to do and die!'"[12]
Among them was a descendant of old Sir Humphrey Gilbert,—him of the sinking ship on his way to Virginia,—who cried as he went down: "Be of good cheer, my friends! It is as near heaven by sea as by land." 129
And among them were some who quoted old Sir George Somers of the Sea Venture, who drew around him his crew and exhorted71 them to "be true to duty and to return to Virginia."
General Bradley Johnson says these words of the old knight72 rang like a trumpet73 all over the country in the early days of the war wherever there was a Virginian. "Be true to duty and return to Virginia!" And few, very few, failed to obey the call.
It is well known that General Lee did not approve the hasty, ill-considered action of the early seceders from the union. He foresaw the perils74 and doubtful results of such action. He knew that war—as my own husband had so earnestly said in Congress—"meant widows and orphans75, the punishment of the innocent, the ruin of the fortunes of all." Still, the "Old Mother" had been forced to accept it at the hands of others. The simple question was: "With or against blood and kin1? For or against the Old Mother?" And the question answered itself in the asking.
I am sure that no soldier enlisted76 under Virginia's banner could possibly be more determined than the young women of the state. They were uncompromising.
"You promised me my answer to-night," said a fine young fellow, who had not yet enlisted, to his sweetheart.
"Well, you can't have it, Ben, until you have fought the Yankees," said pretty Helen.
"What heart will I have for fighting if you give me no promise?" 130
"I'll not be engaged to any man until he has fought the Yankees," said Helen, firmly. "You distinguish yourself in the war, and then see what I'll have to say to you."
This was the stand they took in Richmond and Petersburg. Engagements were postponed77 until they could find of what mettle78 a lover was.
"But suppose I don't come back at all!" suggested Ben.
"Oh, then I'll acknowledge an engagement and be good to your mother,—and wear mourning all the same—provided—your wounds are all in front."
A few days before the vote was taken upon the ordinance of secession we had a fine fright in Richmond. An alarm was rung in the Capitol Square, and thousands of people filled the streets to learn the cause of its warning. Presently notices were posted all over the city that the Pawnee—a war-ship of the United States—was steaming up the James River with the purpose of shelling the mansions79 on the banks, and of finally firing on Richmond. We had friends living in those fine colonial mansions all along the river,—at Claremont, Upper and Lower Brandon, Shirley, Westover,—dear old ladies who were unprotected, and would be frightened to death. For ourselves in Richmond and Petersburg there would be no personal danger, we could escape; but our mills and shipping80 would be destroyed.
I think I am within the bounds of truth when I say that every man and boy capable of bearing gun 131 or pistol marched with the soldiers and artillery81 down to the riverside, determined to defend the city. There they waited until the evening, the howitzers firing from time to time to forewarn the war-ship of their presence.
A little after sunset the crowd turned its face homeward. News had been received that the Pawnee had steamed up the river a short distance, had thought better of it, and had turned around and gone back to her mooring82. All the same one thing was certain, the war-ship "bristling83 with guns" was there. She could steam up the river any night, and probably would when it pleased her so to do.
When I returned to my father's home in Petersburg, I found my friends possessed84 with an intense spirit of patriotism. The First, Second, and Third Virginia were already mustered85 into service; my husband was colonel of the Third Virginia Infantry86. The men were to be equipped for service immediately. All of "the boys" were going—the three Mays, Will Johnson, Berry Stainback, Ned Graham, all the young, dancing set, the young lawyers and doctors—everybody, in short, except bank presidents, druggists, a doctor or two (over age), and young boys under sixteen.
To be idle was torture. We women resolved ourselves into a sewing society—resting not on Sundays. Sewing-machines were put into the churches, which became depots87 for flannel88, muslin, strong linen89, and even uniform cloth. When the hour for meeting arrived, the sewing class would be summoned by the ringing of the church bell. My 132 dear Agnes was visiting in Petersburg, and was my faithful ally in all my work. We instituted a monster sewing class, which we hugely enjoyed, to meet daily at my home on Market Street. My Colonel was to be fitted out as never was colonel before. He was ordered to Norfolk with his regiment90 to protect the seaboard. I was proud of his colonelship, and much exercised because he had no shoulder-straps. I undertook to embroider91 them myself. We had not then decided upon the star for our colonels' insignia, and I supposed he would wear the eagle like all the colonels I had ever known. No embroidery92 bullion93 was to be had, but I bought heavy bullion fringe, cut it in lengths, and made eagles, probably of some extinct species, for the like were unknown in Audubon's time, and have not since been discovered. However, they were accepted, admired, and, what is worse, worn.
The Confederate soldier was furnished at the beginning of the war with a gun, pistol, canteen, tin cup, haversack, and knapsack—no inconsiderable weight to be borne in a march. The knapsack contained a fatigue94 jacket, one or two blankets, an oilcloth, several suits of underclothing, several pairs of white gloves, collars, neckties, and handkerchiefs. Each mess purchased a mess-chest containing dishes, bowls, plates, knives, forks, spoons, cruets, spice-boxes, glasses, etc. Each mess also owned a frying-pan, oven, coffee-pot, and camp-kettle. The uniforms were of the finest cadet cloth and gold lace.
This outfit—although not comparable to that of 133 the Federal soldiers, many of whom had "Saratoga" trunks in the baggage train, was considered sumptuous95 by the Confederate volunteer.
As if these were not enough, we taxed our ingenuity96 to add sundry97 comforts, weighing little, by which we might give a touch of refinement98 to the soldier's knapsack.
There was absolutely nothing which a man might possibly use that we did not make for them. We embroidered99 cases for razors, for soap and sponge, and cute morocco affairs for needles, thread, and court-plaster, with a little pocket lined with a bank-note. "How perfectly100 ridiculous!" do you say? Nothing is ridiculous that helps anxious women to bear their lot—cheats them with the hope that they are doing good.
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1
kin
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| n.家族，亲属，血缘关系；adj.亲属关系的，同类的 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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secede
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| v.退出，脱离 | |
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quota
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| n.（生产、进出口等的）配额，（移民的）限额 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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incarceration
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| n.监禁，禁闭；钳闭 | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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deafening
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| adj. 振耳欲聋的, 极喧闹的 动词deafen的现在分词形式 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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detest
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| vt.痛恨，憎恶 | |
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coterie
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| n.(有共同兴趣的)小团体，小圈子 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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seceding
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的现在分词 ) | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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52
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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54
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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55
explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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disclaimed
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| v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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58
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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59
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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resentments
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| （因受虐待而）愤恨，不满，怨恨( resentment的名词复数 ) | |
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sneers
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| 讥笑的表情（言语）( sneer的名词复数 ) | |
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overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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scurrying
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| v.急匆匆地走( scurry的现在分词 ) | |
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harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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avocations
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| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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orphans
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| 孤儿( orphan的名词复数 ) | |
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enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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mooring
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| n.停泊处；系泊用具，系船具；下锚v.停泊，系泊（船只）(moor的现在分词) | |
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bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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depots
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| 仓库( depot的名词复数 )； 火车站； 车库； 军需库 | |
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flannel
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| n.法兰绒；法兰绒衣服 | |
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linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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embroider
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| v.刺绣于(布)上；给…添枝加叶，润饰 | |
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embroidery
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| n.绣花，刺绣；绣制品 | |
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bullion
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| n.金条，银条 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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