IT has seemed necessary to dwell thus at length on the conditions among the Papuans and allied2 tribes as it appeared to me important that the very beginnings of the family should be understood. The general agreement of ethnologists as to the low standing3 of the Papuans justifies4, I believe, our assuming them to be as near the point of culture of our neolithic5 (or paleolithic) ancestors as it is possible to come.
From now on the course is upward. Strange as it may seem, the lowest tribes are less “human,” both in the matter of offspring and in the matter of sentiment of love for women, than some of the beasts and birds,36 but having touched that depth, the next step brings us in contact with feelings that, in a way, begin to approximate our own.
In the stages above the Papuans there is some affection for the woman; her position is nearer to that of wife and less that of captive. In consequence there is a more kindly6 regard for the child32ren that she bears. Now begins the development of the parental7 affection. It is, however, confined to the female at first; “to this fact, rather than to doubt of paternity, should we attribute the very common habit in such communities of reckoning ancestry8 in the female line only.”37
Man, no longer relying on his own cannibalistic brute9 force to do with his progeny10 as he wishes, invents reasons for doing away with his burdensome offspring.
We have already seen that the Papuans restricted their families to two children, when it was possible. As late as the middle of the seventeenth century, Dapper reported that in Benin no twins were found, as it was regarded as a sign of dishonour11 for a woman to have twins.38
Among the Arunta tribes in Central Australia, twins are “immediately killed as something which is unnatural12.”39 Among northern tribes they “are usually destroyed as something uncanny.”40 With the Kaffirs, it was found that “when twins are born, one is usually neglected and allowed to die.”41 Of the western Victorian tribes we learn that “twins are as common among them as among Europeans; but as food is occasionally very scarce and a large family troublesome to move about,33 it is lawful13 and customary to destroy the weaker twin child, irrespective of sex.”42
In some parts of the Benin territory, according to a contemporary of Dapper, the twin-bearing women are treated very badly.
According to Nyendael, they actually kill both mother and infants, and sacrifice them to a certain devil, which they fondly imagine harbours in a wood near the village. “But if,” says this authority, “the man happens to be more than ordinarily tender, he generally buys off his wife, by sacrificing a female slave in her place; but the children are without possibility of redemption obliged to be made the satisfactory offerings which this savage14 law requires. In the year 1699, a merchant’s wife, commonly called ellaroe or mof, lay-in of two children, and her husband redeemed15 her with a slave, but sacrificed his children. After which I had frequent opportunities of seeing and talking with the disconsolate16 mother, who never could see an infant without a very melancholy17 reflection on the fate of her own, which always extorted18 briny19 tears from her. The following year the like event happened to a priest’s wife. She was delivered of two children, which, with a slave, instead of his wife, he was obliged to kill and sacrifice with his own hands, by reason of his sacerdotal function; and exactly one year after, as though it had been a punishment inflicted20 from heaven, the same woman was the second time delivered of two child34ren, but how the priest managed himself on this occasion I have not been informed, but am apt to think that this poor woman was forced to atone21 for her fertility by death. These dismal22 events have in process of time made such impressions on men, that when the time of their wives’ delivery approaches, they send them to another country; which makes me believe that for the future they will correct these inhumanities.”43
On the west coast of Africa “twins are killed among all the Niger Delta23 tribes, and in districts out of English control the mother is killed too,”44 which shows the fanatic24 point to which a belief, or rather an excuse, founded on the economic desire to keep down the size of a family, may be carried.
All Kaffir children are neglected, according to Kidd,45 but on the birth of twins, “one frequently is killed by the father, for the natives think that unless the father places a lump of earth in the mouth of one of the babies, he will lose his strength.”
The next provision to keep down the “cost of living” is directed against children with blemishes25, a practice that was not easy to check even among civilized26 peoples. Among the Australian aborigines “it is usual to destroy those that are malformed.”4635 Among certain tribes on the west coast, children whose mothers have died are thrown into the bush, “as are all children who have not arrived in this world in the way considered orthodox or who cut their teeth in an improper27 way.” A child born with teeth is put to death, in some parts of Africa; children born in stormy weather are destroyed in Kamchatka.47 In Madagascar “the superstition28 of lucky and unlucky days prevailed throughout all the tribes, and the unfortunate infants that came into the world on one of these unlucky days were immediately destroyed.”48
How obvious are the so-called reasons for killing the children may be seen from the fact that according to another authority, the proscribed29 or unlucky periods and days include all children born in March and April, or in the last week of each month, or on Wednesdays and Fridays.49 Among the Antankarana tribes of the Amber30 Mountains in Madagascar, a child that sneezes at or shortly after its birth is exposed. Among the Basuto, when a child is born with its feet first, it is killed,50 whereas among the Bondei it is killed if it is born head first.51
Among the Bondei, the excuses found for killing children are many. If the child is born head36 first, it is a kigego (unlucky child) and is strangled; if it cries, it is a kigego and is strangled. If the father has not been in the galo (kekutoigwa), or the mother has not been in the kiwanga (kekuviniwa) (initiated), the child is a tumbwi (offence) and is strangled.”52
Mental processes the world over are much the same. The American legislator raising the tariff31 to keep out competitors is not employing a system entirely32 dissimilar from that of the barbarians33 who, finding the first proscriptions fail to keep down the birthrate, widen the scope of the proscription34. And so the customary law grows to include female children among the proscribed. Writing in the latter part of the eighteenth century, Don Felix de Azara declared he had found that among the Guanas in South America it was the custom for the women to bury alive the majority of the female children, and that they never brought up more than one boy and one girl.53
Rude attempts to regulate the number of children next appeared. It has been suggested that this phase of primitive35 development argues mentality36 sufficient to foresee destruction of the tribe that does not provide for the future. Doubtless, in the mind of some savage Malthus, the idea that the tribe must allow at least a given37 number of children to live, was conceived with the warm glow of discovery.
Among the Tokelaus, or Line Islanders, “no married pair are allowed by their law to have or bear more than four children; that is, only four get the chance of life. The woman has a right to rear, or endeavour to rear, one child. It rests with the husband to decide how many more shall live, and this depends on how much land there is to divide.”54
On Radack Island a woman “is allowed to bring up only three children; her fourth and every succeeding one she is obliged to bury alive herself.”55
Two boys and one girl were all that the Australian mother brought up, according to Curr, although the women bore an average of six children.56
Economic ingenuity—and trepidity—could go no further than the practice in the Solomon Islands, where “a small portion of the Ugi natives have been born on the island, three-fourths of them having been brought as youths to supply the place of offspring killed in infancy37. When a man needs support in his declining years, his props38 are not his own sons, but youths obtained by purchases from the St. Christoval natives.”57 Another author says of the same islands that when “it38 becomes necessary to buy other children from other tribes good care is taken not to buy them too young.”58
At Vaitupu, of the Ellice Islands, “only two children are allowed to a family, as they are afraid of a scarcity39 of food.”59 It is on these coral islands that Robert Louis Stevenson says the fear of famine is greatest. He bears out the statement that only two children were allowed to a marriage on Vaitupu Island, and adds that on Nukufetu only one child was permitted; “on the latter the punishment was by fine, and it is related that the fine was sometimes paid and the child spared.”60
In the Dieyerie tribe, of Australia, “thirty per cent. are murdered by their mothers at their birth, simply for the reasons—firstly, that many of them, marrying very young, their first-born is considered immature40 and not worth preserving; and secondly41, because they do not wish to be at the trouble of rearing them, especially if weakly. Indeed all sickly and deformed42 children are made away with in fear of their becoming a burthen to the tribe.”61
With the coming of ritual, man assumes to pacify43 his voracious44 deities45 by the sacrifices of children, thereby46 propitiating47 the gods and reducing the economic burden. The people of the Sen39jero offer up their “first-born sons as sacrifices, because, once upon a time, when summer and winter were jumbled48 together in bad season, and the fruits of the field would not ripen49, the sooth-sayers enjoined50 it.”62
After telling an almost unprintable tale, Dr. Brinton says of the Australian blacks that “among several tribes it was an established custom for a mother to kill and eat her first child, as it was believed to strengthen her for later births.
“In the Luritcha tribe, young children are sometimes killed and eaten, and it is not an infrequent custom, when a child is in weak health, to kill a younger and healthy one and then to feed the weakling on its flesh, the idea being that this will give to the weak child the strength of the stronger one.”63
Frank admission that the children are in the way and are a burden, may be regarded either as a sign that the tribe has progressed, or that it has not yet reached the point of shame where it cloaks the evil practice under the guise51 of religious sacrifices, hygienic or customary regulations.
In this regard it is not possible to say that the father, as opposed to the mother, is more inclined to do away with offspring, or is more frequently entrusted52 with that grewsome duty, although I would venture to say that an exhaustive research40 on this one aspect of the study would probably show that the mother at first opposed and gradually accepted, under the force of man’s will, the idea that the destruction of her offspring was good; first for herself and her lord and master, and secondly for the tribe.
Should investigation53 uphold such an hypothesis, it would be easily understood how the frank acknowledgment represented an advanced stage, when the woman, no longer satisfied with the various trivial excuses offered for the destruction of her young, insisted on keeping them alive, and was met with, not the many invented reasons that we have seen, but the plain truth, that their continued existence endangered the food supply.
“Urgent want and sterility54 of the niggardly55 earth” were the reasons given by the natives of the island of Radnack for the law limiting the number of children.64 A second child is killed among the natives of Central Australia “only when the mother is, or thinks she is, unable to rear it”65 and yet the same authors say that “an Australian native never looks far enough ahead to consider what will be the effect on the food supply in future years, if he allows a particular child to live; what affects him is simply the question of how it will interfere56 with the work of his wife so far as their own camp is concerned; while,41 from the woman’s side, the question is, can she provide food enough for the new-born infant and the next youngest?”66
The long suckling time, that these authors and other travellers have noted57, and that is here given as a reason, as opposed to the economic one, for the frequent killing of children, is due “chiefly to want of soft food and animal milk”.67
Among the members of the Areoi society, a peculiar58 and somewhat “secret” society68 of the islands of the Pacific, “a man with three or four children, and this was a rare occurrence, was said to be a taata taubuubuu, a man with an unwieldy or cumbrous burden; and there is reason to believe that, simply to avoid the trifling59 care and effort necessary to provide for their offspring during the helpless period of infancy and childhood, multitudes were consigned60 to an untimely grave.” A Malthusian motive61 has sometimes been adduced, and the natives have been heard to say, that if all the children born were allowed to live, there would not be food enough produced in the islands to support them.69
From many authorities comes direct evidence of a clash between the man and the woman in the Polynesian Islands. “As the burden of the plantation62 and other work devolves on the woman, she42 thinks that she cannot attend to more than two or three children, and the rest must be buried as soon as they are born. There are exceptions to this want of maternal63 affection. At times the husband urges the thing contrary to the wishes of the wife. If he thinks the infant will interfere with her work, he forcibly takes the little innocent and buries it, and she, poor woman, cries for months after her child.”70
Among the nomadic64 tribes it is frankly65 admitted that the children are a hindrance66. The Lenguas, of the Paraguayan Chaco, make journeys of from ten to twenty miles, the women doing most of the hard work. The consequence is that children are not desirable. So with the Abipones, of whom Charlevoix says: “They seldom rear but one child of each sex, murdering the rest as fast as they come into the world, till the eldest67 are strong enough to walk alone. They think to justify68 this cruelty by saying that, as they are almost constantly travelling from one place to another, it is impossible for them to take care of more infants than two at a time; one to be carried by the father, and the other by the mother.”71
ZULU GIRL WITH BABY. THE PRACTICE OF EXPOSURE
ENDED AMONG THE ZULUS ONLY WITHIN THE
PRESENT GENERATION
A HINDU CHILD-MOTHER, WHOSE CARES WILL MAKE HER OLD AT THIRTY
The explanation offered by the Kurnai was that “it was often difficult to carry about young children, particularly where there were several. Their wandering life rendered this very difficult.”72 In 43the struggle with nature, man descends69 as well as ascends70. The unfavourable conditions into which nomadic tribes frequently come produce not infrequently, a perverted71 type that is lower than the animals to which our semi-human progenitors72 of the extremely remote past belonged. “The instincts of the lower animals,” says Darwin, “are never so perverted as to lead them to regularly destroy their own offspring or to be quite devoid73 of jealousy74.”73
In parts of New South Wales, such as Bathurst, Goulburn, and the Lachlan, or Macquarie, “it was customary long ago for the first-born of every lubra to be eaten by the tribe, as part of a religious ceremony; and I recollect,” says J. M. Davis, “a black fellow who had, in compliance75 with the custom, been thrown when an infant on the fire, but was rescued and brought up by some stock-keepers who happened accidentally to be passing at the time.”74
Ellis declares that among the Marquesans who inhabit a group of islands to the south-east of Hawaii, children are sometimes, during “seasons of extreme scarcity, killed and eaten by their parents to satisfy hunger.”75
It has been said that the social, moral, and intellectual condition of woman indicates, in an ascending76 scale, the degree of civilization of every tribe44 and nation. It might with equal force be said that the attitude of the tribe or nation toward its young is also a barometer77 of progress. Behind the harsh measure and savage customs, underneath78 the cruelty and at times ferocious79 indifference80 to pain, there is in general among the lowest of the tribes an affection for their young, once it has been decided81 that they are allowed to live.
In that too frequently suppressed affection, stunted82 as it is by customary law and the unequal struggle with nature, there is the beginning of humanitarian83 progress. Given reasonable security that there will be a sufficiency of food supply and a surcease of neighbourhood wars, this affection will pass from precept84 to concept and protect even the unborn.76
“No people in the world are so fond of, or so long-suffering with, children,” Stevenson says of the same South Sea Islanders among whom he has just said infanticide is common.77 But even after it has been decided to bring up the child, and it has become an object of great affection, it is still in danger should famine conditions seem imminent,78 or should the cupidity85 and avarice86 of the parents be aroused, with the consequence that children are readily sold into slavery.79
45
Nature’s methods are stern, and her progress slow; despite perplexing examples of reactionary87 forces, the primitive move is steadily88 toward an understanding of one’s duties as a human being—or he dies. For the civilized man, pain is nature’s warning that he has violated the rules of his own body, and for the primitive man, decay and despair are the warnings that the path of progress lies the other way.
Looking over this vast field, including not only blacks, Mongols, and Indians, but even the Europeans, as we shall come to see later, we gather that those that have struggled upward have been only those who have taken nature’s lesson of lessons to themselves. Horrible as is the story of these stationary89 and degenerate90 peoples that we get, what must be the whole story, with its full picture of anguish91?
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1
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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neolithic
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| adj.新石器时代的 | |
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6
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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7
parental
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| adj.父母的；父的；母的 | |
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8
ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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progeny
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| n.后代，子孙；结果 | |
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dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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12
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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16
disconsolate
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| adj.忧郁的，不快的 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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18
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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briny
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| adj.盐水的；很咸的；n.海洋 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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delta
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| n.（流的）角洲 | |
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fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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blemishes
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| n.（身体的）瘢点( blemish的名词复数 )；伤疤；瑕疵；污点 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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amber
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| n.琥珀；琥珀色；adj.琥珀制的 | |
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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32
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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proscription
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| n.禁止，剥夺权利 | |
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35
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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mentality
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| n.心理，思想，脑力 | |
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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props
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| 小道具； 支柱( prop的名词复数 )； 支持者； 道具； （橄榄球中的）支柱前锋 | |
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scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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immature
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| adj.未成熟的，发育未全的，未充分发展的 | |
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41
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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42
deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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43
pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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44
voracious
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| adj.狼吞虎咽的，贪婪的 | |
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45
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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46
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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47
propitiating
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的现在分词 ) | |
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jumbled
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| adj.混乱的；杂乱的 | |
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49
ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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50
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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52
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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54
sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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niggardly
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| adj.吝啬的，很少的 | |
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56
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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60
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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61
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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maternal
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| adj.母亲的，母亲般的，母系的，母方的 | |
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nomadic
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| adj.流浪的；游牧的 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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descends
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| v.下来( descend的第三人称单数 )；下去；下降；下斜 | |
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ascends
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的第三人称单数 ) | |
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perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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72
progenitors
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| n.祖先( progenitor的名词复数 )；先驱；前辈；原本 | |
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devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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76
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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77
barometer
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| n.气压表，睛雨表，反应指标 | |
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underneath
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| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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stunted
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| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
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humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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precept
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| n.戒律；格言 | |
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cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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86
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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87
reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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