THE first inhabitants of Japan were a numerous people named Koropok-guru, who lived in conelike huts built over holes dug in the earth and who were exterminated2 by the Ainu people. The latter were in turn conquered by the race that we speak of today as the Japanese; these last settlers coming to the islands of Japan from somewhere in the north of Central Asia, while a second stream of South Asian immigrants were drifted to Japan by the Japan current.
In the Kojiki, or “Records of Ancient Matters,” dictated3 by Hide-no-are and completed in a. d. 711 or 712, we have a record of the mythology4, manners, language, and the traditional history of Japan; this “history” purports5 to give the actual story of Japan from the year 660 b. c., when the first Emperor Jimmu, “having subdued6 and pacified7 the savage8 deities9 and extirpated10 the un72submissive people, dwelt at the palace of Kashiwabara.” Modern Japanese scholars as well as Western scholars are inclined to say that there is really no authentic11 history before a. d. 461 but as a picture of the customs of early Japan, the Kojiki is still the only authentic document that we have.
Inazo Nitobe, in dividing the history of his country into periods, groups the legendary12 age and all that went before the political reforms of the seventh century as the first period, under the name of the “ancient period.”
These ancient people, the mythical13 people of the Kojiki, had passed through a genuine Bronze Age and had in general attained14 a high level of barbaric skill. Of their many curious customs, both in the Kojiki and in the equally important Nihongi or “Chronicles of Japan,” prominent notice is made of the “parturition15 house”—“one-roomed but without windows, which a woman was supposed to build and retire into for the purpose of being delivered unseen.” Here is evidence that the infant was “taboo” until it had been received by the head of the house.
Even up to recent times in the island of Hachijo the custom survived according to Ernest Satow, who visited this island in 1878.
“In Hachijo,” wrote Mr. Satow, “women, when about to become mothers, were formerly16 driven out to the huts on the mountainside, and according to the accounts of native writers, left to shift for themselves, the result not unfrequently being73 the death of the new-born infant, or if it survived the rude circumstances under which it first saw the light, the seeds of disease were sown which clung to it throughout its after life. The rule of non-intercourse was so strictly18 enforced that the woman was not allowed to leave the hut even to visit her own parents at the point of death, and besides the injurious effects that this solitary19 confinement20 must have had on the wives themselves, their prolonged absence was a serious loss to households where there were elder children and large establishments to be superintended. The rigour of the custom was so far relaxed in modern times that the huts were no longer built on the hills, but were constructed inside the homestead. It was a subject of wonder to people from other parts of Japan that the senseless practice should still be kept up, and its abolition21 was often recommended, but the administration of the Shoguns was not animated22 by a reforming spirit, and it remained for the government of the Mikado to exhort23 the islanders to abandon this and the previously24 mentioned custom. They are therefore no longer sanctioned by official authority and the force of social opinion against them is increasing, so that before long these relics25 of ancient ceremonial religion will in all probability have disappeared from the group of islands.”
As with most early histories there is little description of custom or manners in either the Kojiki or the Nihongi, but we gather what the general74 attitude was toward children from the fact that the conception of marriage was probably limited to cohabitation, this condition lasting26 until well on into the Middle Ages,100 cohabitation being often secret at first, but afterward27 acknowledged. When the latter conditions had come to prevail, the young man, instead of going to his mistress under the cover of the night, brought her back publicly to his parents’ home, and that was the beginning of his own home.
Little is there in the Kojiki about the care of children but the harshness toward women about to have children, as shown in the frequent reference to the parturition houses, shows that unless they were children of royalty28 they were left to whatever care their mothers might be able to bestow29 on them.
In the account of the making of Japan by the two Heavenly Deities, known as the Izani-gi-no-kami and Izana-mi-no-kami, the Man Who Invites and the Female Who Invites, it is stated that their first child was not retained.
“This child,” says the legend,101 after retailing30 the events that led up to its birth, “they placed in a boat of reeds and let it float away. Next they gave birth to the island of Aha. This is not reckoned among their children.”
Among the gods, therefore, children were rejected or accepted without ceremony, and with75 such an attitude of rejection31 or acceptance depicted32 as the normal condition among the deities, it may easily be imagined what was the attitude of the ordinary beings who modelled their conduct on that of the deities.
It is told of the first Emperor Jimmu, that, meeting a group of seven maidens34, he invited one of them to become a wife of his, and on her acceptance the sovereign passed the night at her house. This constituted the only marriage ceremony that the times knew. As far as the woman was concerned, all that the new condition meant was that she was liable to receive a visit at any time from her new lord and master, but on his side there was no obligation, no duty of fidelity36, and he was free to form as many similar unions as fancy dictated.
The children were brought up by the mother and one household of a man might be in absolute ignorance of another.102 Mistress, wife, and concubine were on the same footing and could be discarded at any moment. When the Deity37 of Eight Thousand Spears, attired38 in his favourite courting costume, is about to go forth40 and search for a “better wife” he boldly announces that:
Carefully in my august garments green
As the kingfisher—
It is with the intention of finding another mate.
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To this the Chief Empress, Her Augustness the Forward Princess, to whom the frank statement is made, plaintively41 replies:
“Thou ... indeed, being a man, probably hast on the various island-headlands that thou seest and on every beach-headland that thou lookest on, a wife like the young herbs. But I, alas42! being a woman have no man except thee; I have no spouse43 except thee!”103
What became of the children in the cases of conjugal44 separation does not appear, a statement that is made by no less a Japanese authority than Chamberlain.104 In only one instance is there any reference made to the fate of a child that had been deserted45, but this is an unusual case, where the father had violated the rules of the parturition house, with the result that the mother disappears, leaving the father to take care of the child. He pledged himself to look after it until the day of his death but the sister of the child’s mother was first invoked46 to act as nurse.
The result of this system of family life was that where the children of different mothers but of the same father discovered one another’s presence there were feuds47 and much fighting, especially as it was the children of the latest affection who were generally the recipients48 of his favour to the chagrin49 and anger of the less favoured children and families. Marriages between half-brothers and half77sisters were another result of the system, the only restriction50 on marriages of any kind being that children of the same mother should not marry. Sons of the same father were thus incited51 to be enemies rather than brothers, in the accepted sense, and the annals of the civil wars are replete52 with tales of treachery and ambition and show almost an entire absence of natural affection. The fact that the children had no claim on the love and the protection of the father and that their mother was condemned54 under the ancient system to the function of a mere55 animal, is cited by Brinkley as the reason for this cruelty and treachery.105
This was the position of the child in the society that is depicted in the Kojiki and the Nihongi, although the latter, written about forty years after the Kojiki (a. d. 720), and under the influence of the Chinese, is more apt to depict33 the conditions that sprang up with the spreading Chinese culture.
The fourth century brought to Japan a knowledge of Chinese classics, and Chinese morals, and in 552 a. d., there came a still greater change when the Buddhistic57 religion was introduced through a copy of the scripture58 and an image of Buddha59 being sent to the Yamato Court by the government of one of the Korean kingdoms. Unsuccessful preachments there had been by unofficial missionaries60 before this, but the arrival of the78 Korean ambassador served to bring to the attention of the government the new religion in a manner calculated to arouse interest in its doctrines61.
Whatever may be the defects of Shintoism, human sacrifice never seems really to have been part of its practice,106 and to this fact, with the increasing regard for life that came with civilization, is undoubtedly62 due the little emphasis given to infanticide among the Japanese. Another influence, undoubtedly, and this is said to be the “best point of Shinto,”107 is that the people were taught that they themselves were sons and daughters of the gods, a belief apt to save the killing63 of surplus members of society in a time of economic stress.
According to the Nihongi, human sacrifice was put an end to in Japan in the year a. d. 3:
“Tenth month, fifth day: Yamato-hiko, the Mikado’s younger brother by the mother’s side, died.
“Eleventh month, second day: Yamato-hiko was buried at Tsukizaka in Musa. Thereupon his personal attendants were assembled, and were all buried alive upright in the precinct of the tomb. For several days they died not, but wept and wailed64 day and night. At last they died and rotted. Dogs and crows gathered and ate them.
“The Emperor, hearing the sound of their weeping and wailing65, was grieved at heart, and commanded his high officers, saying:
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“‘It is a very painful thing to force these whom one has loved in life to follow him in death. Though it be an ancient custom, why follow it if it is bad? From this time forward, take counsel so as to put a stop to the following of the dead.’
“a. d. 3, seventh month, sixth day: The Empress Hibasuhime no Mikoto died. Sometime before the burial the Emperor commanded his ministers, saying:
“‘We have already recognized that the practice of following the dead is not good. What should now be done in performing this burial?’
“Thereupon Nomi no Sukune came forward and said:
“‘It is not good to bury living men upright at the tumulus of a prince. How can such a practice be handed down to posterity66? I beg leave to propose an expedient67 which I will submit to your Majesty68.’
“So he sent messengers to summon up from the land of Idzumo a hundred men of the clay-workers Be. He himself directed the men of the clay-workers Be to take clay and form therewith shapes of men, horses, and various objects, which he presented to the Emperor, saying:
“‘Henceforward, let it be the law for future ages to substitute things of clay for living men, and to set them up at tumuli.’
“Then the Emperor was greatly rejoiced, and commended Nomi no Sukune, saying:
“‘Thy expedient hath greatly pleased our heart.’
80
“So the things of clay were first set up at the tomb of Hibasuhime no Mikoto. And a name was given to those clay objects. They were called hani-wa or ‘clay rings.’
“Then a decree was issued, saying:
“‘Henceforth these clay figures must be set up at tumuli; let no men be harmed.’
“The Emperor bountifully rewarded Nomi no Sukune for this service, and also appointed him to the official charge of the clay-workers Be. His original title was therefore changed, and he was called Hashi no Omi. This was how it came to pass that the Hashi no Muraji superintended the burials of Emperors.”108
The date ascribed to this incident cannot be depended on. “Chinese accounts speak of the custom of human sacrifices at the burial of a sovereign as in full force in Japan so late as a. d. 247,” says Aston. Probably all the events of this part of Japanese history are very much antedated69. But of the substantial accuracy of the narrative70 there can be no doubt. Some of these clay figures (known as tsuchi-ningio) are still in existence, and may be seen in the British Museum, where they constitute the chief treasure of the Gowland collection. The Uyeno Museum in Tokio also possessed71 specimens72, both of men and horses. None, however, remain in situ at the tombs. The hani-wa (clay-rings), cylinders73 which 81may now be seen embedded74 in the earth round all the principal misasagi, are so numerous that they can hardly have all been surmounted75 by figures. But they are of the same workmanship and of the same date, and no doubt some of them are the pedestals of images, the above-ground part of which has been destroyed by the weather or by accident.
TSUCHI-NINGIO. CLAY FIGURE SUBSTITUTED FOR HUMAN SACRIFICE—JAPAN
(REPRODUCED FROM “TRANSACTIONS AND PROCEEDINGS76 OF THE JAPAN SOCIETY,” VOLUME 1)
(REPRODUCED FROM “LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT”)
“A similar substitution of straw or wooden images for living men took place in China in ancient times, though by a curious inversion79 of ideas, the former practice is described as leading to the latter.”109
While neither the lion or the tiger ever troubled Japan and her most carnivorous and destructive animals have been wolves, tradition has ascribed the sacrifice of human beings in Japan to the desire to placate80 the god of wild animals. The victim was always a girl, and from the earliest ages the manner of selecting her was to affix81 to the roof of a house a bow and arrow. When the householder arose in the morning and discovered what was accepted as a divine intimation, the eldest82 daughter of the family was buried alive, it being supposed that her flesh served as a meal for the deity. Later the priests of Buddha found a more profitable method of disposing of these girls by selling them as slaves; thereby83 following out the fundamental tenet of the Buddhistic religion, which is82 the sanctity of human life, and at the same time increasing their wealth. Some writers refer to this practice as being a sacrifice to an animal in the service of Shakamuni, which would have made it a Buddhistic rite17, but the idea is scoffed84 at by Brinkley.110 Even up to recent times it is said the habit of sacrificing human beings in order to make the foundation of any great work more stable was common. The corpses85 of two human beings were said to be under the scarps “of the futile86 forts hurriedly erected87 for defence of Yedo [Tokio] in the interval88 between Commodore Perry’s first and second coming.”111
In the Tokugawa period, extending from about 1615 to 1860, two and a half centuries, Japan was a hermit89 nation distinguished90 for its peaceful character. Yet its population for one hundred years remained almost stationary91. By some authorities, this has been explained not only on the ground of many famines and devastating92 diseases but the common practice of abortion93 and the fact that the Samurai considered it disgraceful to marry until they were thirty, and equally disgraceful to raise a family of more than three children.
“Among the lower classes it was not common to rear all the children born, especially if girls came too frequently.” Also, “While there was hardly in the whole country a hospital in our sense of83 the term, there were in the large cities physicians famous for their skill in preventing the birth of living children. They kept private establishments to accommodate calculating patrons. All authorities agreed that sexual morality in the large cities was at a very low ebb94 among all classes, while luxury and effeminacy prevailed among people high in birth and wealth.”112
As a picture of what the people were driven to and a terrible example of what attitude famine may lead parents to take toward their children, there is no more important document than the statement of Shirakawa Rakuo, distinguished as the Minister of Finance of the Eleventh Shogun, Iyenari. The trace of cannibalism in semi-civilized peoples is easier to understand after the fearful famine in the third year of Temmei (1783).
“A trustworthy man,” says Rakuo,113 “who had travelled in this district [northern part of country], told me that in a village which had previously contained 800 houses there were only thirty left, the inhabitants of the rest all having died. Having entered a village in which the houses seemed to be larger and more numerous than usual, he proposed to rest there for the night. He soon discovered, however, that not a single house was inhabited, but in all the houses he saw bones and84 skulls95 scattered96 about the floor. As he went on he saw innumerable bones and skulls by the roadside. He met a man leading a pack-horse on the road, who said that he could survive without eating the flesh of human beings as he was supported by a rich uncle. In some places even those who abandoned themselves to eating human flesh could not find food enough to live. Great numbers starved to death. The price paid for a dog was 500 sen, sometimes even as high as 800 sen, a rat 50 sen. A rare work of art found no purchasers and could not be exchanged for a go of rice. If a person died he was of course eaten by the survivors97. Those who died of starvation, however, could not be eaten, because their flesh decayed so soon. Some people, therefore, killed those who were certain to starve and put the flesh into brine so as to keep it for a long time. Among other people there was a farmer who went to his neighbour and said, ‘My wife and one of my sons have already died from want of food. My remaining son is certain to die within a few days, so I wish to kill him while his flesh is still eatable, but being his father, I do not dare to raise the sword against him, so I beg you to kill the boy for me.’ The neighbour agreed to do this, but stipulated98 that he should get a part of the flesh as a reward for his service. This was agreed to and the neighbour at once killed the boy. As soon as the deed was done, the farmer, who stood by, struck his neighbour with a sword and killed him, saying85 that he ‘was very glad to avenge99 his son and at the same time have double the quantity of food.’”
Up to the close of the seventeenth century, feudal100 legislation was very harsh, one of the worst laws of ancient times in force until that time being that by which children were punished for the crime of their parents.114 If a man or a woman had been sentenced to be crucified or burnt and had male children above fifteen years of age, those children were similarly executed, and if they were under that age they were given over to a relative to be reared until they reached the age of fifteen, when they were banished101. When the criminal parent was condemned to the ordinary hanging or beheading it was still within the discretion102 of the judge to condemn53 the male children to be executed or exiled. The female children, while exempt103 from the capital punishment, were liable to be sold as slaves.
In 1721, during the reign35 of the enlightened Yoshimune, who was Shogun from 1716 to 1746, there were many reforms, and it was then enacted104 that for all crimes, even those punishable with crucifixion and exposure of the head, only the criminal himself must be punished. In the case of the most heinous105 of all crimes, according to Japanese standards, parricide106 or the murder of a teacher, a special tribunal was declared to be the only place where it could be decided107 whether the children and grandchildren should be implicated108.86 Interesting too is the fact that this leniency109 extended to the farmers and merchants only, the Samurai not being included, it being assumed that the crime of a person of nobility and education was a more serious matter than a crime by a person less fortunate—a theory of justice that has never taken root in the minds of the Occidentals except among romancers.
From the time, early in the seventeenth century, when the governing power of Japan fell into the hands of the Buddhist56 Tokugawa family, through Iyeyasu, the head of the house, there was an endeavour to check the sale of children. No less than eight enactments110 were issued between 1624 and 1734 declaring the sale of human beings punishable by death.
Progress naturally was slow when the conditions were so flagrant that there were open offices where the sales and purchase of children were effected.115 In 1649 an absurd compromise was attempted when a law was passed declaring it was lawful112 to sell a child, providing that the consent of the child was obtained. There was an attempt to regulate, without abolishing, slavery in the law of 1655, which declared that in a dispute between an employer and the employed, the employer, if found to be in the wrong, might be imprisoned113 or meted114 out any punishment that the employed might suggest. It is safe to add that the administrative115 criminal machinery116 was not in the hands of the87 proletariat, nor was there any suffrage117 that threatened to put the employed in the position of judge.
It was during this period that the law was passed allowing the parent to have his son or daughter imprisoned, a just cause being assumed. A father had the right to punish his son, but the son had the right to appeal to a magistrate118 for a review of the sentence; but “costs” of the appeal were dangerous inasmuch as if the son lost he had to suffer whatever penalty his father might dole119 out to him. The Occidental mind will not appreciate so readily the attempts of the Tokugawas, beginning 1627, to regulate the social evil, one of their early laws depriving employers of all authority “to retain the services of a female for immoral120 purposes outside the appointed quarter.”
Modern writers on Japan lay stress on the affection of the Japanese for their children, and yet “during the famine of 1905 many girls who had been sold by the suffering parents were redeemed121 by the Christians122.”116 This sacrifice of the children to the welfare of the parents is traceable to the influence of Confucius. To the same source may be ascribed the fact that, though in ancient times the female sex was prominent in Japan, after the introduction of Confucianism the Samurai considered it beneath him to even converse123 with his wife and children.117 “Neither God nor the ladies88 inspired any enthusiasm in the Samurai’s heart,” says Professor Chamberlain. For is it not written by the great moralist Karbara Ekken in the Owna Dargaku, “It was the custom of the ancients, on the birth of a female child, to let it lie on the floor for the space of three days. Even in this may be seen the likening of the man to heaven and of the woman to earth.”118
Only a few years ago a child, both of whose parents had died of cholera124, was on the point of being buried alive by neighbours when it was rescued.119 “Certain parts of Japan have been notorious from of old for this practice,” says Gulick. “In Toas the evil was so rampant125 that a society for its prevention has been in existence many years. It helps support children of poor parents who might be tempted111 to dispose of them criminally.”
On the other hand, this word from Professor Goodrich, who as a member of the faculty126 of the Imperial College pictures a nation far from indifferent to the welfare of the child:
“Ever since the beginning of that indefinite period which we call ‘modern times’ the birth of a child has always been an occasion for rejoicing. To be sure, in Japan that joy was very much greater when it was a boy baby; yet the Japanese have never displayed such intense dislike to girl babies as have the Chinese. One great reason89 for this was that the population of Japan was not so dense127 as it is in China. It was easier to provide for children, and therefore there was no incentive128 to put girl babies out of the way. I am sorry to say that very lately, since the Russo-Japanese War (1904–5), when the Japanese people are almost crushed by the weight of taxes to provide money with which to pay war expenses and to keep up army and navy, the number of cases of female infanticide is increasing alarmingly.”
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1
cannibalism
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| n.同类相食；吃人肉 | |
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exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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4
mythology
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| n.神话，神话学，神话集 | |
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purports
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| v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的第三人称单数 ) | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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extirpated
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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mythical
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| adj.神话的；虚构的；想像的 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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parturition
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| n.生产，分娩 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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retailing
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| n.零售业v.零售(retail的现在分词) | |
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rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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depict
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| vt.描画，描绘；描写，描述 | |
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maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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40
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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41
plaintively
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| adv.悲哀地，哀怨地 | |
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42
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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43
spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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44
conjugal
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| adj.婚姻的，婚姻性的 | |
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45
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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46
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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47
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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48
recipients
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| adj.接受的；受领的；容纳的；愿意接受的n.收件人；接受者；受领者；接受器 | |
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49
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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50
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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51
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
replete
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| adj.饱满的，塞满的；n.贮蜜蚁 | |
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53
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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54
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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55
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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56
Buddhist
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| adj./n.佛教的，佛教徒 | |
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57
Buddhistic
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| adj.佛陀的，佛教的 | |
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58
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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59
Buddha
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| n.佛；佛像；佛陀 | |
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60
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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61
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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62
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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63
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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64
wailed
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
wailing
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的现在分词 )；沱 | |
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66
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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67
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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68
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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69
antedated
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| v.（在历史上）比…为早( antedate的过去式和过去分词 )；先于；早于；（在信、支票等上）填写比实际日期早的日期 | |
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70
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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71
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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72
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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73
cylinders
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| n.圆筒( cylinder的名词复数 )；圆柱；汽缸；（尤指用作容器的）圆筒状物 | |
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74
embedded
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| a.扎牢的 | |
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surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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77
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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78
unearthed
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| 出土的（考古） | |
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79
inversion
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| n.反向，倒转，倒置 | |
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80
placate
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| v.抚慰，平息(愤怒) | |
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81
affix
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| n.附件，附录 vt.附贴，盖(章)，签署 | |
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82
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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83
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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84
scoffed
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| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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86
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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87
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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88
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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89
hermit
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| n.隐士，修道者；隐居 | |
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90
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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92
devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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93
abortion
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| n.流产，堕胎 | |
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94
ebb
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| vi.衰退，减退；n.处于低潮，处于衰退状态 | |
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skulls
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| 颅骨( skull的名词复数 )； 脑袋； 脑子； 脑瓜 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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98
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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99
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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100
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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101
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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103
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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104
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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106
parricide
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| n.杀父母；杀亲罪 | |
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107
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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108
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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109
leniency
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| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
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110
enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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111
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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112
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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113
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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116
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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117
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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118
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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119
dole
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| n.救济，（失业）救济金；vt.（out）发放，发给 | |
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120
immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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121
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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122
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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123
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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124
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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125
rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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126
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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127
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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128
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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