In the developments of progress the agent, however subordinate to the event, cannot fail to command our intelligent curiosity. The fact is less one with us than the factor. The instrument is nearer us in pulsating12 humanity than the event, which is the result of inexorable causations wholly beyond our knowledge. That America could not have remained much longer hidden from the civilized13 world does not lessen14 the vivid interest which attaches to the man Columbus, as he plods15 along the dusty highway toward Huelva, leading by the hand his boy, and bearing upon his shoulders the more immediate16 destinies of nations. 156
Nor are we indifferent to the agencies that evolved the agent. Every signal success springs from a fortuitous conjunction of talent and opportunity; from a coalition17 of taste or training with the approaching fancy or dominant18 idea of the times. While assisting his father wool-combing, the youthful Genoese was toughening his sinews and acquiring habits of industry; while studying geometry and Latin at Pavia, while serving as sailor in the Mediterranean19, or afterward20 cruising the high seas, he was knitting more firmly the tissues of his mind, and strengthening his courage for the life-conflict which was to follow. Without such discipline, in vain from the north and south and west might Progress come whispering him secrets; for inspiration without action is but impalpable breath, leaving no impression, and genius unseasoned by application decomposes21 to corruption22 all the more rank by reason of its richness.
His marriage with the daughter of Bartolommeo Perestrello, a distinguished23 navigator under Prince Henry; his map-making as means of support; his residence on the isle24 of Porto Santo, and his interest while there in maritime25 discovery; his conversations and correspondence with navigators and cosmographers in various quarters; his zealous26 study of the writings of Marco Polo, Benjamin of Tudela, and Carpini, and his eager absorption of the fantastic tale of Antonio Leone, of Madeira; his ponderings on ocean mysteries, and his struggles with poverty; his audience of John of Portugal, and the treachery of that monarch28 in attempting to anticipate his plans by secretly sending out a vessel29, and the deserved defeat which followed; his sending his brother Bartolomé with proposals to England; his stealing from Lisbon with his son Diego, lest he should be arrested for debt; his supposed application to Genoa; his interviews with the dukes of Medina Sidonia and Medina Celi, and the letter of the latter to Queen Isabella of Castile; his visit to the court at Córdova, 157 and the dark days attending it; the conference of learned men at Salamanca, and their unfavorable verdict; the weary waitings on the preoccupied30 sovereigns at Málaga and Seville; the succor31 given at La Rábida, and the worthy32 prior's intercession with the queen; the humble33 dignity of the mariner34 at Granada amidst scenes of oriental splendor35 and general rejoicings, which only intensified36 his discontent; the lofty constancy in his demands when once a royal hearing was obtained; the fresh disappointment after such long delay, and the proud bitterness of spirit with which he turned his back on Spain to seek in France a patron for his schemes; the final appeal of Santángel, who afterward assisted in obtaining the money, and the conversion37 of Isabella, who now offered, if necessary, to pledge her jewels to meet the charges of the voyage; the despatching of a royal courier after the determined39 fugitive40, who returned in joy to receive the tardy41 aid—these incidents in the career of Columbus are a household story.
And therein, thus far, we see displayed great persistency42 of purpose by one possessed43 of a conception so stupendous as to overwhelm well-nigh the strongest; by one not over-careful in money-matters, or morality; proud and sensitive whenever the pet project is touched, but affable enough otherwise, and not above begging upon necessity. It was a long time to wait, eighteen years, when every day was one of alternate hope and despair; and they were not altogether worthless, those noiseless voices from another world, which kept alive in him the inspiration that oft-times now appeared as the broken tracery of a half-remembered dream.
TERMS OF AGREEMENT.
An agreement was made by the sovereigns and the mariner, that to Columbus, his heirs and successors forever, should be secured the office of admiral, and the titles of viceroy and governor-general of all the lands and seas he should discover, with power to nominate candidates from whom the sovereigns 158 might choose rulers for the realms discovered; that one tenth of the net returns of gold, pearls, or other commodities brought therefrom should be his; that in disputes arising from the new traffic he, or his lieutenant44, should be sole arbitrator within his domain45, the high admiral of Castile being judge within his district; and that by contributing one eighth of the cost of any enterprise to the regions found by him he should receive one eighth the profits. To these dignities and prerogatives46 was added the right of the discoverer, and of his heirs, to prefix47 to their names the title 'Don,' which should elevate them into respectability beside the grandees48 of Spain. This agreement was signed by Ferdinand as well as by Isabella, although the crown of Castile alone assumed the risk, and alone was to receive the benefit.
It was not a common spectacle in those days along the southern seaboard of Spain, that of science urging religion into its service. Nevertheless, by royal order, reiterated49 by Pe?alosa in person with pronounced effect, the devil-fearers of Palos were forced to provide ships and seamen50 for what they regarded as anything but an orthodox adventure. This they did with the greatest reluctance51.
Even under pressure of that civil and ecclesiastical system so completely interwoven in Spain that to disobey one was rebellion against both, even in the face of king and priest, these mechanical sea-farers, who halted not before tangible52 danger in any form, shrank from the awful uncertainty53 of a plunge54 into the mysteries of the dim, lowering, unintelligible55 west. Then came bravely forward the brothers Pinzon, and not only assisted in providing two ships, so that Queen Isabella, after all, might wear her jewels while her deputy was scouring56 the high seas for new dominions57, but furnished Columbus with money to equip another vessel and to pay his eighth 159 of the charge which should secure him one eighth of the profits—a service never sufficiently58 remembered or rewarded by either Columbus, his masters, or successors.
FIRST VOYAGE.
The expedition comprised one hundred and twenty men, in three small vessels59, the Santa María, decked, and carrying the flag of the admiral, and the Pinta and Ni?a, open caravels, commanded by Martin Alonso Pinzon and Vicente Ya?ez Pinzon respectively. Among others were the inspector-general of the armament, Rodrigo Sanchez; the chief alguacil, Diego de Arana; the royal notary60, Rodrigo de Escobar; and four pilots, Francisco Martin Pinzon, Sancho Ruiz, Pedro Alonso Ni?o, and Bartolomé Roldan. The commander-in-chief with his tall, enduring form bowed by an idea; his long, thin face, with its large, round eyes, high forehead, straight, pointed3 nose; features, in which tenacity61 and gloom struggled for the predominance, surrounded by thin locks and gray beard—was scarcely a personage either to inspire confidence or win affection. The squadron sailed from the port of Palos August 3, 1492.
But for the fact that it was the first, the voyage was quite commonplace; the most serious occurrences being the breaking of a rudder, which obliged the expedition to put in at the Canaries for repairs, and the variation of the needle, which caused a little fright among the pilots. The sea was tranquil62, toward the last extremely so, and the wind generally favorable; yet no small trepidation63 attended this gradual loosening of hold upon the substantial world, and the drifting daily farther and farther into the fathomless64 unknown. Hence it was with the wildest joy that early in the morning of the 12th of October the cry of Land! was heard, and that soon afterward the venturesome navigators felt beneath their feet the indubitable isle to which they gave the name San Salvador, taking possession for Castile. 160
Now the sovereigns had promised that he who first saw land should be recompensed by a pension of ten thousand maravedís, equivalent to thirty-six dollars. It was at two o'clock in the morning that Rodrigo de Triana, a mariner on board the Pinta, gave the signal, the first that proved true after several had been mistakenly made; whereupon he claimed the reward. But previously65, during the night, Columbus had fancied he descried66 a fitful light that should be on some shore. On the strength of this surmise67 he secured to himself the insignificant68 sum, which, to say nothing of its justness, was not a very magnanimous proceeding69 in so great a discoverer. We are told of Triana, that, burning under a sense of wrong, after returning to Spain, he passed into Africa and turned Mahometan. However this may have been, dawn had shown them the island, which seemed itself but dawn, to be dispelled70 by the full sun's rays when the night's dream had passed. Over the trackless waste of sea, suspended between earth and sky, the good ships had felt their way, until now, like goddesses, they sat at anchor on the other side of Ocean.
Though this land was unlike the Zipangu of his dreams, Columbus was not disposed to complain; but rather, midst tears and praises, to kiss the earth, be it of whatsoever71 quality, and smile benignantly upon the naked natives that crept timidly forward, wondering whether the ships were monsters of the deep, or bright beings dropped from heaven.
Of a truth, it was a wonderful place, this India of Marco Polo that the Genoese now sought. Intersected by rivers and canals, spanned by bridges under which the largest ships might sail, were fertile provinces fragrant72 with fruit and spices. Mangi alone boasted twelve thousand cities with gorgeous palaces, whose pillars and roofs were emblazoned in gold, and so situated73 as to be compassed within a few days' 161 travel. The cities and fortresses74 of Cathay were counted by tens of thousands, and their busy population by millions. On every side were gardens and luxurious75 groves76; pleasure-boats and banqueting-barges floated on the lakes, and myriads77 of white sails swept over the bays. The mountains were veined with silver, the river-beds paved with gold, and pearls were as common as pebbles78. Sheep were as large as oxen, and oxen were as large as elephants. Birds of brilliant plumage filled the enchanting79 air, and strange beasts of beauty and utility roamed the forests. The inhabitants were arrayed in silks and furs, and fed on luscious80 viands81; there were living springs that cured all diseases. The army of the great Khan, the happy ruler of all these glories, was in number as the grains of the sand which the sea surrounds; and as for vessels of war, and horses, and elephants, there were a thousand times ten thousand. What a contrast to such a creation was this low-lying strip of jungle-covered sand, peopled by copper-hued creatures dwelling82 in huts, and sustaining life by the natural products of the unkempt earth! This, however, was but an outlying island of Cathay; the main-land of Asia could not be far distant; in any event, here was India, and these people were Indians.
THE TWO INDIAS COMPARED.
There was little enough, now appearing, in the India thus far found to enrich Spain. In their noses the natives displayed gold, always a royal monopoly when discovered; and they brought cotton for barter83, on which the admiral immediately laid the same restriction84. Being informed, by signs, that the metal came from the south, after examining the shore thereabout in boats, the Spaniards set sail on the 14th, took possession of Santa María de la Concepcion on the 15th, of Fernandina, now Exuma, the day following, and afterward of Isabela, now Isla Larga, or Long Island; also of a group to which they gave the name Islas de Arena85. Soils and 162 other substances, atmospheres and sunshines, were all familiar; plants and animals, though differing in degree and kind, were similar to those they had always been accustomed to see. One creation was everywhere apparent; one nature; one rule. It was wonderful, stupendous! And if these human kind have souls, what a mighty86 work is here to fit them for eternity87!
Crossing the Bahama Bank, they came on the 28th to Cuba, which Columbus called Juana, and which, with its dense88 uprolling green spangled with parrots, gay woodpeckers, and humming-birds, scarlet89 flamingoes and glittering insects; its trees of royal palm, cocoanut, cedar90, mahogany, and shrubs91 of spicy92 fragrance93; its unknown fruits and foods; its transparent94 waters whose finny denizens95 flashed back the sunlight from their variegated96 scales, all under the brightest of skies, all breathed upon by softest airs, and lapped in serenest97 seas, was more like his own Zipangu, if, indeed, it was not Mangi itself.
Coasting eastward98, the Pinta sailed away and left the other vessels, and it was with deep chagrin99 that Columbus saw no attention paid his signals to return. Pinzon had heard of gold-fields in advance of him, and he was going to reap them. The wreck of the Santa María a month afterward, leaving the admiral only the little Ni?a, made his situation all the more critical, and made him feel more keenly than ever the desertion. Nor was this the first indication of mutiny and disruption among his people during the voyage. If the truth must be told, the character of the man, though inured100 to the cruel hardihood of the age, seems here to be undergoing change; else it was not originally as either he or his friends have estimated. The new and varied101 experiences amidst the new and varied phenomena102 attending the idea and its consummation make it a matter of no wonder that his head began to be a little turned. He had pondered painfully on what Aristotle taught regarding 163 the sphericity of the earth, on what Seneca said about sailing to the Indies westwardly104, and on the terrestrial paradise placed by Dante at the antipodes of the holy city; and now he was here among those happy regions of which so long ago philosophers had spoken and poets sung. Under the inspiration of rare intelligence, and by wonderful courage and force of will, this Genoese sailor had brought to his own terms the world's proudest sovereigns. Success, in his mind the most perfect, the most complete, was by this time proved beyond peradventure. At the outset he had suspected himself the special agent of the supernatural; now he was sure of it. It was meet, therefore, that all men should fear and obey him. Impelled105 to activity, he was impelled, if necessary, to severity. During the passage he had deemed it expedient106 several times to mislead the sailors, who were consequently backward about reposing107 in him the respect and confidence due a commander. Suspicious of the Spanish sovereigns from the first, his fears constantly increased as the magnitude of his discovery slowly unfolded before him, that he should eventually be robbed of it. He was jealous lest any of those who had shared with him the perils108 of the adventure should secure to themselves some part of the honor or profit attending it. He had quarrelled with the Pinzons, who, having staked their money and lives on what was generally regarded a mad risk, thought some consideration from the commander their due. The admiral's temper was tamed somewhat by the very boldness of Pinzon's act; for when the Pinta returned from her cruisings, little was then said about it; but if ever the opportunity should come, her commander must pay dearly for his disobedience.
SAILING AMONG THE ISLANDS.
Cuba failed to display any opulent oriental city, but furnished tobacco and maize109, gifts from savagism to civilization as comforting, perhaps, as any received in return. The mariners110 next discovered 164 and coasted Hayti, or Espa?ola, thus occupying the greater part of December. On the northern side of the island, out of the wrecked111 Santa María and her belongings112, Columbus built and equipped a fortress, which he called La Navidad; and leaving there thirty-nine men under command of Diego de Arana, with Pedro Gutierrez and Rodrigo de Escobedo, lieutenants113, on the 4th of January, 1493, he embarked114 for Spain. Those left behind were expected by the ardent-minded admiral, during his absence, to obtain, in trade, a ton of gold, beside discovering mines and spices.
Violent storms attended the homeward voyage; but on the 15th of March the expedition reached Palos in safety, after touching115 at the Azores and the coast of Portugal. Then followed rejoicings. Over Spain, over Europe, the tidings flew: A New World to the westward103! Bells rang and choirs116 pealed117 hosannas. A New World for Spain; now were their Catholic Majesties118 well paid for their losses and trials in connection with Mahometans and Jews!
With six natives, and divers119 birds and plants and other specimens120 from the Islands, Columbus set out for Barcelona, then the residence of the Spanish sovereigns. Throughout the journey, the highway and houses were thronged121 with spectators eager for a glimpse of the strange spectacle. Arrived at court, the great mariner was most graciously received, being permitted even to be seated in the presence of royalty122. He told his tale. It is said that all present wept. Columbus was as much excited as any. In a delirium123 of joy he vowed124 within seven years to appoint an army of four thousand horse and fifty thousand foot for the rescue of Jerusalem, and to pay the cost out of his own pocket; but, unfortunately, he never found himself in funds sufficient to fulfil his pious125 promise. The original compact between the sovereigns and the discoverer was confirmed, and to 165 the latter was granted a family coat of arms. While Columbus was fêted by the nobles, and all the world resounded126 with his praises, Martin Alonso Pinzon lay a-dying; the reward for his invaluable127 services, exceeding a hundred-fold all that Isabella and Ferdinand together had done, being loss of property, loss of health, the insults of the admiral, the scorn of the queen, all now happily crowned by speedy death.
A HAPPY PEOPLE.
Never had nature made, within historic times, a paradise more perfect than this Cuba and this Hayti that the Genoese had found. Never was a sylvan128 race more gentle, more hospitable129 than that which peopled this primeval garden. Naked, because they needed not clothing; dwelling under palm-leaves, such being sufficient protection; their sustenance130 the spontaneous gifts of the ever generous land and sea; undisturbed by artificial curbings and corrections, and tormented131 by no ambitions, their life was a summer day, as blissful as mortals can know. It was as Eden; without work they might enjoy all that earth could give. Disease and pain they scarcely knew; only death was terrible. In their social intercourse they were sympathizing, loving, and decorous, practising the sublimest132 religious precepts133 without knowing it, and obeying Christ more perfectly134 than many who profess135 to serve him. With strangers the men were frank, cordial, honest; the women artless and compliant136. Knowing no guile137, they suspected none. Possessing all things, they gave freely of that which cost them nothing. Having no laws, they broke none; circumscribed138 by no conventional moralities, they were not immoral139. If charity be the highest virtue140, and purity and peace the greatest good, then were these savages142 far better and happier beings than any civilization could boast. That they possessed any rights, any natural or inherent privileges in regard to their lands or their lives; that these innocent and inoffensive people were not fit subjects 166 for coercion144, treachery, robbery, enslavement, and slaughter145, was a matter which seems never to have been questioned at that time by either discoverer, adventurer, or ruler. However invalid146 in any of the Spanish courts might have been the argument of a house-breaker, that in the room he entered he discovered a purse of gold, and took it, Spaniards never thought of applying such logic148 to themselves in regard to the possessions of the natives in the new lands their Genoese had found.
What Spain required now was a title such as the neighboring nations of Europe should recognize as valid147. So far as the doctrine149 was concerned, of appropriating to themselves the possessions of others, they were all equally sound in it. Europe with her steel and saltpetre and magnetic needle was stronger than naked barbarians150, whose possessions were thereupon seized as fast as found. The right to such robbery has been held sacred since the earliest records of the human race; and it was by this time legalized by the civilized nations. Savagism had no rights which civilization was bound to respect. The world belonged not to Christian151 or Mahometan, but to whatever idea, principle, or power could take it. In none of their pretended principles, in none of their codes of honor or ethics152, was there any other ultimate appeal than brute153 force; their deity154 they made to fit the occasion, whatever that might be. This they did not know, however. They thought themselves patterns of justice and fair morality; and all that troubled them was in what attitude they would stand toward each other with regard to their several discoveries and conquests. But while such was the recognized condition of affairs at the beginning of the sixteenth century among the reckless adventurers of Spain, such were not the teachings of the Church, nor the views of the intelligent and right thinking men of the time. True, the army of fortune-seekers who first rushed to the new world in search of gold came 167 for lust155 and plunder156, but with them, and inspired with very different motives157, came the missionaries158 of the cross, pointing the savages to civilization and a purer religion than their own. But civilization and religion, it must be confessed, had little to recommend them in the examples of unprincipled men who were ever present to give the lie to the teachings of the priests.
THE WORLD PARTITIONED BY THE POPE.
Thus it was that the Spanish sovereigns, being Christian, applied159 for a confirmation160 of title to Alexander VI., then sovereign pontiff of Christendom, at the same time insinuating161, in a somewhat worldly fashion, that learned men regarded the rights of their Catholic Majesties secure enough even without such confirmation. No valid objections before the holy tribunal could be raised against Christian princes powerful enough to sustain their pretensions162 to ownership while propagating the true faith in heathen lands; but Pope Eugene IV. and his successors had already granted Portugal all lands discovered by Portuguese163 from Cape164 Bojador to the Indies. In order, therefore, to avoid conflict, the bull issued the 2d of May, 1493, ceding165 Spain the same rights respecting discoveries already granted Portugal, was on the day following defined to this effect:—An imaginary line of demarcation should be drawn166 from pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands; all lands discovered east of that line should be Portugal's, while west of that line all should belong to Spain. Thus by a very mortal breath and the flourish of a pen, the unknown world, with all its multitudes of interests and inhabitants, was divided between these two sovereignties, occupying the peninsula of south-western Europe; though in their wisdom they forgot that if the world was round, Portugal in going east and Spain in going west must somewhere meet, and might yet quarrel on the other side. Subsequently, that is to say on the 7th of June, 1494, by treaty between Spain and Portugal the papal line of partition was removed, 168 making it three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, Portugal having complained of want of sea-room for southern enterprise. This removal ultimately gave the Portuguese Brazil. And ecclesiastics167 claim that care was ever exercised by the Spanish crown to comply with the obligations thus laid upon it by this holy sanction.
Appointed to take charge of the affairs of the New World was Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, arch-deacon of Seville, and afterward patriarch of the Indies. Although high in ecclesiastical preferment, he was a bustling168 man of business, and ably filled the office during a period of some thirty years. Of unflinching devotion to his sovereign, sedate169, stern in the accomplishment170 of his duty, and obliged as he was, in the interests of the crown, to exercise occasional restraint on the rashness or presumption171 of the conquerors172, he incurred173 their enmity and was reviled174 by their biographers. That he was retained so long in office by such able monarchs175 as Ferdinand and Charles goes far to prove invalid the charges of misrule and villainy so liberally made against him. Associated with Fonseca was Francisco Pinelo, as treasurer176, and Juan de Soria as contador, or auditor177. Their chief office was at Seville, with a custom-house at Cádiz belonging to the same department. This was the germ of the famous Casa de Contratacion de las Indias, or India House of Trade, so long dominant in the government of the New World.
THE SECOND VOYAGE.
Thus all went swimmingly. Columbus found no difficulty in fitting out a fleet for a second venture, a royal order being issued that all captains, with their ships and crews, in all the Andalusian ports, should hold themselves in readiness for that purpose. Seventeen vessels sailed from Cádiz the 25th of September, 1493, having on board twelve hundred persons,—miners, mechanics, agriculturists, and gentlemen,—with horses, cattle, sheep, goats, hogs178, and fowls179; the seeds of vegetables, of orchard180 fruits, of oranges, lemons, 169 and grain for planting; together with provisions, medicines, implements181, goods for trade, arms, ammunition182, and all the requirements for founding a colony. Among the passengers were Diego Colon, the admiral's brother, Bernal Diaz de Pisa, contador, Fermin Cedo, assayer183, and Alonso de Ojeda and Juan de la Cosa, subsequently famous in New World discoveries; also twelve priests, chief among whom was Bernardo Buil, a Benedictine monk184, sent by the pope as his apostolic vicar, with all the ornaments185 and vestments for full service, which always had a wonderful effect upon the natives. The work of conversion had already been begun by baptizing in solemn state the six savages brought over by Columbus, Ferdinand and Isabella with Prince Juan standing186 sponsors. The 3d of November the expedition reached Dominica, so named from the day of arrival, Sunday. Next was discovered an island to which Columbus gave the name of his ship, Marigalante; then Guadalupe, where were tamed geese, and pine-apples, also human bones, significant of the presence of the horror-breeding Caribs, or cannibals. Thus cruising among these Caribbee Islands, and naming them one after another, Columbus continued his way and finally came to Navidad, only to find the fortress in ruins, its former occupants having fallen victims to their own follies187.
Choosing a site a little to the east of Navidad, still on the north side of Hayti, the Spaniards landed their effects, and laid out a city, which they called Isabela, surrounding it with ramparts. As soon as the vessels could be laden188 with gold, they were to be sent back to Spain; but the death of the Spaniards left at Navidad had somewhat marred189 original plans.
While Columbus lay ill, directing affairs as best he might, early in January, 1494, two parties under Ojeda and Gorvalan reconnoitred the island, each in a different direction, and returning, reported gold. As it was inconvenient190 to their anchorage, and as many 170 of the colonists were prostrate191 with disease, it was deemed best to let the ships go back empty rather than detain them longer; hence, on the 2d of February, twelve of the largest craft put to sea under command of Antonio de Torres, having on board further specimens of the people and products of the country. By this departure was sent a request for immediate supplies.
Murmurs192 now arose against Columbus, the sick and disappointed ones complaining most loudly that he had deceived them, had lured193 them thither194 with false hopes to die. And they begged Diaz de Pisa, already at the head of a faction195, and Cedo, who said there was not gold in those isles196 in paying quantities, to seize the remaining ships and sail with them for Spain. But the admiral hearing of it, arrested Diaz, and held him in irons on board one of the vessels to await trial in Spain.
Recovered from illness, Columbus left his brother Diego in command at Isabela, and set out, at the head of four hundred men, for the golden mountains of Cibao, in the interior of the island, intending there to build a fortress, and to work the mines on an extensive scale. Arrived at a favorable locality, where gold seemed plentiful197 in the brooks198, the Spaniards threw up a strong wooden fort, which they called Santo Tomás, a piece of pleasantry aimed at the doubting assayer, Cedo. Leaving in command Pedro Margarite, Columbus returned to Isabela. Afterward a smaller post was built, called Magdalena, and the command was given to Luis de Arriaga.
The natives could not welcome so large an invasion, which they now clearly saw would bring upon them serious results. Thereupon they withdrew from the vicinity of Santo Tomás, refusing all intercourse with its inmates199; and as a Spanish hidalgo could by no means work, even at gold-gathering, success in that direction was not marked. Provisions and medicine 171 then began to fail, and fresh discontent arose, even Father Buil arraying himself in opposition200 to the admiral.
As much to keep his people occupied as through any expectation of profit, Columbus sent another expedition into the interior of Hayti, and himself crossed to the south side of Cuba in three caravels, intending thence to reach Cathay. Soon he discovered to the southward a lofty isle, which he called at first Santa Gloria, then Santiago, but which finally retained its native name, Jamaica, that is to say, Island of Springs. After reaching nearly the western end of Cuba, thinking it still the continent of Asia, and that possibly he might by that way reach Spain, in which event he could then see what was beyond, he coasted the south sides of Jamaica and Hayti, and returned to Isabela, where he arrived insensible from excitement and fatigue201. When he awoke to bodily suffering, which for a time had been drowned in delirious202 energy, there, to his great joy, he found his brother Bartolomé, who had come from Spain with three well-laden ships to his assistance.
COLONIZATION203 A FAILURE.
Great events generally choose great men for their accomplishment, though not unfrequently we see no small dust raised by an insignificant agent. As a mariner and discoverer, Columbus had no superior; as colonist7 and governor, he had by this time proved himself a failure. There are some things great men cannot do as well as their inferiors. It was one thing to rule at sea, and quite another to rule on shore. In bringing to his India these unruly Spaniards, he had sown for himself the whirlwind. Had he been more judicious204 in the selection of his followers205, his later days would have been more successful as well as more peaceful. Discovery was his infatuation; he was never for a moment unattended by a consuming curiosity to find a western way to civilized India. Had he been possessed of sound practical judgment206 172 in the matter, of the same knowledge of himself and of political affairs that he had of navigation, he would have seen that he could not, at the same time, gratify his passion for discovery and successfully govern colonies. In his fatal desire to assume rulership, and upon the ill-understood reports of simple savages, with no knowledge of the resources or capabilities208 of the country, without definite purpose or mature plans, he had brought upon himself an avalanche209 of woes210. Beside his incapacity for such a task, his position was rendered all the more trying by the fact that he was a foreigner, whose arbitrary acts galled211 his impatient subordinates, and finally wrought212 them to the pitch of open rebellion. The Spaniards were quick enough to perceive that this Genoese sailor was in no wise fitted to lay the foundation of a prosperous Spanish colony; and when during his absence he left in command his brother, to whom attached no prestige of high achievement to make up for his misfortune in not being born in Spain, complications grew daily worse. Even the ecclesiastics were against the admiral; for with a foresight213 born of a deep study of human nature they saw that between the fires of the real and the unreal this man was becoming mad. They saw the religious hypochondria, which had already inflamed214 his intellect, now aggravated215 by the anxieties incident to the government of a turbulent element under circumstances unprecedented216, undermining his health, and bringing rapidly upon him those mental and physical distempers which rendered the remainder of his life prolonged misery217. Thus we may plainly see how Columbus brought upon himself the series of calamities218 which are commonly found charged to unscrupulous sovereigns and villainous rivals.
And thickly enough misfortunes were laid upon him on his return to Isabela. Margarite, who had been ordered to explore the island, leaving Ojeda in command at Santo Tomás, had abandoned himself to 173 licentious219 idleness, followed by outrages220 upon the natives, which notwithstanding their pacific disposition221 had driven them to retaliation222.
TREATMENT OF THE NATIVES.
And here was the beginning of these four centuries of such rank injustice223, such horrible atrocities224 inflicted225 by the hand of the stronger upon the weaker, of the civilized upon the savage141, that should make a man blush to own kinship to a race so defiled226 before its maker227 in whose image it was created.
It is the self-same story, old and new, from Espa?ola to Darien and Mexico, from Brazil to Labrador, and from Patagonia to Alaska, by sailor and cavalier, Spaniard and Englishman, by gold-hunter and fur-hunter—the unenlightened red man welcoming with wonder his destroyer, upon whom he is soon forced to turn to save himself, his wife, his children, but only at last to fall by the merciless arm of development beneath the pitiable destiny of man primeval.
Throwing off all pretence228 of allegiance to Columbus, when satiated with his excesses, Margarite, with a mutinous229 crew at his heels and accompanied by Father Buil, had taken such ships as best suited them and had departed for Spain. Two caciques, or native chieftains, Guatiguana, and Caonabo the Carib, with their followers had arisen in arms, had killed some of the Spaniards, had besieged230 Magdalena and Santo Tomás, and had even cast an ominous231 eye on Isabela. Such were the chief occurrences at the settlement during the absence of the admiral.
First of all, Columbus made his brother Bartolomé adelantado, that is to say, leader of an enterprise, or governor of a frontier province. Then he sent relief to the fortress of Magdalena, and established another military post near where was subsequently Santiago, which he called Concepcion. Later the chain was continued by building other posts; one near the Rio Yaquí, called Santa Catalina, and one on the river Yaquí, called Esperanza. Meanwhile Ojeda 174 offered to take the redoubtable232 Carib, Caonabo, by stratagem233; which was accomplished234, while he was surrounded by a multitude of warriors235, by first winning the admiration236 and confidence of the cacique, and then on the plea of personal ornamentation and display obtaining his consent to wear some beautiful bright manacles, and sit bound behind Ojeda on his steed; in which plight237 he was safely brought by the dashing cavalier at the head of his horsemen into Isabela.
About this time Antonio de Torres arrived with four ships from Spain, and was sent back with the gold which had been collected, and five hundred Indians to be sold as slaves. By this departure went Diego Colon to refute the charges of incompetency238 and maladministration now being preferred against his brother at court.
Though suffering from a fresh attack of fever, on the 27th of March, 1495, accompanied by the adelantado and all his available forces, Columbus set out from Isabela to subjugate239 the caciques of the island, who had combined to extirpate240 the Spaniards. Charging the naked red men amidst the noise of drum, trumpet241, and halloo, with horse and bloodhound, lance, sabre, and firelock, a peace was soon conquered. Multitudes of the inhabitants were butchered, and upon the rest was imposed such cruel tribute that they gradually sank beneath the servitude. But when the white men thus had the domain to themselves, they did not know what to do with it. It was not for them to till the soil, or labor242 in the mines; hence famine threatened, and they were finally reduced to the last extremity243.
There is little wonder, under the circumstances, that orders were issued in Spain to depose244 Columbus, first by the appointment of a commission of inquiry, and finally by removal.
GOVERNMENT OF THE INDIES.
Thus far the government of the Indies, as the New World began to be called, had been administered 175 solely245 by the admiral, according to agreement, with Fonseca as superintendent in Spain. None but they were permitted to freight or despatch38 any vessel to the New World. Columbus was authorized246 to appoint two subordinate officers subject to royal sanction; and yet the sovereigns took offense247 when he named Bartolomé adelantado, which office was not that of lieutenant-governor, as many writers aver248, but nearer that of territorial249 governor, with political as well as military powers, usually appointed by and subject only to the king. Assuming a certain degree of state, the admiral appeared at Isabela richly dressed, with ten escuderos de á pié, or squires250 of foot, and twenty familiares, composing his civil and military family. He had been directed before leaving Spain to appoint in each of the several settlements or colonies which should be planted an alcalde, or justice, exercising the combined duties of mayor and judge, with jurisdiction251 in civil and criminal cases, appeal being to the admiral; also an alguacil mayor, or high sheriff; and, if necessary, an ayuntamiento, or town council. All edicts, orders, and commissions must be issued in the name of the sovereigns, countersigned252 by the notary, with the royal seal affixed253. The admiral had been further directed to build a warehouse254 where the royal stores should be kept, and all traffic should be subject to his direction. When he sailed upon his Cuban expedition he left for the direction of the colony a junta255, of which his brother Diego was president, and Alonso Sanchez Carvajal, Juan de Luxan, Pedro Fernandez Coronel, and Father Buil, councillors.
Diego Colon was a well-meaning man, gentle and discreet256, approaching in visage and dress nearer the priest than the cavalier; he was neither shrewd nor energetic. Bartolomé was quite the opposite, and in many respects was the ablest of the brothers. Powerful in mind and body, authoritative257 and determinate in demeanor258, generous in disposition, fearless in spirit, 176 a thorough seaman259, a man of no narrow worldly experience, fairly educated, and talented with the pen, he was neither the amiable260, inefficient261 Diego, nor the dreamy, enthusiastic admiral.
Quick to notice in their deputy any indication of misrule, or undue262 assumption of authority, their Majesties did not fail to lend an attentive263 ear to the charges preferred against him. Yet the record does not show from first to last that either Isabella or Ferdinand ever really desired or intended to do Columbus injustice or injury. When Torres returned from Spain, after the first accusation264 had been made, the sovereigns, besides a letter expressing the warmest confidence in the discoverer, and high consideration for the affairs of the colony, sent a special real provision ordering all to obey the admiral as themselves, under penalty of ten thousand maravedís for every offence. When further accusations265 came, instead of divesting266 him of his authority, they sent as commissioner267 of inquiry Juan Aguado, a warm friend of the admiral. Often they checked Fonseca's too harsh measures with regard to Columbus and his brothers, and interposed their royal protection from such officers as acted too severely268 under the exasperating269 folly270 of the admiral. To satisfy the discoverer would have been impossible for any patron, so wild were his desires, so chimerical271 his plans, so injudicious his acts.
Aguado arrived at Isabela in October. He brought four caravels laden with supplies, and Diego Colon, passenger. Soon it was noised abroad that the conduct of the admiral was to be questioned, whereat both white men and red rejoiced. Aguado could but see the pitiable state of things upon the island, idleness, poverty, excesses, and disobedience among the colonists, folly and mismanagement among the rulers, and seeing, could but report accordingly; for which, and for no other reasons that I am able to 177 discover, the biographers of Columbus heap upon the commissioner opprobrious272 epithets273.
When Aguado returned to Spain, Columbus accompanied him to make such excuses before the sovereigns as best he might. They embarked from Isabela March 10, 1496, leaving the adelantado in command, and carrying with them two hundred and twenty-five disaffected274 colonists, and a number of Indian captives, among whom was the proud and once powerful chieftain, Caonabo, so treacherously275 taken by Ojeda. Contrary winds and starvation attended them, Caonabo dying during the voyage. Arrived at Cádiz in June, the admiral found Pedro Alonso Ni?o about to sail with three caravels for Hayti. Ni?o carried out more priests, and brought back more slaves.
Columbus appeared in Spain in a Franciscan garb276 and with dejected demeanor. To all the world, except to himself, it was by this time evident that his gorgeous India was a myth, and settlement on the supposition of its existence a mistake. He seemed now dazed by reverses, as formerly277 he had been dazed by successes. Nevertheless, he continued to make as much as possible of his discoveries, parading a brother of Caonabo in a broad gold collar with a massive gold chain attached.
Still the sovereigns were gracious. They scarcely alluded278 to the complaints and ever-increasing charges against the admiral, but confirmed anew his dignities, enlarged his perquisites279, and showed him every kindness. The title of adelantado was formally vested by them in Bartolomé. When asked for more ships and money, they readily granted both; moreover, they offered the admiral a tract280 of land in Hayti, twenty-five by fifty leagues, which, however, he declined; they offered him sixty sailors, a hundred and forty soldiers, one hundred miners, mechanics, and farmers, and thirty women, the services of all to be paid by the crown. But because there 178 was some delay, occasioned by the operations in Italy and the armada for Flanders, the biographers of the admiral again break out in abuse of the sovereigns and their servants. The truth is, Ferdinand and Isabella stood by the Genoese much longer than did their subjects. For example, when certain millions of maravedís, equivalent to over a hundred thousand dollars to-day, had been appropriated, and eight vessels equipped, so unpopular had the admiral and his enterprises become, that it was found necessary to press sailors into the service, and empty the prisons for colonists. And it was only when their admiral, viceroy, and governor of the Indies so far forgot himself, when on the point of sailing, as publicly, and with his own hand and foot, to strike down and kick Jimeno de Berviesca, an official under Fonseca, that the sovereigns began to realize the unfitness of Columbus for the management of colonies. It was a serious offense to attack a public servant; and when this was done under the very eyes of royalty, and by the man they had so delighted to honor, the truth came home to them, and they never afterward regarded the Genoese with the same degree of favor. Yet for his great merits, his genius, enthusiasm, and perseverance281, and for the glory unparalleled conferred by him on Spain, they would ever be to him just and generous. He could never become again the pauper282 pilot, as he had been called at Granada while begging help for his first voyage.
THIRD VOYAGE.
Two vessels were despatched to the colony under Pedro Fernandez Coronel early in 1498. On the 30th of May Columbus embarked from San Lúcar with six vessels, arrived at the northern seaboard of South America, and discovered there the isle of Trinidad the 31st of July, sailed through the gulf283 of Paria, where gold and pearls were seen in profusion284, discovered the Margarita Islands, and came to 179 Hayti, arriving off the river Ozema, on the southern side of the island, the 30th of August.
Prior to the last departure of the admiral for Spain, gold had been discovered in this vicinity, and during his absence a military post, called San Cristóbal, had been planted there, and at the adjacent harbor a fort built, which was named Santo Domingo, and which was from this time the capital of the Indies. At intervals285 during the past two years, the adelantado at the head of his marauders had scoured286 the island, collecting the quarterly tribute, and making observation on such measures as he thought might increase the same. Insurrections had been occasionally organized by the caciques, but were usually stifled287 by the prompt and politic207 action of the adelantado. Many of the colonists had gradually relaxed in their loyalty288 to Columbus, until finally, at the instigation of Francisco Roldan, they declared their independence of the adelantado, though still acknowledging fealty289 to Spain. After creating no small disturbance290 about Concepcion and Isabela, Roldan had retired291 with his band to the province of Jaraguá.
AFFAIRS AT SANTO DOMINGO.
On landing at Santo Domingo, the admiral first proclaimed his approval of the adelantado's measures, and then set about to pacify292 the colonists. With the common people, many officers of trust had joined the revolt of Roldan. Columbus offered amnesty to all, which was at first refused, and letters from both sides were sent to Spain. But at length there was reconciliation293; Roldan became a partisan294 of Columbus, and assisted in subduing295 other hostile factions296, which resulted in flinging Adrian de Moxica off the battlements of Fort Concepcion.
The distracted state of the colony, the continued charges against Columbus, and the inadequate297 returns from large outlays298, impelled the sovereigns to send out another commission with power to punish offenders299, civil and criminal, and, if necessary, to 180 supersede the admiral in the government. The commissioner chosen for this purpose was Francisco de Bobadilla, an arrogant301, shallow-minded man, who delighted rather in degrading merit than in exercising justice. He was authorized by letters patent to acquaint himself concerning the truth of the rebellion against the admiral; what robberies, cruelties, or other overt27 acts had been committed; he was directed to seize the person and sequestrate the property of any offender300, or punish in any way he might deem best. A provisional letter was addressed by the sovereigns to the admiral of the ocean sea, ordering him to surrender to the commissioner all forts, arms, ships, houses, cattle, or other public property, which letter was to be used only if necessary. Bobadilla, accompanied by a body-guard of twenty-five men, sailed with two caravels in July, 1500, and arrived at Santo Domingo on the 23d of August. By this opportunity some of the Indians sent over by Columbus as slaves were returned in charge of six friars. It is doubtful whether the enslavement of the red man could ever have been made profitable, but whether it could or not, the Catholic Church is entitled to much credit for thus promptly302 setting its foot upon the diabolical303 traffic which had already received the approval of some of the first jurists of the day. Indeed the doctrine that the Indians were not endowed with souls was rapidly spreading, and had found many believers, and had not the pope fortunately at this juncture304 decided305 against the proposition, the subject of Indian slavery would not have been so easily or so quickly settled.
UNWARRANTED CONDUCT OF BOBADILLA.
Among the first objects to meet the eye of Bobadilla, on landing, were the bodies of two Spaniards swinging from gibbets, which argued not very favorably for the quietude of the island. Columbus was absent at Fort Concepcion; the adelantado and Roldan were pursuing rebels in Jaraguá; Diego Colon, who was in charge at Santo Domingo, was 181 peremptorily306 commanded to surrender certain prisoners, which he refused to do until the admiral, whose commission was higher than that of Bobadilla, and under whom he served, should order it.
Thereupon Bobadilla broke open the jail, and the prisoners were finally set at liberty. He not only assumed the custody307 of the crown property, but he entered the house of Columbus, took possession of his effects, and made his residence there. He sided with the late insurgents308, giving ear only to them. Next he ordered to appear before him the admiral, who came with all quietness, and was immediately ironed and cast into prison. The brothers of Columbus met the same fate. It was a most villainous proceeding on the part of Bobadilla, wholly unauthorized, wholly unnecessary. Columbus was condemned309 before he was tried. While in the act of coming forward of his own accord, not with hostile front, but unattended, he was seized, manacled, and incarcerated310. It was not until afterward that he was charged with inflicting311 on the colonists, even on hidalgos, oppressive labor, abuse, and cruel punishments; with failing to provide them sufficient food; with opposing royal authority; with secreting312 gold and pearls; and with unjust treatment of the natives, making unnecessary war upon them, levying313 iniquitous tribute, preventing their conversion, and sending them as slaves to Spain. Some went so far as to hint at an intended transfer of allegiance to some other power. But were all the calumnies314 true, twice told, which vile143, revengeful men had heaped upon him, he would not have merited the treatment that he now received at the hand of their Majesties' agent. Ever loyal, high-minded, and sincere, ever performing his duties to the best of his ability, the worst that can be truthfully said of him is that he was unfitted by temperament315 and training, unfitted by his genius, by those very qualities which made him so superior to other men in other directions, for 182 organizing in a tropical wilderness316 that social thrift317 upon which might be built a staid community out of the ignorant, presumptuous318, and desperate element fresh from conflicts with Jews and Moors319.
After having been subjected to much insult and indignity320, the three brothers were placed on shipboard and sent to Spain. Andrés Martin, master of the caravel, offered to remove the manacles, but the admiral said no. It was by the king's agent the irons were put on; it must be by the king's order if ever they are taken off. "And I will always keep these chains," he added with proud bitterness, "as memorials of reward for faithful services."
Both Ferdinand and Isabella and all the people were shocked to see the illustrious discoverer in such a plight. Immediately the sovereigns heard of it the chains were stricken off, and the prisoners released. From the odious321 abasement322 into which he had been unjustly thrust by an infamous323 agent, Columbus was once more lifted high into favor by the sovereigns, whose moist eyes testified their hearts' sincerity324.
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1
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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colon
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| n.冒号，结肠，直肠 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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pulsating
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| adj.搏动的，脉冲的v.有节奏地舒张及收缩( pulsate的现在分词 )；跳动；脉动；受（激情）震动 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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plods
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| v.沉重缓慢地走（路）( plod的第三人称单数 )；努力从事；沉闷地苦干；缓慢进行（尤指艰难枯燥的工作） | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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decomposes
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| 腐烂( decompose的第三人称单数 )； （使）分解； 分解（某物质、光线等） | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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preoccupied
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| adj.全神贯注的，入神的；被抢先占有的；心事重重的v.占据（某人）思想，使对…全神贯注，使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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persistency
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| n. 坚持(余辉, 时间常数) | |
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43
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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45
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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46
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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47
prefix
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| n.前缀；vt.加…作为前缀；置于前面 | |
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grandees
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| n.贵族，大公，显贵者( grandee的名词复数 ) | |
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reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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51
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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52
tangible
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| adj.有形的，可触摸的，确凿的，实际的 | |
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53
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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54
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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55
unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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56
scouring
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| 擦[洗]净，冲刷，洗涤 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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60
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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61
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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63
trepidation
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| n.惊恐，惶恐 | |
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64
fathomless
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| a.深不可测的 | |
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65
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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66
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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67
surmise
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| v./n.猜想，推测 | |
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68
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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69
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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70
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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72
fragrant
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| adj.芬香的，馥郁的，愉快的 | |
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73
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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74
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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75
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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76
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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77
myriads
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| n.无数，极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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78
pebbles
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| [复数]鹅卵石； 沙砾； 卵石，小圆石( pebble的名词复数 ) | |
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79
enchanting
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| a.讨人喜欢的 | |
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80
luscious
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|
| adj.美味的；芬芳的；肉感的，引与性欲的 | |
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81
viands
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| n.食品，食物 | |
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82
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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83
barter
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|
| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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84
restriction
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|
| n.限制，约束 | |
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85
arena
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|
| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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86
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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87
eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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88
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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89
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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90
cedar
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| n.雪松，香柏(木) | |
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91
shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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92
spicy
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|
| adj.加香料的；辛辣的，有风味的 | |
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93
fragrance
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| n.芬芳，香味，香气 | |
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94
transparent
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|
| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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95
denizens
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|
| n.居民，住户( denizen的名词复数 ) | |
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96
variegated
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|
| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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97
serenest
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| serene（沉静的，宁静的，安宁的）的最高级形式 | |
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98
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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99
chagrin
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|
| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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100
inured
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|
| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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101
varied
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|
| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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102
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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103
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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104
westwardly
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| 向西，自西 | |
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105
impelled
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|
| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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107
reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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108
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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109
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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110
mariners
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| 海员，水手（mariner的复数形式） | |
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111
wrecked
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|
| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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112
belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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113
lieutenants
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|
| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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114
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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115
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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116
choirs
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|
| n.教堂的唱诗班( choir的名词复数 )；唱诗队；公开表演的合唱团；（教堂）唱经楼 | |
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117
pealed
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|
| v.（使）（钟等）鸣响，（雷等）发出隆隆声( peal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
majesties
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|
| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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119
divers
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|
| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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120
specimens
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|
| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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121
thronged
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|
| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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123
delirium
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| n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
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124
vowed
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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125
pious
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|
| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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126
resounded
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|
| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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127
invaluable
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|
| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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128
sylvan
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| adj.森林的 | |
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129
hospitable
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|
| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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130
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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131
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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132
sublimest
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|
| 伟大的( sublime的最高级 )； 令人赞叹的； 极端的； 不顾后果的 | |
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133
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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134
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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135
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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136
compliant
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|
| adj.服从的，顺从的 | |
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137
guile
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| n.诈术 | |
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138
circumscribed
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|
| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
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139
immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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140
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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141
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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142
savages
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|
| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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143
vile
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|
| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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144
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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145
slaughter
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|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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146
invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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147
valid
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|
| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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148
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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149
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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150
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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151
Christian
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|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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152
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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153
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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154
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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155
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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156
plunder
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|
| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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157
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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158
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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159
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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160
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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161
insinuating
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|
| adj.曲意巴结的，暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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162
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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163
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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164
cape
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|
| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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165
ceding
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的现在分词 ) | |
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166
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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167
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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168
bustling
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| adj.喧闹的 | |
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169
sedate
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| adj.沉着的，镇静的，安静的 | |
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170
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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171
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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172
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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173
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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174
reviled
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| v.辱骂，痛斥( revile的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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175
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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176
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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177
auditor
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| n.审计员，旁听着 | |
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178
hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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179
fowls
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|
| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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180
orchard
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| n.果园，果园里的全部果树，(美俚)棒球场 | |
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181
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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182
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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183
assayer
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| n.试金者，分析专家 | |
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184
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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185
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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186
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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187
follies
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|
| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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188
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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189
marred
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| adj. 被损毁, 污损的 | |
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190
inconvenient
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|
| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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191
prostrate
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|
| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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192
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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193
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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194
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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195
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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196
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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197
plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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198
brooks
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| n.小溪( brook的名词复数 ) | |
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199
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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200
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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201
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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202
delirious
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| adj.不省人事的，神智昏迷的 | |
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203
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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204
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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205
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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206
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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207
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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208
capabilities
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| n.能力( capability的名词复数 )；可能；容量；[复数]潜在能力 | |
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209
avalanche
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| n.雪崩，大量涌来 | |
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210
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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211
galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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212
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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213
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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214
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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215
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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216
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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217
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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218
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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219
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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220
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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221
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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222
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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223
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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224
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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225
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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226
defiled
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| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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227
maker
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| n.制造者，制造商 | |
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228
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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229
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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230
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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231
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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232
redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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233
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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234
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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235
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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236
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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237
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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238
incompetency
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| n.无能力，不适当 | |
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239
subjugate
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| v.征服；抑制 | |
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240
extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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241
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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242
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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243
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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244
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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245
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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246
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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247
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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248
aver
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| v.极力声明；断言；确证 | |
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249
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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250
squires
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| n.地主，乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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251
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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252
countersigned
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| v.连署，副署，会签 （文件）( countersign的过去式 ) | |
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253
affixed
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|
| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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254
warehouse
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| n.仓库；vt.存入仓库 | |
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255
junta
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| n.团体；政务审议会 | |
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256
discreet
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|
| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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257
authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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258
demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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259
seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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260
amiable
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|
| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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261
inefficient
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|
| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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262
undue
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|
| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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263
attentive
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|
| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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264
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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265
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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266
divesting
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|
| v.剥夺( divest的现在分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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267
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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268
severely
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|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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269
exasperating
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|
| adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
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270
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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271
chimerical
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|
| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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272
opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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273
epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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274
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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275
treacherously
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|
| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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276
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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277
formerly
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|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
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278
alluded
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|
| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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279
perquisites
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|
| n.（工资以外的）财务补贴( perquisite的名词复数 )；额外收入；（随职位而得到的）好处；利益 | |
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280
tract
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|
| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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281
perseverance
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|
| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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282
pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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283
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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284
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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285
intervals
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|
| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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286
scoured
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| 走遍（某地）搜寻（人或物）( scour的过去式和过去分词 )； （用力）刷； 擦净； 擦亮 | |
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287
stifled
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|
| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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288
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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289
fealty
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| n.忠贞，忠节 | |
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290
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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291
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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292
pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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293
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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294
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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295
subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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296
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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297
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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298
outlays
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| v.支出，费用( outlay的第三人称单数 ) | |
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299
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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300
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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301
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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302
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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303
diabolical
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|
| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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304
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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305
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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306
peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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307
custody
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|
| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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308
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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309
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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310
incarcerated
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| 钳闭的 | |
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311
inflicting
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|
| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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312
secreting
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|
| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的现在分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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313
levying
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|
| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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314
calumnies
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|
| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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315
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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316
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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317
thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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318
presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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319
moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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320
indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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321
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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322
abasement
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| n.滥用 | |
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323
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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324
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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