The Sovereigns Decline either to Restore to the Admiral his Government, or to Capture for him the Holy Sepulchre—So he Sails on a Fourth Voyage of Discovery—Fernando Colon2 and his History—Ovando Denies the Expedition Entrance to Santo Domingo Harbor—Columbus Sails Westward3—Strikes the Shore of Honduras near Guanaja Island—Early American Cartography—Columbus Coasts Southward to the Darien Isthmus—Then Returns and Attempts Settlement at Veragua—Driven thence, his Vessels4 are Wrecked6 at Jamaica—There midst Starvation and Mutiny he Remains8 a Year—Then he Reaches Espa?ola and finally Spain, where he shortly afterward9 Dies—Character of Columbus—His Biographers.
FOURTH VOYAGE OF THE ADMIRAL.
Since his last return to Spain, Columbus had rested at Granada under the smiles of the sovereigns, who readily promised him all that he might wish, while resolved to grant nothing which could interfere10 with their absolute domination of the new lands that he had found for them. When tired of begging the restoration of his rights he urged their Majesties11' assistance in seizing the holy sepulchre, that his vow12 might be fulfilled, and his mind at rest. After profound study and elaborate preparation he presented the case to them in a manuscript volume of prophecies and portents13 intermingled with poetry. Failing in winning them to this scheme, he promised, if ships were provided him, to undertake new discoveries. Partly because they would know more of their New World possessions, and partly to rid themselves of 203 uncomfortable importunities, the sovereigns assented15 to this proposal, meanwhile intimating that after two years had been allowed in which to quiet Espa?ola, the admiral should have his own again, but as clearly indicating to others that he should not.
Four vessels, ranging in burden from fifty to seventy tons, were then made ready, the Capitana, the Santiago de Polos, the Gallego, and the Vizcaino, commanded respectively by Diego Tristan, Francisco de Porras, Pedro de Terreros, and Bartolomé de Fresco16, and embarked17 at Cádiz the 9th of May, 1502. With the expedition sailed Diego de Porras as chief clerk and notary18, and Juan Sanchez as chief pilot; one hundred and forty men and boys constituted the company. The admiral was accompanied by his brother Bartolomé, the adelantado,[IV-1] and by his son Fernando,[IV-2] then thirteen years of age. The 204 sail across the ocean was prosperous, with favorable winds and nothing to augur19 the approaching misfortunes until the ships arrived off Santo Domingo on the 29th of June.
FATE OF BOBADILLA.
During the past two years matters had not improved at Espa?ola. It seems that others could govern badly as well as the admiral. Indeed, the kings of Spain, most of them meaning well by their 205 New World subjects, were too often unfortunate in their choice of agents. Until recently Bobadilla had held sway, the sovereigns being apparently20 in no haste to displace him; from which course it was evident either that they had not been properly informed of his conduct, or they approved of it. Perhaps it was true that a knave21 was better for the place than an honest man. A successor, however, had at length arrived in the person of Nicolás de Ovando, and the superb fleet which had brought him, and was to carry back the displaced governor to Spain, now rode at anchor in the harbor.
In following that contriving22 policy which others beside princes sometimes regard as necessary when straightforwardness23 were better, it had been deemed expedient24 that Columbus should not on this expedition touch at Espa?ola, lest his presence engender25 fresh broils26 on the island. And the admiral appeared to entertain no intention of breaking the royal commands, until he found, on reaching the Indies, that one of his vessels was unfit for service; or else he pretended that it was so in order to look in on his late government. But whether in actual or feigned27 distress28, when the admiral sent the 29th of June to ask of Ovando permission to exchange a leaky caravel, or at least to shelter the vessels from an impending29 storm, his messenger Terreros returned with a refusal.
It was certainly an anomalous31 position in which the great discoverer found himself, vainly knocking at the door of a possession which he had so lately given to 206 Spain, and he not convicted, nay32, scarcely accused of any crime. Columbus sent again and warned the governor of approaching bad weather. Ovando would not heed33 him. The gubernatorial fleet sailed; but only to face a hurricane which soon strewed34 the shores of Espa?ola with its fragments. Current biographies here read like a moral story. On the wrecked vessels were Bobadilla, Roldan, and other inveterate35 enemies of the admiral, who with a huge mass of ill-gotten treasure were buried beneath the waves. On a little caravel which survived the tempest was the good Bastidas with his property; and on another, which likewise reached Spain in safety, were four thousand pesos de oro belonging to Columbus. Furthermore the admiral sheltered his vessels, and so received no injury from the storm. From all which, grave deductions37 were severally made—by Columbus, that the Almighty38 had preserved him; by his enemies, that he had employed witchcraft40 to save himself and property; by others, of a luckless order which providence41 refuses to recognize, that the admiral and adelantado were good seamen42. After certain ship repairs, made without difficulty in a little port near Santo Domingo, on the 14th of July Columbus sailed westward on his explorations.
EARLY CARTOGRAPHY.
It must be remembered that at this time, and for several years afterward, the Spaniards did not know where they were. They supposed the earth smaller than it is, and that they were on the barbarous outposts of India,[IV-3] whose interior was civilized43 and wealthy; and it was the present object of the admiral to find some strait or passage between this 207 border-land and the detached southern regions about Paria, on which he might sail to these rich inner realms, still coasting Asia south-westward.
GUANAJA ISLAND.
A storm greeted him, followed by a calm, during which he was carried first southward by Jamaica, then northward44 past the western end of Cuba; after which, the wind freshening, he continued his course, and on the 30th of July came to a small elevated island, called by the natives Guanaja[IV-4], to which, from 208 the trees that covered it, he gave the name Isla de Pinos. On going ashore45, the adelantado found the 209 island inhabited by people like those of Espa?ola and Cuba, except that they seemed more intelligent and 210 knew more of the useful arts. Presently a large canoe appeared coming from the direction of Yucatan. It measured eight feet in its greatest width, and was rowed by twenty-five men. In the middle, under a palm-leaf awning46, sat a cacique,[IV-5] or chief, who manifested neither surprise nor fear on being brought into the presence of the admiral. He signified to the Spaniards as best he was able the extent and power of Mexico, and displayed utensils47 of copper48, stone, and wood, earthen-ware, and cotton cloth brought thence. Gold was plentiful49 there, he also said; but the imagination of the admiral had mapped his strait somewhere southward; so Mexico was kept for Cortés.
There was on the island an ancient aboriginal50 of scientific attainments51 sufficient to enable him to draw for the Spaniards a chart of the mainland coast, and tell them much of the country. Him they took on board, and after dismissing the cacique with presents, crossed to the continent, and anchored near a point 211 which Columbus called Punta de Caxinas,[IV-6] from the native name of a certain fruit abounding52 thereabout. Here the Spaniards landed on the 14th of August, and celebrated53 mass; then proceeding54 eastward55 some fifteen leagues to the mouth of a river,[IV-7] they again landed on the 17th, and took formal possession for Spain. About a hundred painted savages56 displayed themselves, finer specimens59 than any on the islands, some naked, and others partially60 covered with white or colored cotton. They were friendly, and presented fruit and vegetables, fish, fowl62, and maize63. So conspicuously64 distended65 were the ears of the natives at one place that the name Costa de la Oreja was given to that vicinity.[IV-8]
DISCOVERY OF HONDURAS.
Proceeding, the discoverers encountered a succession of gales67 which continued more than forty days, and having weathered them safely they were so delighted that in sailing round the point of their deliverance they thanked God, and called it Cape68 Gracias á Dios.[IV-9] All this time Columbus suffered severely69. Indeed, he was now but little better than a wreck7 in body and mind. On the after part of the deck his bed was placed, and there he lay overwhelmed with pain and melancholy70, lost in endless 212 mazes71 of speculation73. Now and then he would rouse himself to translate his visions, or to direct the management of the ship, for though half his senses should leave him, he was still a sailor from instinct; but had it not been for the faithful energy of the adelantado, the voyage might as well never have been undertaken.
The mariners74 had now entered a smooth sea; with a favorable wind they passed rapidly down the Mosquito Coast, giving the name Limonares to a cluster of islands on which grew something like lemons or limes, and on the 16th of September anchored at the mouth of a large river. Boats were sent ashore for water, and in returning one was upset and the whole crew were drowned; from which melancholy occurrence the stream was named Rio del Desastre.[IV-10] Continuing, the 25th found the Spaniards off the Rio San Juan de Nicaragua, where, to escape a storm, they ran in behind an island, the native name of which was Quiriviri,[IV-11] but which from its verdant77 beauty Columbus called La Huerta, The Garden. There they rested several days, and found sweet speculation, easily inducing the savages to tell them such things as they should most delight to hear. Indeed, all along the coast had vague information been given, by signs ill interpreted, of a remarkable78 country called Ciguare, nine days' journey westward beyond the mountains. The people there were like the Spaniards, clothed, and armed with steel weapons, with horses and great ships. The women wore bands of coral and strings79 of pearls, and the commonest utensils were of gold. Ten days' journey from Ciguare must lie the river Ganges; and best of all, there was 213 a passage thither80 by sea; all the Spaniards had to do was to keep right on; they could not miss the way. The Europeans gave full credit to these assertions. Thus from the beginning mankind have been directed, and oftentimes to the grandest discoveries, by mingled14 accident and ignorance, and wise men like Columbus have believed these supremely81 silly stories because it pleased them to do so. These savages may have had rumors82 of Mexico or Peru on which to build their brilliant fictions; their statements were fictions none the less.
And indeed as they came together there for the first time, the white men and the red, it is often difficult to tell on which side was the greater simplicity83 and credulity. The folly84 of the Spaniard was moulded into firmer consistence, was less inept85 and vapory than the folly of the Americans, and that was about all. For instance, at the village of Cariay,[IV-12] just opposite on the main-land, Columbus thought to raise the Spaniards in the estimation of the savages by declining to take the guanin, an inferior kind of gold which they presented; whereupon for the same reason, and in retaliation86, the natives refused European trinkets. When the adelantado, seated on a knoll87 with the notary by his side, sought to transfix some of the wild knowledge of those parts, the natives fled terrorstruck, supposing some magic spell was being cast upon them by the pens, ink, and paper so solemnly drawn88 forth89 by the scribe. Presently with great caution they returned, and with exorcising gesticulations burned and scattered90 in the air an odorous powder. On the other hand, with equally enlightened common sense, the Christians91, unable to fathom92 the incantations of savagism, fancied 214 these heathen sorcerers bringing from the shades of their wilderness93 wrathful demons94 to hurl95 upon their adversaries96; and ever after on the voyage all the ills that befell the Spaniards were attributed to the enchantments97 of the people of Cariay.[IV-13] At another port called Huiva, Columbus found the huts of the natives built in trees, which he attributed to fear of griffins. After a short excursion into the interior the adelantado returned to the ships. Near Cape Gracias á Dios the old man of Guanaja had been liberated98 with presents, as no longer of use; now, seven natives were seized and made to divulge99 what they knew of the country, two of them being retained as guides.
Sailing from Cariay the 5th of October, the second day they came to the Laguna de Chiriquí, the country thereabout being called by the natives Cerebaro.[IV-14] If some distance back Columbus had found The Garden, here was a pluralized paradise. The wonder was how nature contrived100 such glories. Round the entrance clustered islands whose outspread foliage101 brushed the venturesome sails that threaded the deep narrow channels. Celestial102 beauty irradiated the land, and a celestial brightness overspread the sea. But a small additional rent was necessary in the ragged103 imagination of the admiral to fancy himself already translated. The part of the 215 laguna explored by this expedition was the north-western, known to-day as the Bahía del Almirante; the southern part was called by the natives Aburema.
Hanging from the necks of the natives was pure gold in plates, now first found since touching105 these shores, but the owners were content to keep it. Further on, anywhere but here, they said, was plenty of gold, notably106 at a place called Veragua, twenty-five leagues distant, where these much-admired plates of gold were fabricated. Hastening forward, the Spaniards arrived, on the 18th, at a river twelve leagues to the eastward of Cerebaro, called by Fernando Colon, Guaiga, and by Porras, Guyga, where the savages attempted at first to drive them away by splashing water, brandishing107 wooden swords, beating drums, and sounding conchs; which demonstration108 being over they quietly traded sixteen of their gold-plates, valued at one hundred and fifty ducats, for three hawk-bells. The following day the Spaniards were met in like manner by other savages whom a shot sent scampering109; after which they returned and traded dutifully.
After this the discoverers touched at the provinces of Catibá and Cobrabá, where they saw the ruins of a wall built of stone and lime, which excited in them anticipations111 of a near approach to civilization; but as they neared the rich river the wind freshened and carried them past, without however preventing a glimpse of five towns, one of which the guides assured them was Veragua.[IV-15] In the next province, Cubigá, terminated the gold region, so they were told. Some were eager to go back to Veragua and gather gold, but anxious to find his strait Columbus put them off, saying he would return anon.
Fancy the old admiral groping in the darkness, the 216 world, the universe clear enough to him as mapped in his own mind, but unhappily not fitting the substantial facts. Instinctively112 he seems to hover113 about this the narrowest part of the continent, his ship's prow114 now pointed115 directly toward Spain, with India so far away, and the vast water intervening, and the small but mighty39 strip of land that makes his mental map of no avail. Thus since the world began millions have mapped eternity116, and still do map it, the heavenly powers meanwhile laughing at the miserable117 work men make of it.
Thus vainly searching, on the 2d of November Columbus finds his ships at anchor in a beautiful and commodious118 harbor entered between two islands. On every side are fields of maize, and orchards119 of fruit, and groves120 of palm; for the people dwell in houses and cultivate the ground. There he remains seven days, waiting the cessation of a storm; and he calls the place Puerto Bello, also written Portobello, which name it has ever since retained. Venturing forth on the 9th, he makes eastward eight leagues, but is driven back, and takes refuge behind some islands in a small harbor, which he calls Puerto de Bastimentos,[IV-16] from the abundance of provisions brought them there. After repairing the ships, now badly worm-eaten, he again on the 23d attempts an advance eastward, but is speedily driven into a cove1, which he names El Retrete, some calling it Puerto de Escribanos, and which is so small as barely to admit the ships, and so deep that bottom cannot be touched.[IV-17] 217
END OF THE ADMIRAL'S DISCOVERIES.
And now the mariners show signs of discontent; with gold so near they are not Spaniards else. And the great discoverer, the admiral of the ocean sea, must he bury in this little crevice122 of a barbarous shore his mighty hopes? Bastidas was here,[IV-18] although it is not certain how well informed the admiral is of the fact, whether he had notice from Bastidas at Santo Domingo as to the termination of his voyage, or whether the natives here had told him; in any event, there cannot be now in the admiral's mind much doubt that the coast is practically discovered from Trinidad to Guanaja, and that between these two islands is a shore-line of continent unbroken by any strait. Yes, as well unbrace here as elsewhere; and gold-hunting is not a bad occupation for an old man after his life's work is done.
Turning then toward Veragua for solace123, the Spaniards sailed from El Retrete the 5th of December. 218 But with this change the fickle124 wind had likewise changed its course; wherever they went were storms and buffetings, until Columbus pronounced upon that shore the name La Costa de los Contrastes. Where now was the balmy breath of perfumed isles126, the sparkling sun dancing beneath the wanton waters? Demonized. Gale66 followed gale in quick succession; winds contending, veering127; now the mariners were hurried on toward their destination, only to be driven back to their starting-point. The stubborn waves struck the crazy barks with such menacing force as to send the terror-stricken sailors to their knees in confession128, and prayer for deliverance. For nine days the sea was white with angry foam129; the sky blazed with electric fires; the men fell sick; provisions spoiled. Long, lank130, muscular sharks, weatherwise monsters, followed the ships expectantly, until the hunger-smitten crews eyed them ominously131 in return, until these creatures that had come to eat were caught and eaten by these other creatures. All this time down poured the rain in torrents132 and nearly submerged the ships. In the midst of these cataclysmal horrors a water-spout was seen approaching, "which," Fernando Colon is sure, "if they had not dissolved by reciting the gospel of St John, would certainly have sunk whatever it had fallen upon." Twenty-nine days were occupied in making as many leagues to the westward. Once the ships parted company for three days; twice they ran into Portobello, and twice they took refuge at other places on the coast.
At length, with thanksgiving, January 6, 1503, they came to anchor at the mouth of a river, the native name of which was Yebra; but Columbus, in honor of the day, Epiphany, called it Santa María de Belen.[IV-19] One league to the westward was the river Veragua. The admiral ordered both streams 219 to be sounded. The Veragua was found too shallow for the ships. At the mouth of the Belen was a bar, which however could be crossed at high water; above the bar the depth was four fathoms133. On the bank of the Belen stood a village, whose inhabitants at first opposed the landing of the Spaniards; but being persuaded by the interpreter, they at length yielded. They were a well-developed, muscular people, rather above medium stature134, intelligent, and exceptionally shrewd; in fact, in point of native ability they were in no wise inferior to the Spaniards. When questioned concerning their country, they answered guardedly; when asked about their gold mines, they replied evasively. First, it was from some far-off mysterious mountain the metal came; then the river Veragua was made to yield it all; there was none at all about Belen, nor within their territory, in fact. Finally they took a few trinkets, and gave the intruders twenty plates of gold, thinking to be rid of them. Within a day or two the vessels were taken over the bar, and on the 9th two of them ascended135 the river a short distance. The natives made the best of it, and brought fish and gold.
THE QUIBIAN.
With an armed force the adelantado sets out in boats to explore the Veragua. He has not proceeded far when he is met by a fleet of canoes, in one of which sits the quibian,[IV-20] the king of all that country, having under him many subordinate chiefs. He is tall, well-modelled, and compactly built, with restless, searching eyes, but otherwise expressionless features, taciturn and dignified137, and, for a savage, of exceptionally bland138 demeanor139. We shall find him as politic140 as 220 he is powerful; and as for his wealth, unfortunately for him, his domain141 includes the richest gold mines of that rich coast. On the whole, the quibian is as fine a specimen58 of his race as the adelantado is of his. And thus they are fairly met, the men of Europe and the men of North America; and as in the gladiatorial combat, which opens with a smiling salutation, this four-century life-struggle begins with friendly greetings. Pity it is, they are outwardly not more evenly matched; pity it is that the European with his superior civilization, his saltpetre, and blood-hounds, his steel weapons, and strange diseases, should be allowed to do his robbery so easily! But ravenous142 beasts and bloody143 bipeds are so made that they do not hesitate to take advantage of the helpless; it is only civilized man, however, that calls his butcherings by pleasant names, such as progress, piety144, and makes his religion and his law conform to his heart's unjust desires.
As the champions approach each other, we see about them both an air of determination and command; and while extremely cordial, we see on either side that courtesy common to those who fear while they suspect. With princely grace the red man takes from his naked body some massive golden ornaments146 and presents them to the white man; the adelantado, not to be outdone in generosity147 by a savage, with equal dignity and solemnity presents the red man a handful of valueless baubles148. The ceremony over, with mutual149 assurances of friendship the chieftains retire. Next day the quibian visits the admiral in his ship. Neither has much to say; presents are exchanged, and the savage returns to his people.
While the ships of the Spaniards lay by the bank in fancied security, on the 24th of January the storm-demon, as if enraged150 at the escape of its victims from the fury of the sea, rushed to the mountains, and opening the windows of heaven, let down a deluge151 on the land. The rushing torrents swept everything before 221 them. The vessels were torn from their moorings and carried down the river, only to be met at the mouth by the incoming breakers from the sea. And thus to their imminent152 peril153 they were tossed for several days by the contending waters.
BARTOLOMé PENETRATES154 THE INTERIOR.
The storm abating155, and the ships made secure, the adelantado again started in search of the gold-fields. With sixty-eight men he ascended the Veragua to the village of the quibian, whose house was situated156 on a hill round which were scattered the dwellings157 of his people. The chieftain with a large retinue159, unarmed in token of peace, welcomed the visitors at the landing. Guides were readily furnished at the adelantado's request; so leaving part of his company to guard the boats, with the remainder he set out on foot for the base of the mountain, distant six leagues, which he reached the following day. For many miles he found the soil richly impregnated with gold, and returned elated, as visions of populous160 cities and unbounded wealth floated through his brain. Which seeing, the quibian grimly smiled that they should deem their work already done, himself subdued161, the land their own; and he smiled to think how he had sent them round and away from his own rich mines to the poorer and more distant fields of Urirá, his ancient enemy. Then the adelantado explored westward, and came to the town and river[IV-21] of this Urirá, and to the towns of Dururi, Cobrabá, and Catibá, where he obtained gold and provisions.
There were here fifty leagues of coast, from Cerebaro to Veragua, called by the Spaniards the tierra de rescate, or land of trade, meaning trade in gold, that being the only thing worth trading for in an expedition of this kind. This seaboard was heavily wooded, and uninhabited except along the rivers, for three leagues inland. And all things seeming so favorable, Columbus thought he would plant a colony 222 here, leave eighty men and one of the vessels in charge of the adelantado, and with the remainder return to Spain, report the results of his discovery, and obtain reinforcements. In a word, if not restrained by some Ferdinand, or Fonseca, or other hateful friend, he would repeat with fresh enthusiasm his former errors which had so nearly wrought162 his ruin. But his usual ill-luck came to the rescue. The quibian did not view with favor the preparations which he saw the Spaniards making for a permanent residence on his lands, and he determined163 it should not be. But how could he prevent it? For he was well aware of the advantages these strangers possessed164 in open warfare165. Yet there were several ways open to him; if he did not wish to attack them with an overwhelming force he could devastate166 the country around, withdraw his people, and leave the Spaniards to die, meanwhile cutting off such stragglers and foraging167 parties as he could easily handle. And this he did, beginning operations by summoning the neighboring tribes, ostensibly for the purpose of organizing an expedition against Urirá, and Cobrabá.
The suspicions of the Spaniards were aroused. Diego Mendez, escudero, esquire, or shield-bearer of the ship Santiago,[IV-22] a sharp, bold, and somewhat boastful man, but courageous168 beyond the comprehension of fear, asked and obtained permission to investigate the matter. Entering the Veragua in an armed boat he found encamped below the quibian's village about a thousand painted warriors169. Assuming an air of unconcern Mendez landed and strolled leisurely170 among the savages. Remarking on their proposed expedition he offered to join them; but his services were rejected, and his presence was manifestly distasteful to them. He returned and reported that the savages were preparing to attack the Spaniards. 223 Yet to satisfy some who doubted, Mendez went again, this time taking with him one companion, Rodrigo de Escobar, intending plainly to demand of the quibian his purpose. A host of frowning savages greeted the visitors, who asked to see the quibian. They were informed that he was lying ill from the effects of a wound received in battle. "For that very purpose," replied the ready Mendez, "I a surgeon am come to heal him." But the Spaniards could not gain audience of the chief, and they returned more than ever convinced of his bloody intention toward them.
CAPTURE OF THE QUIBIAN.
What was to be done? The admiral could not depart while hostilities171 were pending30, nor could the Spaniards delay their operations until it should please the savages to attack them. The adelantado determined to force an issue. With seventy-five men, on the morning of the 30th of March, he ascended the Veragua, and landed unobserved near the quibian's village. Hiding his men, he advanced, first with four attendants, then alone, until after some difficulty he gained admission to the quibian's presence. What Bartolomé was now attempting was the regular game, afterward played for higher stakes, but now being pretty generally practised in the New World; namely, to capture the chief and hold him hostage for the good behavior of his people. It was at the door in front of the quibian's dwelling158 that this interview took place. The savage suspected nothing. The very boldness of the scheme, so foreign to aboriginal warfare, tended to allay172 apprehension173. Within were fifty of his household, and at easy call five hundred warriors; what had the quibian to fear? The two chiefs sat and talked, first on general subjects; then the adelantado enquired174 concernedly about his host's illness, examined the wound tenderly, passed his hands over the disabled limb while proposing remedies. Suddenly the savage felt the grasp of the Spaniard tighten175 upon him, and 224 before his suspicions were fairly aroused his arms were pinioned176 behind him. Mendez, who had been watching, fired his arquebuse, and the concealed177 Spaniards rushed forward and surrounded the house. The quibian struggled, but weakened by sickness he was easily held in the iron grasp of the adelantado, until by the aid of the other Spaniards he was made powerless. So adroitly179 was the feat136 performed, that before the presence of the Spaniards was generally known among the natives, their chief and all his family were captive, and on the way to the boats. The savages lifted up the usual lamentations, and offered enormous ransom180; but it had been determined beforehand that the chief personages of the nation should be sent to Spain; for in such procedure, the admiral thought, lay the greater security of his plans.
At this juncture181 in the narrative182 historians, even modern writers of fair intelligence, gravely discuss the probabilities of guilt183 in the quibian's supposed treachery, some holding with Diego de Porras that the natives did not meditate184 attack; as if they had not the right to defend their country, their wives and little ones, from the ravages185 of the invader186 by any means within their power.
Passing conventional twaddle—for if the quibian was not guilty he ought in honor to have been—it is very certain that this action on the part of the Spaniards was the cause of many woes187, and of their final overthrow188 in these parts.[IV-23] In any event it was now of the highest importance to secure the quibian. The whole adventure on this coast depended upon it; therefore the adelantado hastened to send his captives on board the ships. Desirous of instituting other proceedings189 for the pacification190 of that section before 225 returning, the adelantado looked about him for a reliable person to whom he might entrust191 his weighty charge. Present was Juan Sanchez, chief pilot, an honest sailor, not wholly indifferent to military honors, who earnestly offered service and was accepted. The quibian, tied hand and foot, was firmly bound to his seat in the boat; and superfluous192 as might appear any admonition, the adelantado charged Juan Sanchez to look well to his prisoner. "Pluck out my beard hair by hair if he escape me," was the vaunting reply of the pilot as he shoved his boat from the bank and started down the river.
JUAN SANCHEZ OUTWITTED.
But alas193 for the overweening confidence of a Peter or a Juan Sanchez! Fighting the elements at sea is a different thing from fighting Indians on land. Quite a different order of tactics is required; and the sailor's life is not the school in which to study the wiles194 of Indian strategy. In the one place the sailor is not more superior than is the savage in the other. The quibian, outwardly calm, inwardly is fiercely excited; and like the wild beast when hotly pursued, his instincts quicken with the occasion. He and his loved ones are prisoners, treacherously195 entrapped196 by a strange species of the human kind in return for fair words and generous hospitality. Their probable fate possesses all the horrors of uncertainty197. Swiftly with the swift boat runs the time away; something must be done or all is lost. Narrowly, but cautiously, the chief surveys his keeper. It is pleasant to look upon the homely198 face of honest Juan Sanchez; not a lineament there but shines with God's best message to man, and in language which even dumb intelligence may read. Stern duty is largely diluted199 with humanity, integrity with charming simplicity; from which the wily quibian takes his cue, and thenceforth is master of the situation. With quiet dignity and cheerful resignation he sits among his people, hushing their lamentations and chiding200 their complaints. By words and little acts of consideration he lightens the 226 labors201 of the boatmen, and studies for himself and people to give no unnecessary trouble. These conciliatory measures are not lost on the warm-hearted sailor, whose regard for his royal captive rises every moment. He is pronounced by all a well-mannered savage, a most courteous202 savage. And now the quibian modestly complains of the cords so tightly drawn by the too zealous203 Mendez. They do indeed cut into the flesh, and constrain205 him to a most uncomfortable position. And he such a gentleman-savage! Juan Sanchez is not the man to sit there and see a fellow-creature unnecessarily suffer; he cannot do it. The thongs206 which lacerate the prisoner's wrists are loosened, the cord which binds207 him to the seat is untied208; but for security—for above all this great chief must be kept secure—one end of it the ever-watchful pilot twists round his hand. Night comes on. It is very dark, but the captives are quiet, and the boat glides209 noiselessly down the stream. Suddenly the light craft sways; a plunge210 is heard; the pilot feels his hand violently wrenched211; he must loosen his hold or be drawn into the water. It is all as the flash of a pistol in point of time; the quibian's seat is empty; and honest Juan Sanchez is obliged to present his hanging front before his comrades, a Spaniard outwitted by a savage!
After scouring212 the country in several directions, the adelantado returned to the ships, bringing gold-plates, wristlets, and anklets to the value of three hundred ducats, which were divided, after deducting213 the king's fifth. Among the spoils taken from the quibian were two golden coronets, one of which was presented to Bartolomé by the admiral. Notwithstanding the escape of the chief, who, after all, was probably drowned, Columbus proceeded to execute his plans. There were the king's household and his chief men safely on board, and these should be sufficient to guarantee the tranquillity214 of the nations. 227 So the arrangements for the comfort and security of the colony during the contemplated215 absence of the admiral were hastened to completion. The three vessels, after discharging part of their cargoes216, were carried by the newly swollen217 stream over the bar, and reloaded. There they lay at anchor waiting a favorable wind.
THE COUNTRY ROUSED.
All this time, however, the Spaniards were reckoning without their host. The quibian was not dead. In spite of his bonds, he had made good his escape. After his bold plunge, finding himself free from the boat, he had extricated218 his wrists from the loosened cords, swam beneath the water to the bank, and had set out for his village, resolving vengeance219. And now, hastily arming a thousand warriors, he attacked the Spaniards under cover of the dense220 vegetation, killing221 one and wounding eight, but was soon repulsed222 with heavy loss. Shortly afterward Diego Tristan, coming ashore from one of the vessels with eleven men, recklessly ascended the river a league for wood and water. All but one were killed.[IV-24]
The aspect of affairs was serious. It was now evident that no fear of what might befall his imprisoned223 household would deter145 the quibian from his bloody purpose. Alive or dead might be his brothers, wives, and children, he would rid his country of these perfidious224 228 strangers. To this end he secured the co?peration of the neighboring chieftains, and filled the forest with his warriors. Stealthily they lurked225 in the vicinity of the settlement, and watched every pathway, ready to cut off any who should venture abroad. Nowhere on the Islands had the Spaniards met such stubborn opposition226, and serious misgivings227 filled their minds. Their own probable doom228 they saw foreshadowed in the mutilated bodies of Tristan and his men, which came floating past them down the stream, attended by ravenous fishes; and the requiems229 sung by quarrelling vultures over the remains when afterward they were thrown back by the waves upon the beach, tended in no wise to lessen230 their dismal231 forebodings. To heighten their misfortunes, a furious storm arose, which cut off all communication between the settlement and the ships. The adelantado endeavored in vain to quiet the fears of his people, who emboldened232 by despair would have seized the remaining caravel and put to sea had the weather permitted. Yet closer pressed upon them the enraged quibian, until dislodged they retreated to the river bank, before their caravel, and threw up earthworks, which they capped with the ship's boat, and behind which they planted their guns, and so kept the savages at bay.
On shipboard matters were no better. The continued absence of Tristan and his crew caused the admiral great anxiety. In such a heavy sea it was unsafe to remain near the shore; the parting of a cable would doom the clumsy craft to swift destruction. And as if this were not enough, the spirit of the quibian broke out among his encaged family. Preferring death to captivity233 they plotted escape. During the night the prisoners were confined in the forecastle, and on the covering slept a guard of soldiers. Collecting one night such articles as were within reach, stones used as ballast, boxes, and provision casks, they piled them up under the hatchway 229 cover. Toward morning, when the guards were sleeping soundly, as many of the captives as were able mounted the heap, and placing their shoulders to the covering, by quick concerted action burst it open, throwing the sleeping sentinels in every direction, and springing out leaped into the sea. Those whose escape was prevented were found next morning dead, some hanging to the roof and sides of their prison, some strangled by means of strings round the neck drawn tight with the foot.
THE SETTLEMENT ABANDONED.
It was now of the utmost importance to communicate with the shore, as the admiral was convinced that the situation of the colonists234 was becoming perilous235 in the extreme. At least, all hope of settlement in that quarter must for the present be abandoned. The fate of the captives, when once it was known, would move the very rocks to revenge. But no boat could live in the surf intervening. Then stepped forward Pedro Ledesma, a Sevillian pilot, and offered if rowed to the breakers to attempt to gain the shore by swimming. The thing was done. Scarcely had Ledesma picked himself up from the spot where the waves threw him when he was surrounded by his forlorn countrymen, who informed him of the fate of Tristan, and of their determination to quit that accursed coast at any hazard. Ledesma returned and told the admiral, upon whose mind thereupon gloom settled in yet denser236 shades. Unrighteously deprived of his command at Santo Domingo, he had nourished the hope that this last and most important of his discoveries might prove the base of better fortune than was possible on the Spanish Isle125. For had it not been revealed to him that this Veragua was the source whence Solomon drew the gold to build the temple? These lamentations continued during the remainder of the storm, which lasted nine days longer; after which preparations were made for the embarkation237 of the colonists, the admiral consoling himself with the promise of return under more favorable auspices238. 230
Finally the caravel stationed in the river was dismantled239, and out of the spars and some Indian canoes was made a raft, by means of which the colonists and their effects were in two days taken on board. The admiral then bore away eastward for Espa?ola. And it may have been the lingering hope of blind infatuation—so his followers240 thought it—that made him cling to the shore until the Darien country was passed, before striking out across the Caribbean Sea; others say it was to avoid contrary winds, while he affirms it was to deceive his pilots that they might not be able to find Veragua again without his charts. One worm-eaten caravel he was obliged to drop at Portobello. The other two held together until they reached Jamaica, where they were beached.
A new series of misfortunes here awaited the Great Unlucky One. From June 1503 to June 1504 he was doomed241 to remain on his wrecks242, which now lay side by side, partially filled with water. Food became scarce, and the foraging expeditions met with constantly increasing difficulties in seeking the necessary supply. By desperate efforts Diego Mendez succeeded in reaching Espa?ola in a canoe; but when he had notified Ovando of the perilous situation of Columbus, the governor was in no haste to relieve his rival. Sickness next followed, and then mutiny. Francisco de Porras with forty-eight men threw off allegiance to the admiral, and taking ten canoes set out for Espa?ola. Twice thrown back upon Jamaica by adverse243 winds they abandoned the attempt, and gave themselves up to licentious244 roving about the island. A second mutiny was near its culmination245 when a small vessel5 appeared in the distance. Presently Diego de Escobar approached in a boat, and without leaving it, thrust in upon the admiral a letter, a side of bacon, and a barrel of wine, all from Ovando; then he disappeared as mysteriously as he had come. Following an attempted reconciliation246 with Porras 231 was a fight between his gang and the Spaniards under Bartolomé, in which six were killed, among them our honest friend Juan Sanchez, who had cast his lot with Porras. The doughty247 Ledesma, also a rebel, though badly wounded, lived to be assassinated248 in Spain. Porras and several others were taken prisoners and confined on board the wreck. The remainder of the deserters then returned, penitent249. Finally the admiral's agent at Santo Domingo, Diego de Salcedo, came to his relief with two ships.
DEATH OF THE ADMIRAL.
It was infamous250 in Ovando to leave Columbus so long in such a strait. The excuses he pleaded were absence at Jaraguá, and lack of suitable ships; but had he been in earnest to deliver the admiral, means could have been found before the lapse251 of a year. Although on arriving at Santo Domingo Columbus received lodgings252 in Ovando's house, and the governor was outwardly exceedingly attentive253 to his guest, in reality there was little in common between the two men but jealousy254 and distrust. Porras was allowed to roam at large, though finally sent to Spain for trial. Columbus sailed for Spain September 12, 1504. For a time he kept his bed at Seville, writing heart-rending letters to the sovereigns, who paid little attention to them. By the help of the adelantado, ever his most faithful friend and brother, Columbus managed the following year to creep up to court and beg redress255 from the king, for the queen was now dead. But Ferdinand was deeply disgusted; not so much however as to prevent his granting the illustrious discoverer a magnificent burial shortly after. It was the 20th of May, 1506, that Columbus died at Valladolid, at the age of about seventy years.[IV-25]
Thus terminated the first attempt of Spaniards to plant a colony on the main-land of North America. 232 Columbus himself, the leader, advanced with proffers256 of friendship in one hand and a sword in the other, retaliated257 upon a fancied savage treachery by a still more insidious258 treachery, and was driven from the country by a brave ruler, whose deeds deserve to be enrolled259 beside those of patriots260 everywhere. One kind act of a tender-hearted Spanish sailor—would I had more of them to record in this history—brings the direst misfortune on his countrymen, delays for a dozen years the occupation of Veragua, and turns the tide of conquest in other directions.
CHARACTER OF COLUMBUS.
Most remarkable in the character of Columbus was the combination of the theoretical and the practical; and most remarkable in his theories was the anomaly that though nearly all of them were false, they led to as grand results as if they had been true. The aperture261 through which failure creeps into carefully laid schemes is usually some glaring defect of character; and such defect often appears where little suspected, in natures warped262 by genius, or where one quality is unduly263 developed at the expense of another quality. We often see men of rare ability wrecked by what would be regarded an act of folly unaccountable in the stupidest person; but we do not often see success resulting from these same defects. The greatest defect in the faculties264 of Columbus, extravagance of belief, was the primary cause of his success. Simple to us as is the reality of the earth's rotundity, and of the practicability of a western route to Asia, no one could then have entertained those doctrines265 without extraordinary credulity; even though Pythagoras and others had so long ago expressed such ideas, 233 no one could then have acted on them short of infatuation bordering on insanity267. To say the world is round was not enough; Thales of Miletus proved it not a plane two thousand years before. If it were round, the water would run off; if it were flat, why then one safely might sail on it; if it be flat, and the water runs not off, then at the other end there must be land that keeps the water on, and one might sail over the flat sea to that land—all such logic268 was less puerile269 than the feelings by which the Genoese ordinarily reached conclusions. His efforts were the embodiment of the ideas of many thoughtful men, timorous270 persons, perhaps, or merely meditative271 and passive, but in none of whom united his ability, courage, and enthusiasm; above all, none so scientific were at the same time so determined. Often the knowledge of a prophecy is the cause of its fulfilment. Some say Alonso Sanchez told him of Espa?ola, and he himself affirms that once he visited Iceland. It may have been that on this voyage he learned from the Norsemen of their Vinland and Helluland. What then? Were this true, such stories would have had with him scarcely greater weight than the sayings of the ancients, or than current interpretations272 of holy writ121.
Nothing more plainly proves the power that sent him forth than the fact that in scarcely one of his original conceptions was he correct. He thought to reach Asia over an unobstructed ocean sea by sailing west; he did not. To the day of his death he thought America was Asia, and that Cuba was mainland; that the earth was much smaller than it is, and that six sevenths of it was land. He dwelt much on a society of Amazons who never had existence, and at every step among the Islands he ingenuously273 allowed his inflamed274 imagination to deceive him. He claimed to have been divinely appointed for this mission; he affirmed his voyage a miracle, and himself inspired with the conception of it by the most holy Trinity; he vowed275 to rescue the holy sepulchre, 234 which he never did; he proclaimed visions which he never saw, such as St Elmo at the top-mast with seven lighted tapers276, and told of voices which he never heard; he pictured himself a missionary277 to benighted278 heathen, when in truth he was scattering279 among them legions of fiery280 devils. But what he knew and did, assuredly, was enough, opening the ocean to highways, and finding new continents; enough to fully110 entitle him to all the glory man can give to man; and as for his errors of judgment281, had he been able to map America as accurately282 as can we to-day, had he been divine instead of, as he claimed, only divinely appointed, with myriads283 of attendant ministers, his achievement would have been none the greater. From the infirmities of his nature sprang the nobility of Brutus; from the weaknesses of Columbus was compounded his strength.
Assuredly it was no part of the experience and ingenuity284 which springs from life-long application that made Columbus so essentially285 a visionary; nor was it his scientific attainments, nor the splendid successes which despite the so frequent frowns of fortune we must accredit286 him. In his avocation287 of mariner75 he was a plain, thoughtful man of sound judgment and wise discretion288; but fired by enthusiasm he became more than an ordinary navigator; he became more as he fancied himself, superhuman, the very arm of omnipotence289. Once born in him the infatuation that he was the divinely appointed instrument for the accomplishment290 of this work, and frowning monarchs291 or perilous seas were as straws in his way. We see clearly enough what moved him, these four hundred years after the event, though he who was moved in reality knew little about it. By the pressure of rapidly accumulating ideas we see brought to the front in discovery Christopher Columbus, just as in the reformation of the church Martin Luther is crowded to the front. The German monk292 was not the Reformation; like the Genoese 235 sailor, he was but an instrument in the hands of a power palpable to all, but called by different persons different names.
While yet mingling293 in the excitements of progressive manhood, he became lost in a maze72 of mysticism, and to the end of his life he never recovered possession of himself. Not that self-mastery, the first necessity of correct conduct, was wholly gone; there was method in his madness; and he could deny the demons within him, but it was only to leave open the door and give himself up to yet other demons.
In the centuries of battle now lately renewed between science and religion, Columbus fought on both sides. Never was a man more filled at once with the material and the spiritual, with the emotional and the intellectual. Mingling with beatified spirits in the garden of his moral paradise were naked wild men equally as glorious in their immoralities. His creed294, which was his very life, was not in his eyes a bundle of supernatural abstractions, but concrete reality as much as were any of his temporal affairs. Himself an honest devotee of science, and believing science the offspring of religion, science and himself must therefore finally be forever laid upon the same altar. He had no thought of work apart from religion, or of religion apart from work. He had ready a doctrine266 for every heavenly display, a theory for every earthly phenomenon. When pictures of other lands rose in his imagination, he knew them to be real, just as Juan Diego of Mexico knew to be real the apparition295 of our Lady of Guadalupe at Tepeyacac. By the gnawing296 hunger of temporal and spiritual ambition he was enabled to see the new lands suggested by science, just as the imprisoned monk, starved and scourged297 into the beholdings of insanity, sees angels of every incarnation.
While thus obliged to view all his achievements through the atmosphere of creative mysticism, in weighing his manifold qualities, it is well always to 236 remember that there were achievements, and those of the very highest order. His mysticism was the mysticism of practical life rather than of inactive ideality. His faith was of value to him in giving definiteness to energy otherwise vague and fitful. His all-potential enthusiasm subordinated to one idea every erratic298 and incoherent aspiration299. It gave his life a fixedness300 of purpose which lust76, avarice301, and every appetite combined could not have given without it; so that while he brooded with misanthropic302 wistfulness he did not shirk any fancied duty, even when attended by pain and misfortune. His was not a cloistered303 inspiration, but an overwhelmingly active enthusiasm. There was in him no longing36 after a perfect life; in his own eyes his life was perfect. No restless questionings over the unknowable; there was no unknowable. His oblique304 imagination encompassed305 all worlds and penetrated306 all space. His positivism bound the metaphysical no less firmly than the material. Abstract conceptions were more tangible307 than concrete facts. Realities were but accidents; ideas were the only true realities. The highway of the heavens which to profoundest investigation308 is dusty with the débris of an evolving universe, to this self-sufficient sailor was as plain as the king's road from Seville to Cádiz.
ANOMALIES AND ABERRATIONS309.
And as genius grows with experience, so grew his determination with the errors he so frequently fell into. He was not a happy man, nor was he always a pleasant companion. In his delusions310 he was self-satisfied; in the loss of himself self-possessed. He endeavored to be prudent311 and thought himself worldly wise; but, like many self-flatterers wrapped in their own fancies he was easily imposed upon, even by the sovereigns, with whom he aimed to be exceedingly shrewd. His contact with man did not deepen his humanity, but seemed rather to harden his heart, and drive his affections all the more from earth to heaven. His mind was of that gloomy cast which made even his successes 237 sorrowful. We have seen among his practical virtues313 integrity of a high conventional order, single-mindedness, courage, and indomitable perseverance314; and in other characteristics which were not so pleasing—pride displaying itself, as it often does, in religious humility315; a melancholy temper; a selfish ambition, which with one grasp would secure to himself and his family the uttermost that man and God could give; with all his devout316 piety and heavenly zeal204 a painful and often ludicrous tenacity317 in clutching at high-sounding titles and hollow honors—there were even in the most unlovable parts of him something to respect, and in his selfishness a self-sacrificing nobleness, a lofty abandonment of self to the idea, which we can but admire. It was not for himself, although it was always most zealously318 and jealously for himself; the ships, the new lands, the new peoples, his fortunes and his life, all were consecrate319; should the adventure prove successful, the gain would be heaven's; if a failure, the loss would fall on him. Surely the Almighty must smile on terms so favorable to himself. And that he did not finally make good his promises with regard to rescuing the holy sepulchre, and building temples, and converting nations, was for the same reason that he did not finally satisfy his worldly pretensions320, and secure himself in his rulership. He had not the time. In all his worldly and heavenly ambitions, the glory of God and the glory of himself were blended with the happy consummation of his grand idea. And never did morbid321 broodings over the unsubstantial and shadowless produce grander results than these incubations of alternate exaltation and despondency that hatched a continent. And in all that was then transpiring323, there are few intelligent readers of history who cannot see an overshadowing, all-controlling destiny shaping events throughout the world, so that this then unknown continent should be prepared to fill the grand purpose which even then appeared to be marked out for it. 238
While, therefore, in the study of this remarkable character, whose description is but a succession of paradoxes324, we see everywhere falsehood leading up to truth and truth to falsehood; while we see spring out of the ideal the real, results the most substantial and success the most signal come from conceptions the most fantastical, we can but observe, not only that penetrative vision which in the mind of genius sees through the symbol the divine significance, but that they have not been always or altogether fruitless of good, those spectral325 fancies which riot in absurdities326, building celestial cities, and peopling pandemoniums327, even in the absence of genius, symbol, or significance.[IV-26]
239BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Probably not one of the many accounts of Columbus which have been published is presented with such fulness of detail, commanding vivid interest from first to last, as that of Mr Washington Irving, The Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus; to which are added those of His Companions, 3 vols., New York, 1869. The first editions, one in London, in 4 vols., and one in New York, appeared in 1828; since which time there have been many issues, in English and other languages. The author was born in New York, in 1783, and died at Sunnyside, near Tarrytown, on the Hudson River, in 1859. A strong literary taste was early displayed, specially328 manifested in 1802 in a series of articles contributed to the Morning Chronicle. In 1804 he visited Europe for his health, returning in 1807. Then appeared the serial329 Salmagundi, and in 1809 A History of New York. Again in 1815 he went to Europe, and after engaging for a time in mercantile pursuits, abandoned them and gave himself up to letters. The publication of the Sketch330 Book was begun in numbers in 1818, and was followed by Bracebridge Hall in 1822, and Tales of a Traveller in 1824. Then came Columbus, the material for which he obtained from Navarrete in Spain. See chapter iii. note 9, this volume. After serving as secretary of the American Legation in London from 1829 to 1832, he returned to New York and published The Alhambra; then Crayon Miscellany in 1835; Astoria in 1836; Captain Bonneville in 1837; and Wolfert's Roost in 1855. From 1842 to 1846 he was American Minister to Spain. His later works were Goldsmith, 1849; Mahomet, 1850; and Washington, 1855-9. Mr Irving has been most praised for his genial331 manner, his gentleness of thought, and his charming style, which carries the reader almost unconsciously along over details in other hands dry and profitless. Among these is found his highest merit; and yet one would sometimes wish the author not quite so meritorious332. Elegance333 and grace eternal tire by their very faultlessness. In handling the rough realities of life one relishes334 now and then a rough thought roughly expressed. Neither is Irving remarkable for historical accuracy, or exact thinking. An early criticism on Columbus complains of that without which the works of Irving never would have attained335 great popularity. He was pronounced too wordy, his details too long drawn. If this was the case fifty years ago, it is much more so now. And yet how 240 fascinating is every page! And who but Irving could make thrilling such trivial events? Permit him the use of words, and howsoever isolated336 the ideas, or commonplace the events, the result was brilliant; but force him within narrow compass, not only would the charm be lost, but the work would be almost worthless.
The highest delight of a healthy mind, of a mind not diseased either by education or affection, is in receiving the truth. The greatest charm in expression, to a writer who may properly be placed in the category of healthful, is in telling the truth. It is only when truth is dearer to us than tradition, or pride of opinion, that we are ready to learn; it is only when truth is dearer to us than praise or profit that we are fit to teach. If the mind be intelligent as well as healthy, it knows itself to be composed of truth and prejudice, the latter engendered337 of ignorance and environment, holding it in iron fetters338, and with which it knows it must forever struggle in vain wholly to be free. Thus keenly alive as well to the difficulties as to the importance of right thinking and exact forms of expression, it nevertheless has its keenest pleasure in striving toward concrete truth. It is truthfulness339 to nature in all her beauties and deformities, rather than the construction of some more beautiful than natural ideal, that alone satisfies art, whether in the domain of painting, oratory341, or literature. We of to-day, while holding in high esteem342 works of the imagination, are becoming somewhat captious343 in regard to our facts. The age is essentially informal and real; even our ideal literature must be rigidly344 true to nature, while whatever pretends to be real must be presented in all simplicity, without circumlocution345 or disguisement.
Half a century ago it was deemed necessary, particularly by writers of selected epochs of history, in order to clothe their narrative with dramatic effect equal to fiction, to intensify346 characters and events. The good qualities of good men were made to stand out in bold relief, not against their own bad qualities, but against the bad qualities of bad men, whose wickedness was portrayed347 in such black colors as to overshadow whatever of good they might possess. Thus historical episodes were endowed, so far as possible without too great discoloration of truth, like a theatrical348 performance, each with a perfected hero and a finished villain349. Of this class of writers were Macaulay and Motley, Froude, Freeman, Prescott, and Irving, whose works are wonderful in their way, not only as art-creations, but as the truest as well as most vivid pictures of their several periods yet presented, and which for generations will be read with that deep and wholesome350 interest with which they deserve to be regarded. For, although their facts are sometimes highly varnished351, their most brilliant creations are always built upon a substantial skeleton of truth. I say that these, the foremost writers of their day, are none of them free from the habit of exaggeration, deception352. Indeed, with a wasteful353 extravagance in the use of superlatives it is almost impossible to draw character strongly without in some parts of it exaggerating. But in these days of rational reflection wherein romance and reality are fairly separated, celestial fiction and mundane354 fact being made to pass under the same experimentum crucis; mind becoming so mechanical that it introverts355 and analyzes356 not only its own mechanism357 but the mechanism of its maker358; iconoclasm becoming spiritualized, and the doctrine revived of the old Adamic serpent, that the 241 knowledge of good and evil is not death but life and immortality359, this knowledge being king of kings, vying360 with nature's forces and oftentimes defying them—I say, in days like these mature manhood becomes impatient of the Santa Claus, or other fictitious361 imagery, from which the infant mind derives362 much comfort, and prefers, if necessary, the torments364 of truth to the elysium of fable365. It is no longer valid366 logic that if the hero stoops to trickery, his biographer should stoop to trickery to cover it. For once undertake to shape the stiff clay of material facts into the artistic367 forms of fiction, and the result is neither history nor romance.
WASHINGTON IRVING.
Proud as I am of the names of Prescott and Irving, at whose shrines368 none worship with profounder admiration369 than myself; thankless as may be the task of criticising their classic pages, whose very defects shine with a steadier lustre370 than I dare hope for my brightest consummations; still, forced by my subject, in some instances, into fields partially traversed by them, I can neither pass them by nor wholly praise them. In justice to my theme, in justice to myself, in justice to the age in which I live, I must speak, and that according to the light and the perceptions given me.
Mr Irving's estimate of the value of honesty and integrity in a historian may be gathered from his own pages. "There is a certain meddlesome371 spirit," he writes, "which, in the garb372 of learned research, goes prying373 about the traces of history, casting down its monuments, and marring and mutilating its fairest trophies374. Care should be taken to vindicate375 great names from such pernicious erudition. It defeats one of the most salutary purposes of history, that of furnishing examples of what human genius and laudable enterprise may accomplish." Now, if conscientious376 inquiry377 into facts signifies a meddlesome spirit; if the plain presentment of facts may rightly be called pernicious erudition; if the overthrow of fascinating falsehood is mutilating the trophies of history; if fashioning golden calves378 for the worship of the simple be the most salutary purpose of history; then I, for one, prefer the meddlesome spirit and the pernicious erudition which mutilates such monuments to the fairest trophies of historical deception. Again—"Herrera has been accused also of flattering his nation; exalting379 the deeds of his countrymen, and softening380 and concealing381 their excesses. There is nothing very serious in this accusation382. To illustrate383 the glory of his nation is one of the noblest offices of the historian; and it is difficult to speak too highly of the extraordinary enterprises and splendid actions of the Spaniards in those days. In softening their excesses he fell into an amiable384 and pardonable error, if it were indeed an error for a Spanish writer to endeavor to sink them in oblivion." When a writer openly avows385 his allegiance to falsehood, to amiable falsehood, to falsehood perpetrated to deceive in regard to one's own country, about which one professes386 to know more than a stranger, nothing remains to be said. Nothing remains to be said as to the veracity387 of that author, but much remains to be said concerning the erroneous impressions left by him of the persons and events coming in the way of this work.
With what exquisite388 grace, with what tender solicitude389 and motherly blindness to faults Mr Irving defends the reputation of Columbus! Is the Genoese a pirate, then is piracy390 "almost legalized;" is he a slave-maker, "the customs of the times" are pleaded; without censure391 he lives at Córdova in open adultery 242 with Beatriz Enriquez, and there becomes the father of the illegitimate Fernando; a bungling392 attempt is made to excuse the hero for depriving the poor sailor of the prize offered him who should first see land; Oviedo is charged with falsehood because he sometimes decides against the discoverer in issues of policy and character; Father Buil was "as turbulent as he was crafty393" because he disagreed with the admiral in some of his measures; the most extravagant394 vituperation is hurled395 at Aguado because he is chosen to examine and report on the affairs of the Indies; Fonseca is denounced as inexpressibly vile396 because he thwarts398 some of the discoverer's hare-brained projects; and so with regard to those who in any wise opposed him, while all who smiled on him were angels of light. All through his later life when extravagant requests were met by more than the usual liberality of royalty399, Irving is petulantly401 complaining because more is not done for his hero, and because his petulant400 hero complains. And this puerile pride from which springs such petulance402 the eloquent403 biographer coins into the noble ambition of conscious merit. Though according to his own statement the madness of the man increased until toward the latter end he was little better than imbecile, yet we are at the same time gravely assured that "his temper was naturally irritable404, but he subdued it by the magnanimity of his spirit." The son Fernando denies that his father once carded wool; Irving does not attempt to excuse this blemish405 because his readers do not regard work ignoble406.
Now it is not the toning-down of defects in a good man's character that I object to so much as the predetermined exaltation of one historical personage at the expense of others utterly407 debased under like premeditation. Did Mr Irving, and the several scores of biographers preceding and following him, parade the good qualities of Bobadilla, Roldan, and Ovando as heartily408 as those of their hero, the world would be puzzled what to make of it. We are not accustomed to such statements. Unseasoned biography is tasteless, and we are taught not to expect truth, but a model. We should not know what these writers were trying to do if they catalogued the misdemeanors of Columbus and his brothers with the same embellishments applied409 to Aguado, Buil, and Fonseca; telling with pathetic exaggeration how the benign410 admiral of the ocean sea was the first to employ bloodhounds against the naked natives; how he practised varied411 cruelties in Espa?ola beyond expression barbarous; and how he stooped upon occasion not only to vulgar trickery, but to base treachery.
On the other hand, with those who seek notoriety by attempting to degrade the fair fame of noble and successful genius because more credit may have been given by some than is justly due, or by affecting to disbelieve whole narratives412 and whole histories because portions of them are untrue or too highly colored, I have no sympathy. Books have been written to prove, what no one denies, that centuries before Columbus other Europeans had found this continent, and that thereby413 the honor of his achievement is lessened—of which sentiment I fail to see the force. So far as the Genoese, his works, and merits are concerned, it makes no whit61 difference were America twenty times before discovered, as elsewhere in this volume has been fully shown.
IRVING AND PRESCOTT COMPARED.
Prescott was a more exact writer than Irving, though Prescott was not wholly above the amiable weakness of his time. In the main he stated the 243 truth, and stated it fairly, though he did not always tell the whole truth. The faults of his heroes he would speak, though never so softly; he seldom attempted entirely414 to conceal178 them. He might exaggerate, but he neither habitually415 practised nor openly defended mendacity. Prescott would fain please the Catholics, if it did not cost too much. Irving would please everybody, particularly Americans; but most of all he would make a pleasing tale; if truthful340, well; if not, it must on no account run counter to popular prejudice. The inimitable charm about them both amply atones416 in the minds of many for any imperfections. Since their day much new light has been thrown upon the subjects treated by them, but not enough seriously to impair417 the value of their works. In their estimates of the characters of Ferdinand and Isabella, relatively418 and respectively, these brilliant writers are not alone. They copied those who wrote before them; and those who came after copied them. It has been the fashion these many years, both by native and foreign historians, to curse Ferdinand and to bless Isabella, to heap all the odium of the nation and the times upon the man and exalt322 the woman among the stars. This, surely, is the more pleasant and chivalrous419 method of disposing of the matter; but in that case I must confess myself at a loss what to do with the facts.
FERDINAND AND ISABELLA.
None but the simple are deceived by the gentle Irving when he insinuates420 "she is even somewhat bigoted421;" by which expression he would have us understand that the fascinating queen of Castile was but little of a bigot. Again: "Ferdinand was a religious bigot; and the devotion of Isabella went as near to bigotry422 as her liberal mind and magnanimous spirit would permit"—that is to say, as the plan of Mr Irving's story would permit. Quite as well as any of us Irving knew that Isabella was one of the most bigoted women of her bigoted age, far more bigoted than Ferdinand, who dared even dispute the pope when his Holiness interfered423 too far in attempting to thwart397 his ambitious plans. She was, indeed, so deeply dyed a bigot as to allow her ghostly confessor to overawe her finest womanly instincts, her commonly strict sense of honor, justice, and humanity, and cause her to permit in Spain the horrible Inquisition, the most monstrous424 mechanism of torture ever invented in aid of the most monstrous crime ever perpetrated by man upon his fellows, the coercion425 and suppression of opinion. Fair as she was in all her ways, and charming—fair of heart and mind and complexion426, with regular features, light chestnut427 hair, mild blue eyes, a modest and gracious demeanor—she did not scruple428, for the extermination429 of heresy430, to apply to such of her loving subjects as dared think for themselves the thumb-screw, the ring-bolt and pulley, the rack, the rolling-bench, the punch, the skewer431, the pincers, the knotted whip, the sharp-toothed iron collar, chains, balls, and manacles, confiscation432 of property and burning at the stake; and all under false accusations433 and distorted evidence. She did not hesitate to seize and put to death hundreds of wealthy men like Pecho, and appropriate to her own use their money, though her exquisite womanly sensibilities might sometimes prompt her to fling to the widows and children whom she had turned beggars into the street a few crumbs434 of their former riches. This mother, who nursed children of her own and who should not have been wholly ignorant of a mother's love, turned a deaf ear to the cries of Moorish435 mothers as they and their children were torn asunder436 and sold at 244 the slave mart in Seville. Thousands of innocent men, women, and children she cruelly imprisoned, thousands she cast into the fiery furnace, tens of thousands she robbed and then drove into exile; but it was chastely437 done, and by a most sweet and beautiful lady. We can hardly believe it true, we do not like to believe it true, that when old Rabbi Abarbanel pleaded before the king for his people, "I will pay for their ransom six hundred thousand crowns of gold," Isabella's soft, musical voice was heard to say, "Do not take it," her confessor meanwhile exclaiming "What! Judas-like, sell Jesus!" Besides, thrice six hundred thousand crowns might be secured by not accepting the ransom. And yet this was the bright being, and such her acts by Prescott's own statements, cover them as he will never so artfully, whose practical wisdom, he assures us, was "founded on the purest and most exalted438 principle," and whose "honest soul abhorred439 anything like artifice440." Isabella was unquestionably a woman of good intentions; but with such substance the soul-burner's pit is paved.
Prescott throws all the odium of the Inquisition on Torquemada, and I concur441. The monk's mind was the ashy, unmelting mould in which the woman's more plastic affections were cast. But then he should be accredited442 with some portion of the virtues that adorned443 the character of Isabella, for he was the author of many of them. To be just, if Isabella is accredited with her virtues, she must be charged with her crimes. And if the queen may throw from her shoulders upon those of her advisers444 the responsibility of iniquity445 permitted under her rule, why not King Ferdinand, who likewise had men about him urging him to this policy and to that? True, we excuse much in woman as the weaker, and very justly so, which we condemn446 in the man of powerful cunning. But Isabella was not exactly clay in the hands of those about her; or if so, then praise her for her imbecility, and not for any virtue312. But she could muster447 will and spirit enough of her own upon occasion—witness her threat to kill Pedro Giron with her own hand rather than marry him, and the policy which speaks plainly her sagacity and state-craft in the selection of Ferdinand, and in the strict terms of her marriage contract which excluded her husband from any sovereign rights in Castile or Leon. Most inconsistently, indeed, in reviewing the administration of Isabella, at the end of three volumes of unadulterated adulation Prescott gives his heroine firmness enough in all her ways; independence of thought and action sufficient to circumscribe448 the pretensions of her nobles; and she "was equally vigilant449 in resisting ecclesiastical encroachment450;" "she enforced the execution of her own plans, oftentimes even at great personal hazard, with a resolution surpassing that of her husband." When, however, she signed the edict for the expulsion of the Jews, the excuse was that "she had been early schooled to distrust her own reason." But why multiply quotations451? The Ferdinand and Isabella of Prescott is full of these flat contradictions.
We all know that when carried away by feeling women are more cruel than men; so Isabella under the frenzy452 of her fanaticism453 was, if possible, more cruel than Ferdinand, whose passions were ballasted by his ambitions. Her feelings were with her faith; and her faith was with such foul454 iniquity, such inhuman455 wrong as should cause her euphemistic apologists to blush for resorting to the same species of subterfuge456 that makes heroes of Jack457 Sheppard and Dick Turpin. 245 Again, murder and robbery for Christ's sake suits the devil quite as well as when done for one's own sake. And here on earth, to plead in a court of justice good intentions in mitigation of evil acts nothing extenuates458 in the eyes of any righteous judge. Therefore there is little to choose between those of whom it may be said—Here is a man who perfidiously459 robs, tortures, and murders his fellow-beings by the hundred thousand in order to glorify460 himself, and extend and establish his dominions461; and, Here is a woman who perfidiously robs, tortures, and murders her fellow-beings by the hundred thousand in order to glorify herself, her priest, her religion, and extend and establish the dominions of her deity462. At the farthest, and in the minds of the eloquent biographers themselves, the relative refinement463 and nobility of the two characters must turn wholly upon one's conception of the relative refinement and nobility of earthly selfishness and heavenly selfishness.
What can we say then, if we make any pretensions to fairness in portraying464 historical personages, in excuse for Isabella that cannot as rightfully be said in excuse for Ferdinand? For even he, whom sensational465 biographers array in such sooty blackness in order that the satin robes of Isabella may shine with whiter lustre, has been called in Spain the wise and prudent, and in Italy the pious466. Of course there were differences in their dispositions467 and their ambitions, but not such wide ones as we have been told. He was a man, with a man's nature, cold, coarse, stern, and artful; she a woman, with a woman's nature, warm, refined, gentle, and artful. He was foxlike, she feline468. Opposing craft with craft, she jealously guarded what she deemed the interests of her subjects, and earnestly sought by encouraging literature and art, and reforming the laws, to refine and elevate her realm. He did precisely469 the same. In all the iniquities470 of his lovely consort471 Ferdinand lent a helping472 hand; man could do nothing worse; and all the world agree that Ferdinand was bad. And yet, in what was he worse than she? Both were tools of the times, incisive473 and remorseless. To the ecclesiastical tyranny of which they were victims they added civil tyranny which they imposed upon their subjects. Ferdinand was the greatest of Spain's sovereigns, far greater than Charles, whose fortune it was to reap where his grandfather had planted. It was Ferdinand who consolidated474 all the several sovereignties of the Peninsula, save Portugal, into one political body, weighty in the affairs of Europe. He was ambitious; and to accomplish his ends scrupled475 at nothing. There was no sin he dared not commit, no wrong he dared not inflict476, provided the proximate result should accord with his desires. He was less bound by superstition477 than the average of the age; he was thoughtful, powerful, princely. Both were personages magnificent, glorious, who achieved much good and much evil, the evil being as fully chargeable to the times, which placed princes above promises and religion, above integrity and humanity, as to any special depravity innate478 in either of them. And what was the immediate479 result of it; and what the more distant conclusion; and how much after all were Spaniards indebted to these rulers? First Spain enwrapped in surpassing glories! Spain the mistress of the world, on whose dominions the sun refuses to go down. Fortunate Ferdinand! Thrice amiable and virtuous480 Isabella! And next? Do we not see that these brilliant successes, these gratified covetings are themselves the seeds of Spain's abasement481? Infinitely482 246 better off were Spain to-day, I will not say had she not driven out her Moors483 and Jews, but had she never known the New World. How much soever of honor Isabella may have brought upon herself by her speculations484 in partnership485 with the Genoese, for the self-same reason, resulting in the great blight486 of gold and general effeminacy that followed, Spain's posterity487 might reasonably anathematize her memory could they derive363 any comfort therefrom.
In regard to that much-lauded act of Isabella's in lending her assistance to Columbus when Ferdinand would not, there is this to be said. First, no special praise is due her for assisting the Genoese; and secondly488, she never assisted him in the manner or to the extent represented. Santángel and the Pinzons were the real supporters of that first voyage. Isabella did not pawn489 her jewels; she did not sell her wardrobe, or empty her purse. But if she had, for what would it have been? It makes a pleasing story for children to call her patronage490 by pretty names, to say that it was out of pity for the poor sailor, that it was an act of personal sacrifice for the public good, that it was for charity's sake, or from benevolence491, for the extension of knowledge or the vindication492 of some great principle—only it is a very stupid child that does not know better. Clearly enough the object was great returns from a small expenditure493; great returns in gold, lands, honors, and proselytings—a species of commercial and political gambling494 more in accordance with the character as commonly sketched495 of the "cold and crafty Ferdinand," whose measureless avarice and insatiable greed not less than his subtle state-craft and kingly cunning would have prompted him to secure so great a prize at so small a cost, than with the character of an unselfish, heavenly-minded woman. And were it not for the danger of being regarded by the tender-minded as ungallant, I might allude496 to the haggling497 which attended the bargain, and tell how the queen at first refused to pay the sailor his price, and let him go, then called him back and gave him what he first had asked, more like a Jew than like even the grasping Ferdinand.
In conclusion, I feel it almost unnecessary to say that Columbus, Isabella, and all those bright examples of history whose conduct and influence in the main were on the side of humanity, justice, the useful, and the good, have my most profound admiration, my most intelligent respect. All their faults I freely forgive, and praise them for what they were, as among the noblest, the best, the most beneficial to their race—though not always so, nor always intending it—of any who have come and gone before us. And I can hate Bobadilla, Roldan, and others of their sort, all historical embodiments of injustice498, egotism, treachery, and beastly cruelty, with a godly hatred499; but I hope never to be so blinded by the brightness of my subject as to be unable to see the truth, and seeing it, fairly to report it.
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1 cove | |
n.小海湾,小峡谷 | |
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2 colon | |
n.冒号,结肠,直肠 | |
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3 westward | |
n.西方,西部;adj.西方的,向西的;adv.向西 | |
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4 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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5 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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6 wrecked | |
adj.失事的,遇难的 | |
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7 wreck | |
n.失事,遇难;沉船;vt.(船等)失事,遇难 | |
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8 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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9 afterward | |
adv.后来;以后 | |
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10 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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11 majesties | |
n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 );庄严;陛下;王权 | |
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12 vow | |
n.誓(言),誓约;v.起誓,立誓 | |
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13 portents | |
n.预兆( portent的名词复数 );征兆;怪事;奇物 | |
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14 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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15 assented | |
同意,赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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16 fresco | |
n.壁画;vt.作壁画于 | |
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17 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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18 notary | |
n.公证人,公证员 | |
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19 augur | |
n.占卦师;v.占卦 | |
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20 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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21 knave | |
n.流氓;(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
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22 contriving | |
(不顾困难地)促成某事( contrive的现在分词 ); 巧妙地策划,精巧地制造(如机器); 设法做到 | |
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23 straightforwardness | |
n.坦白,率直 | |
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24 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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25 engender | |
v.产生,引起 | |
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26 broils | |
v.(用火)烤(焙、炙等)( broil的第三人称单数 );使卷入争吵;使混乱;被烤(或炙) | |
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27 feigned | |
a.假装的,不真诚的 | |
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28 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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29 impending | |
a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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30 pending | |
prep.直到,等待…期间;adj.待定的;迫近的 | |
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31 anomalous | |
adj.反常的;不规则的 | |
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32 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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33 heed | |
v.注意,留意;n.注意,留心 | |
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34 strewed | |
v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 );散落于;点缀;撒满 | |
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35 inveterate | |
adj.积习已深的,根深蒂固的 | |
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36 longing | |
n.(for)渴望 | |
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37 deductions | |
扣除( deduction的名词复数 ); 结论; 扣除的量; 推演 | |
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38 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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39 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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40 witchcraft | |
n.魔法,巫术 | |
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41 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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42 seamen | |
n.海员 | |
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43 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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44 northward | |
adv.向北;n.北方的地区 | |
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45 ashore | |
adv.在(向)岸上,上岸 | |
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46 awning | |
n.遮阳篷;雨篷 | |
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47 utensils | |
器具,用具,器皿( utensil的名词复数 ); 器物 | |
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48 copper | |
n.铜;铜币;铜器;adj.铜(制)的;(紫)铜色的 | |
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49 plentiful | |
adj.富裕的,丰富的 | |
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50 aboriginal | |
adj.(指动植物)土生的,原产地的,土著的 | |
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51 attainments | |
成就,造诣; 获得( attainment的名词复数 ); 达到; 造诣; 成就 | |
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52 abounding | |
adj.丰富的,大量的v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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53 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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54 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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55 eastward | |
adv.向东;adj.向东的;n.东方,东部 | |
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56 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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57 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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58 specimen | |
n.样本,标本 | |
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59 specimens | |
n.样品( specimen的名词复数 );范例;(化验的)抽样;某种类型的人 | |
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60 partially | |
adv.部分地,从某些方面讲 | |
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61 whit | |
n.一点,丝毫 | |
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62 fowl | |
n.家禽,鸡,禽肉 | |
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63 maize | |
n.玉米 | |
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64 conspicuously | |
ad.明显地,惹人注目地 | |
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65 distended | |
v.(使)膨胀,肿胀( distend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66 gale | |
n.大风,强风,一阵闹声(尤指笑声等) | |
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67 gales | |
龙猫 | |
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68 cape | |
n.海角,岬;披肩,短披风 | |
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69 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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70 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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71 mazes | |
迷宫( maze的名词复数 ); 纷繁复杂的规则; 复杂难懂的细节; 迷宫图 | |
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72 maze | |
n.迷宫,八阵图,混乱,迷惑 | |
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73 speculation | |
n.思索,沉思;猜测;投机 | |
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74 mariners | |
海员,水手(mariner的复数形式) | |
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75 mariner | |
n.水手号不载人航天探测器,海员,航海者 | |
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76 lust | |
n.性(淫)欲;渴(欲)望;vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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77 verdant | |
adj.翠绿的,青翠的,生疏的,不老练的 | |
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78 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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79 strings | |
n.弦 | |
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80 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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81 supremely | |
adv.无上地,崇高地 | |
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82 rumors | |
n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 );[古]名誉;咕哝;[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 );[古]名誉;咕哝;[古]喧嚷 | |
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83 simplicity | |
n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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84 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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85 inept | |
adj.不恰当的,荒谬的,拙劣的 | |
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86 retaliation | |
n.报复,反击 | |
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87 knoll | |
n.小山,小丘 | |
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88 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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89 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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90 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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91 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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92 fathom | |
v.领悟,彻底了解 | |
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93 wilderness | |
n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等,荒漠 | |
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94 demons | |
n.恶人( demon的名词复数 );恶魔;精力过人的人;邪念 | |
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95 hurl | |
vt.猛投,力掷,声叫骂 | |
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96 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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97 enchantments | |
n.魅力( enchantment的名词复数 );迷人之处;施魔法;着魔 | |
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98 liberated | |
a.无拘束的,放纵的 | |
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99 divulge | |
v.泄漏(秘密等);宣布,公布 | |
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100 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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101 foliage | |
n.叶子,树叶,簇叶 | |
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102 celestial | |
adj.天体的;天上的 | |
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103 ragged | |
adj.衣衫褴褛的,粗糙的,刺耳的 | |
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104 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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105 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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106 notably | |
adv.值得注意地,显著地,尤其地,特别地 | |
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107 brandishing | |
v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 );炫耀 | |
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108 demonstration | |
n.表明,示范,论证,示威 | |
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109 scampering | |
v.蹦蹦跳跳地跑,惊惶奔跑( scamper的现在分词 ) | |
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110 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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111 anticipations | |
预期( anticipation的名词复数 ); 预测; (信托财产收益的)预支; 预期的事物 | |
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112 instinctively | |
adv.本能地 | |
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113 hover | |
vi.翱翔,盘旋;徘徊;彷徨,犹豫 | |
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114 prow | |
n.(飞机)机头,船头 | |
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115 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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116 eternity | |
n.不朽,来世;永恒,无穷 | |
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117 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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118 commodious | |
adj.宽敞的;使用方便的 | |
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119 orchards | |
(通常指围起来的)果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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120 groves | |
树丛,小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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121 writ | |
n.命令状,书面命令 | |
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122 crevice | |
n.(岩石、墙等)裂缝;缺口 | |
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123 solace | |
n.安慰;v.使快乐;vt.安慰(物),缓和 | |
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124 fickle | |
adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的,不坚定的 | |
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125 isle | |
n.小岛,岛 | |
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126 isles | |
岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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127 veering | |
n.改变的;犹豫的;顺时针方向转向;特指使船尾转向上风来改变航向v.(尤指交通工具)改变方向或路线( veer的现在分词 );(指谈话内容、人的行为或观点)突然改变;(指风) (在北半球按顺时针方向、在南半球按逆时针方向)逐渐转向;风向顺时针转 | |
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128 confession | |
n.自白,供认,承认 | |
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129 foam | |
v./n.泡沫,起泡沫 | |
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130 lank | |
adj.瘦削的;稀疏的 | |
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131 ominously | |
adv.恶兆地,不吉利地;预示地 | |
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132 torrents | |
n.倾注;奔流( torrent的名词复数 );急流;爆发;连续不断 | |
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133 fathoms | |
英寻( fathom的名词复数 ) | |
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134 stature | |
n.(高度)水平,(高度)境界,身高,身材 | |
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135 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136 feat | |
n.功绩;武艺,技艺;adj.灵巧的,漂亮的,合适的 | |
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137 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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138 bland | |
adj.淡而无味的,温和的,无刺激性的 | |
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139 demeanor | |
n.行为;风度 | |
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140 politic | |
adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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141 domain | |
n.(活动等)领域,范围;领地,势力范围 | |
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142 ravenous | |
adj.极饿的,贪婪的 | |
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143 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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144 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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145 deter | |
vt.阻止,使不敢,吓住 | |
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146 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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147 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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148 baubles | |
n.小玩意( bauble的名词复数 );华而不实的小件装饰品;无价值的东西;丑角的手杖 | |
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149 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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150 enraged | |
使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 ); 歜; 激愤 | |
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151 deluge | |
n./vt.洪水,暴雨,使泛滥 | |
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152 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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153 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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154 penetrates | |
v.穿过( penetrate的第三人称单数 );刺入;了解;渗透 | |
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155 abating | |
减少( abate的现在分词 ); 减去; 降价; 撤消(诉讼) | |
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156 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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157 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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158 dwelling | |
n.住宅,住所,寓所 | |
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159 retinue | |
n.侍从;随员 | |
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160 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
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161 subdued | |
adj. 屈服的,柔和的,减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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162 wrought | |
v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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163 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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164 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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165 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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166 devastate | |
v.使荒芜,破坏,压倒 | |
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167 foraging | |
v.搜寻(食物),尤指动物觅(食)( forage的现在分词 );(尤指用手)搜寻(东西) | |
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168 courageous | |
adj.勇敢的,有胆量的 | |
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169 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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170 leisurely | |
adj.悠闲的;从容的,慢慢的 | |
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171 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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172 allay | |
v.消除,减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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173 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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174 enquired | |
打听( enquire的过去式和过去分词 ); 询问; 问问题; 查问 | |
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175 tighten | |
v.(使)变紧;(使)绷紧 | |
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176 pinioned | |
v.抓住[捆住](双臂)( pinion的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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178 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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179 adroitly | |
adv.熟练地,敏捷地 | |
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180 ransom | |
n.赎金,赎身;v.赎回,解救 | |
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181 juncture | |
n.时刻,关键时刻,紧要关头 | |
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182 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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183 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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184 meditate | |
v.想,考虑,(尤指宗教上的)沉思,冥想 | |
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185 ravages | |
劫掠后的残迹,破坏的结果,毁坏后的残迹 | |
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186 invader | |
n.侵略者,侵犯者,入侵者 | |
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187 woes | |
困境( woe的名词复数 ); 悲伤; 我好苦哇; 某人就要倒霉 | |
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188 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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189 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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190 pacification | |
n. 讲和,绥靖,平定 | |
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191 entrust | |
v.信赖,信托,交托 | |
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192 superfluous | |
adj.过多的,过剩的,多余的 | |
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193 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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194 wiles | |
n.(旨在欺骗或吸引人的)诡计,花招;欺骗,欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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195 treacherously | |
背信弃义地; 背叛地; 靠不住地; 危险地 | |
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196 entrapped | |
v.使陷入圈套,使入陷阱( entrap的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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197 uncertainty | |
n.易变,靠不住,不确知,不确定的事物 | |
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198 homely | |
adj.家常的,简朴的;不漂亮的 | |
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199 diluted | |
无力的,冲淡的 | |
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200 chiding | |
v.责骂,责备( chide的现在分词 ) | |
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201 labors | |
v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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202 courteous | |
adj.彬彬有礼的,客气的 | |
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203 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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204 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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205 constrain | |
vt.限制,约束;克制,抑制 | |
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206 thongs | |
的东西 | |
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207 binds | |
v.约束( bind的第三人称单数 );装订;捆绑;(用长布条)缠绕 | |
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208 untied | |
松开,解开( untie的过去式和过去分词 ); 解除,使自由; 解决 | |
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209 glides | |
n.滑行( glide的名词复数 );滑音;音渡;过渡音v.滑动( glide的第三人称单数 );掠过;(鸟或飞机 ) 滑翔 | |
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210 plunge | |
v.跳入,(使)投入,(使)陷入;猛冲 | |
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211 wrenched | |
v.(猛力地)扭( wrench的过去式和过去分词 );扭伤;使感到痛苦;使悲痛 | |
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212 scouring | |
擦[洗]净,冲刷,洗涤 | |
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213 deducting | |
v.扣除,减去( deduct的现在分词 ) | |
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214 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
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215 contemplated | |
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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216 cargoes | |
n.(船或飞机装载的)货物( cargo的名词复数 );大量,重负 | |
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217 swollen | |
adj.肿大的,水涨的;v.使变大,肿胀 | |
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218 extricated | |
v.使摆脱困难,脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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219 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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220 dense | |
a.密集的,稠密的,浓密的;密度大的 | |
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221 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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222 repulsed | |
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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223 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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224 perfidious | |
adj.不忠的,背信弃义的 | |
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225 lurked | |
vi.潜伏,埋伏(lurk的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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226 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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227 misgivings | |
n.疑虑,担忧,害怕;疑虑,担心,恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 );疑惧 | |
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228 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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229 requiems | |
(天主教)安魂弥撒仪式,安魂曲( requiem的名词复数 ) | |
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230 lessen | |
vt.减少,减轻;缩小 | |
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231 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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232 emboldened | |
v.鼓励,使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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233 captivity | |
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
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234 colonists | |
n.殖民地开拓者,移民,殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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235 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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236 denser | |
adj. 不易看透的, 密集的, 浓厚的, 愚钝的 | |
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237 embarkation | |
n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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238 auspices | |
n.资助,赞助 | |
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239 dismantled | |
拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 ); 拆卸; 废除; 取消 | |
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240 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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241 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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242 wrecks | |
n.沉船( wreck的名词复数 );(事故中)遭严重毁坏的汽车(或飞机等);(身体或精神上)受到严重损伤的人;状况非常糟糕的车辆(或建筑物等)v.毁坏[毁灭]某物( wreck的第三人称单数 );使(船舶)失事,使遇难,使下沉 | |
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243 adverse | |
adj.不利的;有害的;敌对的,不友好的 | |
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244 licentious | |
adj.放纵的,淫乱的 | |
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245 culmination | |
n.顶点;最高潮 | |
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246 reconciliation | |
n.和解,和谐,一致 | |
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247 doughty | |
adj.勇猛的,坚强的 | |
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248 assassinated | |
v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 );中伤;诋毁;破坏 | |
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249 penitent | |
adj.后悔的;n.后悔者;忏悔者 | |
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250 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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251 lapse | |
n.过失,流逝,失效,抛弃信仰,间隔;vi.堕落,停止,失效,流逝;vt.使失效 | |
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252 lodgings | |
n. 出租的房舍, 寄宿舍 | |
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253 attentive | |
adj.注意的,专心的;关心(别人)的,殷勤的 | |
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254 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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255 redress | |
n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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256 proffers | |
v.提供,贡献,提出( proffer的第三人称单数 ) | |
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257 retaliated | |
v.报复,反击( retaliate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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258 insidious | |
adj.阴险的,隐匿的,暗中为害的,(疾病)不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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259 enrolled | |
adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 );登记,招收,使入伍(或入会、入学等),参加,成为成员;记入名册;卷起,包起 | |
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260 patriots | |
爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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261 aperture | |
n.孔,隙,窄的缺口 | |
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262 warped | |
adj.反常的;乖戾的;(变)弯曲的;变形的v.弄弯,变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 );使(行为等)不合情理,使乖戾, | |
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263 unduly | |
adv.过度地,不适当地 | |
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264 faculties | |
n.能力( faculty的名词复数 );全体教职员;技巧;院 | |
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265 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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266 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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267 insanity | |
n.疯狂,精神错乱;极端的愚蠢,荒唐 | |
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268 logic | |
n.逻辑(学);逻辑性 | |
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269 puerile | |
adj.幼稚的,儿童的 | |
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270 timorous | |
adj.胆怯的,胆小的 | |
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271 meditative | |
adj.沉思的,冥想的 | |
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272 interpretations | |
n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 );表演;演绎;理解 | |
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273 ingenuously | |
adv.率直地,正直地 | |
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274 inflamed | |
adj.发炎的,红肿的v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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275 vowed | |
起誓,发誓(vow的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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276 tapers | |
(长形物体的)逐渐变窄( taper的名词复数 ); 微弱的光; 极细的蜡烛 | |
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277 missionary | |
adj.教会的,传教(士)的;n.传教士 | |
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278 benighted | |
adj.蒙昧的 | |
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279 scattering | |
n.[物]散射;散乱,分散;在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的;分散在不同范围的;广泛扩散的;(选票)数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式);散布;驱散 | |
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280 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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281 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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282 accurately | |
adv.准确地,精确地 | |
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283 myriads | |
n.无数,极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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284 ingenuity | |
n.别出心裁;善于发明创造 | |
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285 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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286 accredit | |
vt.归功于,认为 | |
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287 avocation | |
n.副业,业余爱好 | |
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288 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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289 omnipotence | |
n.全能,万能,无限威力 | |
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290 accomplishment | |
n.完成,成就,(pl.)造诣,技能 | |
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291 monarchs | |
君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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292 monk | |
n.和尚,僧侣,修道士 | |
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293 mingling | |
adj.混合的 | |
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294 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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295 apparition | |
n.幽灵,神奇的现象 | |
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296 gnawing | |
a.痛苦的,折磨人的 | |
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297 scourged | |
鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 ); 惩罚,压迫 | |
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298 erratic | |
adj.古怪的,反复无常的,不稳定的 | |
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299 aspiration | |
n.志向,志趣抱负;渴望;(语)送气音;吸出 | |
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300 fixedness | |
n.固定;稳定;稳固 | |
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301 avarice | |
n.贪婪;贪心 | |
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302 misanthropic | |
adj.厌恶人类的,憎恶(或蔑视)世人的;愤世嫉俗 | |
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303 cloistered | |
adj.隐居的,躲开尘世纷争的v.隐退,使与世隔绝( cloister的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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304 oblique | |
adj.斜的,倾斜的,无诚意的,不坦率的 | |
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305 encompassed | |
v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 );包围;包含;包括 | |
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306 penetrated | |
adj. 击穿的,鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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307 tangible | |
adj.有形的,可触摸的,确凿的,实际的 | |
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308 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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309 aberrations | |
n.偏差( aberration的名词复数 );差错;脱离常规;心理失常 | |
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310 delusions | |
n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 );谬见;错觉;妄想 | |
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311 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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312 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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313 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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314 perseverance | |
n.坚持不懈,不屈不挠 | |
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315 humility | |
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
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316 devout | |
adj.虔诚的,虔敬的,衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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317 tenacity | |
n.坚韧 | |
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318 zealously | |
adv.热心地;热情地;积极地;狂热地 | |
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319 consecrate | |
v.使圣化,奉…为神圣;尊崇;奉献 | |
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320 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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321 morbid | |
adj.病的;致病的;病态的;可怕的 | |
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322 exalt | |
v.赞扬,歌颂,晋升,提升 | |
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323 transpiring | |
(事实,秘密等)被人知道( transpire的现在分词 ); 泄露; 显露; 发生 | |
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324 paradoxes | |
n.似非而是的隽语,看似矛盾而实际却可能正确的说法( paradox的名词复数 );用于语言文学中的上述隽语;有矛盾特点的人[事物,情况] | |
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325 spectral | |
adj.幽灵的,鬼魂的 | |
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326 absurdities | |
n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 );荒谬;谬论;荒谬的行为 | |
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327 pandemoniums | |
喧嚣( pandemonium的名词复数 ); 嘈杂; 大混乱; 大混乱的场面 | |
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328 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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329 serial | |
n.连本影片,连本电视节目;adj.连续的 | |
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330 sketch | |
n.草图;梗概;素描;v.素描;概述 | |
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331 genial | |
adj.亲切的,和蔼的,愉快的,脾气好的 | |
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332 meritorious | |
adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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333 elegance | |
n.优雅;优美,雅致;精致,巧妙 | |
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334 relishes | |
n.滋味( relish的名词复数 );乐趣;(大量的)享受;快乐v.欣赏( relish的第三人称单数 );从…获得乐趣;渴望 | |
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335 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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336 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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337 engendered | |
v.产生(某形势或状况),造成,引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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338 fetters | |
n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 );束缚v.给…上脚镣,束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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339 truthfulness | |
n. 符合实际 | |
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340 truthful | |
adj.真实的,说实话的,诚实的 | |
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341 oratory | |
n.演讲术;词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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342 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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343 captious | |
adj.难讨好的,吹毛求疵的 | |
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344 rigidly | |
adv.刻板地,僵化地 | |
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345 circumlocution | |
n. 绕圈子的话,迂回累赘的陈述 | |
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346 intensify | |
vt.加强;变强;加剧 | |
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347 portrayed | |
v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 );描述;描绘;描画 | |
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348 theatrical | |
adj.剧场的,演戏的;做戏似的,做作的 | |
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349 villain | |
n.反派演员,反面人物;恶棍;问题的起因 | |
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350 wholesome | |
adj.适合;卫生的;有益健康的;显示身心健康的 | |
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351 varnished | |
浸渍过的,涂漆的 | |
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352 deception | |
n.欺骗,欺诈;骗局,诡计 | |
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353 wasteful | |
adj.(造成)浪费的,挥霍的 | |
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354 mundane | |
adj.平凡的;尘世的;宇宙的 | |
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355 introverts | |
性格内向的人( introvert的名词复数 ) | |
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356 analyzes | |
v.分析( analyze的第三人称单数 );分解;解释;对…进行心理分析 | |
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357 mechanism | |
n.机械装置;机构,结构 | |
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358 maker | |
n.制造者,制造商 | |
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359 immortality | |
n.不死,不朽 | |
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360 vying | |
adj.竞争的;比赛的 | |
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361 fictitious | |
adj.虚构的,假设的;空头的 | |
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362 derives | |
v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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363 derive | |
v.取得;导出;引申;来自;源自;出自 | |
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364 torments | |
(肉体或精神上的)折磨,痛苦( torment的名词复数 ); 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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365 fable | |
n.寓言;童话;神话 | |
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366 valid | |
adj.有确实根据的;有效的;正当的,合法的 | |
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367 artistic | |
adj.艺术(家)的,美术(家)的;善于艺术创作的 | |
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368 shrines | |
圣地,圣坛,神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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369 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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370 lustre | |
n.光亮,光泽;荣誉 | |
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371 meddlesome | |
adj.爱管闲事的 | |
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372 garb | |
n.服装,装束 | |
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373 prying | |
adj.爱打听的v.打听,刺探(他人的私事)( pry的现在分词 );撬开 | |
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374 trophies | |
n.(为竞赛获胜者颁发的)奖品( trophy的名词复数 );奖杯;(尤指狩猎或战争中获得的)纪念品;(用于比赛或赛跑名称)奖 | |
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375 vindicate | |
v.为…辩护或辩解,辩明;证明…正确 | |
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376 conscientious | |
adj.审慎正直的,认真的,本着良心的 | |
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377 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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378 calves | |
n.(calf的复数)笨拙的男子,腓;腿肚子( calf的名词复数 );牛犊;腓;小腿肚v.生小牛( calve的第三人称单数 );(冰川)崩解;生(小牛等),产(犊);使(冰川)崩解 | |
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379 exalting | |
a.令人激动的,令人喜悦的 | |
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380 softening | |
变软,软化 | |
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381 concealing | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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382 accusation | |
n.控告,指责,谴责 | |
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383 illustrate | |
v.举例说明,阐明;图解,加插图 | |
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384 amiable | |
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
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385 avows | |
v.公开声明,承认( avow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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386 professes | |
声称( profess的第三人称单数 ); 宣称; 公开表明; 信奉 | |
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387 veracity | |
n.诚实 | |
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388 exquisite | |
adj.精美的;敏锐的;剧烈的,感觉强烈的 | |
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389 solicitude | |
n.焦虑 | |
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390 piracy | |
n.海盗行为,剽窃,著作权侵害 | |
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391 censure | |
v./n.责备;非难;责难 | |
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392 bungling | |
adj.笨拙的,粗劣的v.搞糟,完不成( bungle的现在分词 );笨手笨脚地做;失败;完不成 | |
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393 crafty | |
adj.狡猾的,诡诈的 | |
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394 extravagant | |
adj.奢侈的;过分的;(言行等)放肆的 | |
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395 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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396 vile | |
adj.卑鄙的,可耻的,邪恶的;坏透的 | |
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397 thwart | |
v.阻挠,妨碍,反对;adj.横(断的) | |
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398 thwarts | |
阻挠( thwart的第三人称单数 ); 使受挫折; 挫败; 横过 | |
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399 royalty | |
n.皇家,皇族 | |
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400 petulant | |
adj.性急的,暴躁的 | |
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401 petulantly | |
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402 petulance | |
n.发脾气,生气,易怒,暴躁,性急 | |
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403 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
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404 irritable | |
adj.急躁的;过敏的;易怒的 | |
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405 blemish | |
v.损害;玷污;瑕疵,缺点 | |
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406 ignoble | |
adj.不光彩的,卑鄙的;可耻的 | |
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407 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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408 heartily | |
adv.衷心地,诚恳地,十分,很 | |
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409 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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410 benign | |
adj.善良的,慈祥的;良性的,无危险的 | |
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411 varied | |
adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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412 narratives | |
记叙文( narrative的名词复数 ); 故事; 叙述; 叙述部分 | |
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413 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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414 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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415 habitually | |
ad.习惯地,通常地 | |
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416 atones | |
v.补偿,赎(罪)( atone的第三人称单数 );补偿,弥补,赎回 | |
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417 impair | |
v.损害,损伤;削弱,减少 | |
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418 relatively | |
adv.比较...地,相对地 | |
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419 chivalrous | |
adj.武士精神的;对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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420 insinuates | |
n.暗示( insinuate的名词复数 );巧妙或迂回地潜入;(使)缓慢进入;慢慢伸入v.暗示( insinuate的第三人称单数 );巧妙或迂回地潜入;(使)缓慢进入;慢慢伸入 | |
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421 bigoted | |
adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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422 bigotry | |
n.偏见,偏执,持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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423 interfered | |
v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 );调停;妨碍;干涉 | |
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424 monstrous | |
adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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425 coercion | |
n.强制,高压统治 | |
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426 complexion | |
n.肤色;情况,局面;气质,性格 | |
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427 chestnut | |
n.栗树,栗子 | |
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428 scruple | |
n./v.顾忌,迟疑 | |
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429 extermination | |
n.消灭,根绝 | |
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430 heresy | |
n.异端邪说;异教 | |
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431 skewer | |
n.(烤肉用的)串肉杆;v.用杆串好 | |
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432 confiscation | |
n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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433 accusations | |
n.指责( accusation的名词复数 );指控;控告;(被告发、控告的)罪名 | |
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434 crumbs | |
int. (表示惊讶)哎呀 n. 碎屑 名词crumb的复数形式 | |
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435 moorish | |
adj.沼地的,荒野的,生[住]在沼地的 | |
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436 asunder | |
adj.分离的,化为碎片 | |
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437 chastely | |
adv.贞洁地,清高地,纯正地 | |
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438 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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439 abhorred | |
v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 );(厌恶地)回避;拒绝;淘汰 | |
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440 artifice | |
n.妙计,高明的手段;狡诈,诡计 | |
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441 concur | |
v.同意,意见一致,互助,同时发生 | |
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442 accredited | |
adj.可接受的;可信任的;公认的;质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 );委托;委任;把…归结于 | |
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443 adorned | |
[计]被修饰的 | |
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444 advisers | |
顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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445 iniquity | |
n.邪恶;不公正 | |
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446 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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447 muster | |
v.集合,收集,鼓起,激起;n.集合,检阅,集合人员,点名册 | |
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448 circumscribe | |
v.在...周围划线,限制,约束 | |
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449 vigilant | |
adj.警觉的,警戒的,警惕的 | |
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450 encroachment | |
n.侵入,蚕食 | |
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451 quotations | |
n.引用( quotation的名词复数 );[商业]行情(报告);(货物或股票的)市价;时价 | |
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452 frenzy | |
n.疯狂,狂热,极度的激动 | |
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453 fanaticism | |
n.狂热,盲信 | |
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454 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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455 inhuman | |
adj.残忍的,不人道的,无人性的 | |
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456 subterfuge | |
n.诡计;藉口 | |
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457 jack | |
n.插座,千斤顶,男人;v.抬起,提醒,扛举;n.(Jake)杰克 | |
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458 extenuates | |
v.(用偏袒的辩解或借口)减轻( extenuate的第三人称单数 );低估,藐视 | |
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459 perfidiously | |
adv.不忠实地,背信地 | |
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460 glorify | |
vt.颂扬,赞美,使增光,美化 | |
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461 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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462 deity | |
n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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463 refinement | |
n.文雅;高尚;精美;精制;精炼 | |
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464 portraying | |
v.画像( portray的现在分词 );描述;描绘;描画 | |
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465 sensational | |
adj.使人感动的,非常好的,轰动的,耸人听闻的 | |
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466 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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467 dispositions | |
安排( disposition的名词复数 ); 倾向; (财产、金钱的)处置; 气质 | |
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468 feline | |
adj.猫科的 | |
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469 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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470 iniquities | |
n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 );极不公正 | |
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471 consort | |
v.相伴;结交 | |
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472 helping | |
n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的,辅助的 | |
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473 incisive | |
adj.敏锐的,机敏的,锋利的,切入的 | |
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474 consolidated | |
a.联合的 | |
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475 scrupled | |
v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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476 inflict | |
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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477 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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478 innate | |
adj.天生的,固有的,天赋的 | |
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479 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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480 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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481 abasement | |
n.滥用 | |
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482 infinitely | |
adv.无限地,无穷地 | |
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483 moors | |
v.停泊,系泊(船只)( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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484 speculations | |
n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 );思考;投机活动;推断 | |
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485 partnership | |
n.合作关系,伙伴关系 | |
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486 blight | |
n.枯萎病;造成破坏的因素;vt.破坏,摧残 | |
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487 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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488 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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489 pawn | |
n.典当,抵押,小人物,走卒;v.典当,抵押 | |
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490 patronage | |
n.赞助,支援,援助;光顾,捧场 | |
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491 benevolence | |
n.慈悲,捐助 | |
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492 vindication | |
n.洗冤,证实 | |
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493 expenditure | |
n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗 | |
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494 gambling | |
n.赌博;投机 | |
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495 sketched | |
v.草拟(sketch的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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496 allude | |
v.提及,暗指 | |
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497 haggling | |
v.讨价还价( haggle的现在分词 ) | |
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498 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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499 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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