Pedro de Alvarado with his army arrived at Patinamit from his southern campaign some days previous to the 28th of July, 1524.[XXVII-1] The Mexican allies were soon dismissed and returned to their homes, bearing despatches to Cortés. The general was greatly pleased with the tidings from his lieutenant4, and sent him two hundred more Spanish soldiers, to aid in the colonization5 of those parts.
FOUNDING OF THE CITY OF SANTIAGO.
Almost immediately after their return to the capital of the Cakchiquels the Spaniards proceeded to appropriate the territory and make preparations for its government. A Spanish city was founded at Patinamit under the name of Ciudad del Se?or de Santiago.[XXVII-2] 679
The ceremonies were conducted with great pomp. According to Remesal, on the 25th of July, St James' day, the army was drawn7 up in battle-array to the sound of fife and drum. The morning was unusually fine, and the sun flashing its rays upon burnished8 armor added splendor9 to the scene. The cavalry2 were specially10 conspicuous11 for the brilliancy of their dress and ornaments13. After repeated volleys by the arquebusiers mass was celebrated14 by Juan Godinez, the chaplain, and all joined devoutly15 in the service. With due ceremony the new town was dedicated16 to their patron Santiago.
The municipal officers were then appointed by Alvarado. The first alcaldes were Diego de Rojas and Baltasar de Mendoza. Four regidores were nominated, whose names were Pedro Puertocarrero, Hernan Carrillo, Juan Perez Dardon, and Domingo 680 de Zubiarreta,[XXVII-3] while Gonzalo de Alvarado was elected alguacil mayor.[XXVII-4]
The municipality having thus been formed,[XXVII-5] the Spaniards for the next three days devoted18 themselves to festivities and rejoicing. On the 12th of August[XXVII-6] there was an enrolment of colonists19, of whom a list of one hundred has been preserved.[XXVII-7] To the sacred patron was also built and dedicated a church, of which 681 Juan Godinez was left in charge, and one Reynosa sacristan with a salary of sixty dollars a year. The surrounding lands were then distributed in encomiendas. In making these grants Alvarado must have entertained some misgivings20 as to their validity and as to his future position and authority in the conquered provinces, for in a despatch3 to Cortés he complains that according to reports meeting him on his return from the southern campaign the king had appointed a governor other than himself of the new territory, and upbraids21 Cortés for not having duly reported his services to his Majesty22, at the same time begging him to do so.[XXVII-8]
That the Cakchiquel nobles should regard with indignation this arbitrary disposal of their lands and vassals24 was but natural. They had already observed that friend and foe25 were much the same in the hands of the voracious26 Spaniards, whose aggressive and outrageous27 action now convinced them that the friendly bearing of their king had gained for their nation no more, nay28 less, consideration than that vouchsafed29 the conquered Quichés, who had fought manfully for independence. So it was, in truth, with regard to all the conquerors31 in America, though not so expressed in words: those who fought for their rights must die or suffer enslavement because they offered opposition32 to the spoilers; those who did not fight were contemptible33 things, unworthy a white man's consideration. Believing in their promises, the Cakchiquels had received the Spaniards and had accepted their sovereign; but they were not prepared to go so far as to surrender themselves, their wives and little ones, their lands and their religion. Death might be the result of revolt; judging from what they had seen it probably would be; nevertheless they would revolt and die. How high the high hand of the taskmasters had been raised we know not; but we know that within a few short months after Alvarado's return and the 682 founding of his unstable35 city[XXVII-9] the Cakchiquels rose to a man against the tyrants36. The crowning grievance37 also is known. Exaction38 after exaction had been made. The temples and palaces of Patinamit had been forced to contribute their gold and silver ornaments until there was nothing left. Then a large amount of gold[XXVII-10] was demanded of the king and nobles within a stated time, which it was out of their power to supply. In their efforts to obtain the so much desired yellow substance from auriferous streams they brought in glittering pyrites, mistaking them for gold.[XXVII-11] Alvarado, furious with rage, summoned the king and his courtiers before him. "Why," he passionately40 exclaimed, "have you not brought the gold and silver that I demanded of you? If I receive not soon all the gold and all the silver of your towns, you shall have the choice of being hanged or burned alive!" Then with a brutality41 that Caligula might have gloried in he tore with his own hand from the nostrils42 of Sinacam and two princes at his side the golden ornaments they wore as badges of their high rank.[XXVII-12] This indignity43 cut the unhappy natives to the heart, and bending their disgraced heads, bitter tears mingled44 with the blood which fell at the feet of the Christian45. "It is my will," added Alvarado, "that the gold and silver be here within five days. Woe46 betide you if you bring it not!" and with a coarseness that equalled his heartlessness he dismissed them from his presence. 683
ABANDONMENT OF THE CITY.
Nobles, priesthood, and people were already of one mind. The priests in particular, seeing the desecration47 of their temples and the threatened suppression of their religion, put forth48 all their efforts to rouse the Cakchiquels from the vile49 thraldom50. And while the nobles and people proceeded as best they were able to collect treasures to meet the last demand from the neighboring towns, the priesthood succeeded in completing plans and preparations for revolt. They spread the report that their deity51, offended at the sacrilegious actions of the Spaniards, had appeared to his ministers, announcing the speedy destruction of the strangers. A priest of Chamalcan now presented himself before Sinacam and his court. "I am the lightning!" he cried, with subdued52 vehemence53, "and I will strike the Castilians. With fire will I destroy them! When I shall cause the sound of the sacred drum to be heard in the city, let the king leave it and withdraw to the other side of the river, for on the seventh day, Ahmak, will I strike the Spaniards!" These bold and confident words had their effect. In their deep affliction the Cakchiquels believed their god would help them, else of what value were gods? and they secretly made all ready for the time the signal should be given. The Spaniards do not seem to have had any suspicion of the intentions of the Cakchiquels. On the very evening of the uprising Alvarado, pacified54 with the gold that had been brought him, entertained Sinacam and a large number of princes and nobles at a banquet, a splendid banquet, whereat the guests feasted on their own of which they had been despoiled55. That night, while the Spaniards were asleep, heavy after their revelry, the signal drum was sounded. The whole population, men, women, and children, arose and silently withdrew with their king and nobles from the city. It is not the only time in the world's history that a people have abandoned home and fled from persecution56, trusting in religious faith. Now may the god in whom they 684 trust help them, for all other hope they have left behind! Crossing the ravine they turned and awaited the expected miracle; all through the remainder of the night they watched for the lightning and the fire, straining their eyes afar, to the remotest corners of the heavens, to catch the first faint gleam of that sacred flame which should bring them deliverance. But alas57! there was no light save that of the morning sun, which came to dispel58 all hope. God and priest alike had deceived them; or rather they themselves were deceived, had not understood aright, or were not worthy34 of aid, or their desire would come in some other way—so their teacher might have said. Now it remained only for them to perish, for they would return, never![XXVII-13]
Alvarado well knew the meaning of this action when he heard of it. And as he walked through the city, the empty houses and deserted59 streets told him plainly enough that his atrocious system of oppression had driven to despair a nation that had welcomed him with all kindness and hospitality. The immediate6 cause and incentive60 to revolt, the action of the priest, being explained to him, he hoped when the Cakchiquels had discovered how vain was the hope in their god that they would return to their homes again, and for ten days he remained inactive. But all attempts at reconciliation61 were repelled62; they would rather die at war with the Christians63 than live at peace with them. Ah well! then they must be slain64; and as a religious and patriotic65 duty Alvarado took the field against them. It was a long and bloody66 war that followed. If the Quichés and Zutugils had confederated with the Cakchiquels, it is safe to surmise67 the Spaniards would have been 685 repelled. With a scarcity68 of provisions,[XXVII-14] and a reduced number of Mexican auxiliaries69, hemmed70 in and harassed71, it is hardly possible that they could have fought their way out of the country. But the rejection72 by Sinacam of the earlier proposals of the Quichés, and his alliance with the invaders73, still rankled74 in their breasts, and they now cared little which of their detested75 foes76 ate the other. As it was, the war proved not the one-sided affair of late so common. The Cakchiquels displayed a skill and bravery in battle such as the Spaniards had not experienced in these parts. In front of their lines they dug deep holes in which they planted pointed17 stakes, and concealing77 them with coverings of grass and light earth, received behind them the charging cavalry. Many a Spaniard and many a horse found death or frightful78 wounds, impaled79 in these pitfalls80.[XXVII-15]
On the battle-field the natives displayed a desperate courage. With their deep hatred they would if possible envenom their arrows and darts82, and as they hurled83 them on the foe they shouted, "Take gold, Tonatiuh, take gold!" Thus the contest was carried on with great animosity on both sides, and the Cakchiquels, now more united among themselves, and joined by many neighboring tribes, long maintained the struggle. Though their own land suffered from the ravages84 of the Spaniards, they had their revenge in devastating85 the territories of the Quichés and Zutugils; for these nations had been so weakened in their contests with the Spaniards that they could no longer meet the Cakchiquels in the field. And, indeed, under this widely extended process of devastation86 the Spaniards began to suffer hunger. Alvarado was obliged to 686 abandon his new city at Patinamit during the latter part of this year, 1524, and to make his head-quarters for a time at Xepau,[XXVII-16] round which the country was less desolate87.
The Spaniards were indeed sorely pressed, and many Christians were killed and wounded. But about the beginning of 1525 he received reinforcements from Mexico which enabled him to proceed rapidly with the reduction of the revolted provinces. Returning to Patinamit, he subjected the several districts one after another to fire and sword, till the land was one wide scene of desolation.
CAMPAIGN AGAINST MIXCO.
It was during, or immediately after, the suppression of this revolt that the Spaniards accomplished88 perhaps their greatest achievement during the whole Guatemalan conquest. This was the storming of the city of Mixco, deemed impregnable.[XXVII-17] Mixco was one of the most important strongholds in the Cakchiquel kingdom, being so fortified89 by nature as to require little from art. Situated90 on an eminence91 surrounded on all sides by precipices92, it was accessible only by a steep path, wide enough for but a single person, and interrupted here and there by places which could only 687 with difficulty be climbed.[XXVII-18] On the top of this eminence was a great plain, capable of supporting a population of eight or nine thousand.
Learning that the Mixcans had determined94 to resist Spanish rule, and were encouraging other tribes to fortify95 themselves in similar impregnable positions, Alvarado regarded the reduction of the place as an absolute necessity. He therefore sent an advance force of two companies of foot-soldiers and one of cavalry, under the command of his brother Gonzalo, to invest Mixco until he should be able to assume command in person. The captains commanding under Gonzalo, Alonso de Ojeda, Luis de Vivar, and Hernando de Chaves, were men of high courage and experience; yet they not only accomplished nothing, but suffered so much from the stones and arrows of the enemy,[XXVII-19] provisions likewise beginning to fail, that Gonzalo was about to raise the siege when the lieutenant-general arrived with reinforcements.[XXVII-20] Although fully30 recognizing the difficulty and danger of the undertaking96 there were two incentives97 which urged Alvarado forward to its achievement: he loved what was difficult and dangerous, and he well knew that there could be no permanent subjugation98 of the country with this stronghold in the hands of the enemy. A council of war was held and the capture of Mixco resolved on. The first attempt was unsuccessful, as were indeed the second and third, until days and weeks went by without any seeming progress. Then the Spaniards tried stratagem99, and while feigning100 an assault by means of scaling-ladders at a place where the precipice93 was lower 688 than elsewhere, they suddenly made a rush up the pathway, which they hoped to find undefended. The Mixcans were prepared, however, and received the Spaniards with such heavy discharges of missiles that they were forced to retire in confusion. While the officers were in consultation101 shortly after, a strong body of native warriors102 was reported near at hand, which proved to be Chignautecs, allies of the Mixcans.[XXVII-21] Their intentions were evident, and soon the two armies were engaged in hot contest. Notwithstanding that great havoc104 was made by the arquebuses and cross-bows, and still more by the cavalry, the Chignautecs maintained the fight with such stubbornness that after the loss of a large number of Tlascaltecs and the wounding of many Spaniards a retrograde movement was decided105 on.
FIGHT WITH THE CHIGNAUTECS.
Upon an occasion like the present, where the object to be gained, the taking of a stronghold, partook more of the nature of single combat than of general battle, here and elsewhere upon a campaign of this kind, it was not uncommon106 to see feats107 of individual prowess cropping out on both sides. It was the field of glory to the soldier, limited usually to the field, as the world was the general's field of glory. I will mention one such exhibition in connection with this fight against the Chignautecs. In the hazardous108 retreat one of the cavalrymen, García de Aguilar, is in the extreme rear, subject to the fiercest assaults of the pursuing warriors. In truth, his body is interposed between the two contending armies. Obviously, if the enemy cannot put him out of the way they are unable to harm the others; every effort is therefore made to maim109 his horse, or otherwise to capture him; and he is at length cut off from his comrades and quickly surrounded by over four hundred of the dusky foe, each eager to inflict110 the coup111 de grace. But Aguilar is by no means vanquished112 yet. Though presently unseated, 689 he maintains for some time a desperate struggle, striking with deadly effect upon the enemy. Then he loses his sword, and nothing remains113 to him but a dagger114. It is not in this instance the bravery of the man that astonishes so much as his extraordinary muscular power. The horse, by kicking and plunging115, prevents capture, while Aguilar, circumscribed116 by threatening death, exhibits almost superhuman strength. No blow dealt to kill or stun117, no attempt to seize him, can stop the quick stroke of that strong right arm as it drives the keen steel straight into the assailants' vitals. With wounds and ever increasing exertion118, however, he grows weaker; but capture signifies immolation119. To be gazed at, helpless on a heathen altar, an offering to odious120 gods—the thought is horrible—and the fatal dagger is still, by swift movements, driven to the hilt. And now the battle cry of Santiago to the rescue! rings in his ears and tells of succor121; he hears a leaden sound, as of crushed bone and flesh, and the whistle of descending122 blades, and knows that help is at hand. Six horsemen have plunged123 into the unequal contest, and they scatter124 the swarthy foe like sheep. They gather round their countryman, support his exhausted125 frame, and carry him wounded and faint to a place of safety. The courage, strength, and skill of this single man, and the valor displayed in his rescue, so impressed the Chignautecs that they retired126 disheartened, regarding their efforts of no avail against such beings,[XXVII-22] and they returned to their homes.
The siege had now lasted a month. On the third day after the retrograde movement, which resulted in 690 victory, the Spaniards determined to make another attempt upon the place, and were on the point of assault when an ambassador arrived from the Chignautecs tendering their submission127, and bringing the customary presents of gold, green plumes129, and costly130 mantles131. It was, however, stipulated132 on their part that this act of allegiance should be kept secret until the fall of Mixco; at the same time the envoy133 intimated that their caciques would communicate privately134 to Alvarado a secret that would be of service to him. Alvarado received this message favorably, and sent back the emissary with every mark of consideration, expressing his willingness to hear what the chiefs had to say.
The distance from Mixco to Chignauta was nine leagues; and in three days, during which Alvarado had refrained from active operations, the principal caciques arrived at his camp. They were attended by a large retinue135 and a number of natives bearing presents of great aboriginal136 value and a large quantity of provisions. The disclosure made by the caciques was to the effect that there existed a subterranean137 passage from the stronghold, having an outlet138 in the woods near the river bank. By this the Mixcans could escape, they said, even if the Spaniards succeeded in storming the height. The outlet they were willing to disclose, as they owed no allegiance to the Mixcans, who had incited139 them to take up arms against the Spaniards. They moreover suggested that an ambuscade should be placed near the mouth.[XXVII-23]
THE FALL OF MIXCO.
A force of forty men, cross-bowmen and cavalry, commanded by Alonso Lopez de Loarca, was accordingly 691 despatched to the exit of the passage,[XXVII-24] and thereupon Alvarado determined once more to attempt to storm the place. The front man of the storming line bore a shield, and behind him followed a cross-bowman; then succeeded another shield-bearer, supported by an arquebusier. This alternate order afforded protection and at the same time admitted of assault.[XXVII-25] The file thus formed was led by Bernardino de Arteaga, who had asked for the dangerous post as a favor, and succeeded in covering his name with honor. Calling on God and Santiago, they began the ascent140 of the narrow ridge141, which widened as it joined the cliff. While moving as rapidly as possible, so that the showering stones and arrows might have less effect, they nevertheless plied142 cross-bow and arquebuse with deadly effect. They had almost reached a wider place in the ridge, where four men might walk abreast143, when the gallant144 Arteaga was felled with a heavy stone, breaking his leg, but with indomitable will he struggled on, supported by his comrade Diego Lopez de Villanueva.[XXVII-26] Despite the terrible resistance they reached the broader space near the cliff, which was packed with defenders145 so eager for a blow at the assailants that many were crowded off the precipice by those behind. But the stormers were by this time enabled to fall partially146 into line and ply39 their blades. A hand-to-hand contest followed, and the ground soon became thickly strewn with the bodies of slain Mixcans, among which were heaps of lopped-off heads and limbs. More Spaniards and auxiliaries came rapidly forward to aid in the slaughter147 as ground could be cleared for them to stand on. The 692 natives fought with desperation, but height after height was lost to them, until their victorious148 foe gained at last the plain above. There the Spaniards found fresh forces to oppose them. But the Mixcans were by this time overawed by the extraordinary achievement of the Spaniards; and as they marked these merciless white foemen, the first who had ever planted foot within the precincts of their famed and formidable stronghold, as they saw them moving onward149 and upward, invincible150 as fate, it is no wonder that their hearts sank with despair. Their opposition was wholly spiritless; they broke and fled at the first charge. What followed was frightful, surpassing even the terrible scenes to which these man-killers on both sides were accustomed. To escape the fierce onslaught of the Spaniards some of the Mixcans plunged headlong down the cliffs, the dull thud of their bodies, as they struck upon the rocks, sounding ghostly echoes in the ravine below. Some attempted escape by the now deserted path by which the assailants had come, but these were captured by the camp guard. Some fled by the subterranean caverns151, but were pursued and many taken prisoners before they reached the outlet, while those who had previously152 withdrawn153 thither154 with the women and children, under the care of several caciques, on emerging at the outlet were assailed155 by Loarca, and most of them captured.[XXVII-27]
Thus terminated this remarkable156 exploit of the conquerors. The city was burned, the stronghold destroyed, and the population removed to the site of the present town of the same name, situated in the Valle de las Vacas.[XXVII-28]
THE ZACATEPEC WAR.
It was not long after the fall of Mixco that the 693 conquest of the Zacatepec Valley was accomplished. The towns of this district were subject to the king of the Cakchiquels, but many of them, especially Zacatepec, had thrown off their allegiance and declared themselves independent, indignant at Sinacam's alliance with the Spaniards.[XXVII-29] They had, moreover, repeatedly shown their hostility157 to those towns which had submitted to Spanish rule, by making incursions into their lands, and carrying off their women and children to the sacrifice.[XXVII-30]
After the suppression of the revolt and the re-establishment of Spanish power in the Patinamit district,[XXVII-31] the caciques of Xinaco and Zumpango remonstrated158 with the Zacatepecs, saying that they were now under the protection of the children of the sun, and should appeal to them if the depredations159 on their lands did not cease. The unfortunate men who carried this message were summarily sacrificed on the altar stone, all save one, whose life was spared that he might carry back the reply of the Zacatepecs: "Let the children of the sun bring to life again the dead envoys160. As for ourselves, we will not submit to an unknown people, but will destroy all the villages of the caciques before their allies can render assistance." Nor were they slow to carry out their threat.
A large force invaded the territory of Xinaco and Zumpango, and began to slay161 and lay waste. The natives sent to Guatemala to implore162 assistance. Alvarado was at this time absent on his second campaign 694 to Salvador,[XXVII-32] carrying out his former intention to return and bring the stubborn natives to a recognition of Spaniards' rights. Nevertheless, one thousand Cakchiquels and ten arquebusiers, under the command of Antonio de Salazar, a most competent captain, were at once despatched to the scene of action, while Alvarado was advised of what had occurred. Hostilities163 had already begun before these troops arrived. For three days the Zacatepecs maintained the conflict with great bravery, though with considerable loss. But now the Spaniards received a reinforcement of ten arquebusiers, twenty horsemen, and two hundred Tlascaltecs and Mexicans, commanded by Pedro Gonzalez Nájera. The contest thereafter was not so evenly balanced, and the Zacatepecs sustained several defeats. On the fifth day, however, they adopted the plan of attacking in columns one thousand strong, successively relieving each other, so that fresh men continually kept up the battle, each column when relieved retiring to the rear.[XXVII-33] These tactics enabled them to maintain the fight during the whole of that day, and they inflicted164 no little loss on the Spanish forces. Early in the morning the Spaniards took the field, apparently165 in disorder166 and much reduced in numbers. Encouraged by the success of their new man?uvres, the Zacatepecs attacked with contemptuous confidence. The Spaniards gave way and retreated 695 toward a thickly wooded ravine. The Zacatepecs now felt sure of victory, and in their impetuous pursuit allowed themselves to be drawn into the defile167, where a large body of their enemies were lying in ambush168. Suddenly assailed on both sides, their disorderly ranks were routed with great slaughter. Numbers were also taken prisoners, among whom were many caciques. This battle terminated the war. The whole Zacatepec valley submitted to the authority of the Spaniards; and in order to insure future obedience169 a garrison170 of ten Spaniards and one hundred and forty Tlascaltecs was stationed at Zacatepec, under the command of Diego de Alvarado, the caciques being detained as hostages.[XXVII-34]
CONQUEST OF THE MAMES.
About the middle of the year 1525 Sequechul, king of Utatlan, represented to Alvarado that his father Oxib Quieh had not been so guilty as he had supposed of the treacherous171 plot to destroy the Spaniards the year previous, but that Caibil Balam,[XXVII-35] king of the Mames,[XXVII-36] was more to blame, as the instigator172 of the attempt. At the same time he offered to provide the invading forces with guides if Alvarado would undertake the conquest of that kingdom and punish Caibil Balam. Whether Sequechul's object was revenge for his father's cruel death or favor with Alvarado is of little consequence; the mention he made of the broad lands and great wealth of the province fell pleasantly on the lieutenant-general's ear, and he willingly acceded173 to the king's proposal.
The expedition was placed under the command of Gonzalo de Alvarado, and consisted of eighty Spanish 696 infantry174, the captains being Antonio de Salazar and Francisco de Arévalo, together with forty cavalrymen and two thousand native auxiliaries, drawn from various districts, whose commanders were Jorge de Acu?a, Pedro de Aragon, Bernardino de Oviedo, and Juan de Verastigui. These forces were, moreover, accompanied by three hundred pioneers, with axes and picks, while a large number of Indian carriers bore with them an ample supply of provisions besides the baggage. Early in July the army marched to Totonicapan, a town on the confines of the Mame territory, which was made the base of operations. The usual difficulties of such undertakings175 here began. It took the invaders no less than eight days to cross the mountain range between that place and the Rio Hondo. The season rendered their labors176 the greater, for the rain, day after day, poured down in torrents177. Up steep ascents178, down dangerous gullies, they toiled179, now winding180 in single file along the edge of a precipice, now plunging over soft treacherous ground up to the knee in mud. On reaching the Hondo[XXVII-37] they bivouacked for two days in the dripping sunless woods on the bank of the river, which, swollen181 by the ceaseless rains, for a time defied their passage. At length they succeeded in crossing, and presently emerged from the forests upon an open plain, and descried182 on an eminence the Mame town of Mazatenango. It was a well fortified place, surrounded by a barricade183 of heavy timber, behind which, on a terre-plein of mud and straw, a great multitude of warriors were drawn up. A wide stretch of swampy184 ground, not differing in appearance from the rest of the plain, debarred approach to this side of the town. As the invading army drew near, the Mames with hisses186 and shouts of defiance187 challenged attack, in the hope of inducing them to charge into the swamp. Gonzalo de Alvarado 697 was, however, timely advised of the danger by his guides, and making a detour188 he assaulted the barricade on the other side, where the ground was firm. The assailants were received with a blinding storm of missiles, which for a long time kept them in check. Their repeated efforts to burst through the defences were baffled, and the auxiliaries were becoming discouraged, when Gomez de Loarca with the cavalry plunged through the palisade. The besiegers, pouring in through the breach189, could now fight after their own fashion; and though the Mames offered a brave resistance, they were routed with great slaughter, and their town taken possession of by the conquerors, who placed in it a sufficient garrison as a protection in their rear.
PRINCE CAN ILOCAB.
Continuing their march, they encounter at no great distance from Mazatenango an army of five thousand warriors from Malacatan, whereupon Gonzalo takes up a favorable position on the plain.[XXVII-38] The vanguard of the enemy is composed of slingers and archers191, and the main body of spearmen, commanded by the renowned193 prince Can Ilocab. In perfect order, and with deafening194 sound of drums and conchs, they approach the Spanish army. As soon as the vanguard has reached a suitable point Gonzalo charges upon them with the cavalry. The arrows strike thick as hail on the mailed breasts of the horsemen, drawing fire therefrom; but the chargers dash through the ranks of the archers, who with stubborn courage disdain195 to fly, while to avoid the fatal lance thrusts they throw themselves under the horses, only to be crushed and mangled196 by the iron-shod hoofs197. And now the main body of the Mames come up, and the Spanish cavalry have more difficult work. The charge against those solid columns bristling198 with long spears is only partially successful. The shock is sustained by the Mames with a firmness the Spaniards are little accustomed to. The discomfited199 vanguard has time to rally, and again the swift stone bruises200, and arrows hiss185 698 and shiver on helmet and coat of mail. All the forces on both sides are now in action, and the slaughter of the Mames is dreadful, yet not one inch will they yield. Rushing to close quarters, within their opponents' breastwork of sword-points, and gliding201 along their lances, they so hamper202 the Spaniards that they can hardly wield203 their arms. Bruised204 and stunned205, embarrassed in their movements, the blows of the Spaniards fall more feebly, and they already begin to relax their efforts when Salazar, one of the captains of infantry, seeing the imminent206 danger, strives to rouse his men with spirit-stirring words. "Where is your valor, Castilians?" he cries. "Does that courage sink which won the blood-stained fields of Mexico and Utatlan? There you achieved renown192; lose it not here, nor suffer yourselves to be carried off to die on the altars of these idolaters!" The appeal has its effect. With renewed efforts the infantry mow207 their way through and through the Mame columns, causing frightful carnage, but the warriors recede208 not one foot in flight. For still waves in air their prince's banner; his plume128 nods high above them all, and his voice still cheers them on. As long as he remains they will fight, knowing no defeat. The Spanish captain is not blind to this, for under the great Cortés he has learned that in their leader lies the strength of the warriors, and he recognizes only too clearly that Can Ilocab's death is their one chance of victory. For some time the execution of Gonzalo's purpose has been delayed, but at length by the surging ranks he is thrown near to the magic banner, and then with desperate charge he urges his steed through the resisting guard up to the Mame chieftain, and plunges209 the lance through his body. This ends the battle, and the Mames, unconquered by sword and lance, on the fall of their prince flee from the field and are pursued as far as their town. The chiefs of the place at once send an embassy to sue for peace, bringing with them a present of gold ornaments, and offering 699 allegiance, which is accepted. Leaving a garrison in the town, the Spaniards continue their march in the direction of Huehuetenango.[XXVII-39]
ZAKULéU INVESTED.
This was an important city of the Mames, where Gonzalo de Alvarado expected warm work, judging from the late formidable resistance. On arrival, however, he found the place abandoned, and such of the houses as had not been destroyed stripped of furniture and utensils210, without a handful of provisions. Cavalry troops were sent out in different directions, and one under the command of Gaspar Aleman fell in with three hundred Indian archers, who without hesitation211 attacked the horsemen, among others wounding Aleman in the face. But they were soon routed, and in the pursuit three prisoners were taken, one of whom was a chief named Sahquiab, a captain in Caibil Balam's army. When brought into the presence of Gonzalo de Alvarado, he informed him that his sovereign had retired to the almost impregnable city of Zakuléu,[XXVII-40] where, provided with provisions and stores, he deemed himself secure. The captive was thereupon sent by Gonzalo to Caibil Balam with offers of peace and a charitable proposal to teach him the doctrines212 of the Christian religion. But Sahquiab did not return, nor came any answer to Gonzalo. A second embassy, composed of Indians from Utatlan, was rudely refused audience with a shower of arrows. This exhausted the patience of Gonzalo and he marched on Zakuléu. As soon as his approach was observed by the Mames an army six thousand strong sallied forth to give him battle. The engagement which followed was maintained by the Mames with the same stubborn 700 valor exhibited in previous fights, and marked by similar carnage. A reserve of two thousand, which sallied during the battle from Zakuléu to the support of their countrymen, made an ineffectual attempt to turn the tide of victory, only adding to the victims; and routed in all directions the Mames fled to their stronghold in the mountains.[XXVII-41]
PREPARING TO STORM ZAKULéU.
Owing to the impossibility of storming so impregnable a place as Zakuléu, Gonzalo closely invested it by stationing troops at the few points where egress213 seemed possible. On the third day of the siege Diego Lopez de Villanueva, while reconnoitring with a body of cavalry, observed smoke issuing from the woods on the other side of the river.[XXVII-42] Having crossed with much difficulty, he fell in with three hundred Indians in charge of a large supply of provisions, which they intended to introduce into the beleaguered214 city, and which Villanueva promptly215 appropriated.
The inactive warfare216 soon wore out the patience of the Spaniards, and Gonzalo began to cut a road suitable for cavalry up the most practicable part of the steep. Day by day, from morning to night, the sound of the pick was heard, and the work continued uninterrupted with but little loss to the besiegers, though the heights were thronged217 with Mames, who used every effort to impede218 its progress. The cross-bow and arquebuse were far more deadly than the sling190 and arm-drawn bow, and the Mames suffered heavily.
In the midst of these operations an army of eight thousand mountaineers appeared on the plain, presenting a most unusual spectacle—naked, and hideous219 with war-paint, unrelieved by plume or ornament12 of any kind, only by the glitter of their weapons. The Spanish captain immediately made preparation for 701 battle. Leaving a sufficient number to protect the work and guard the camp,[XXVII-43] he advanced against them with the remainder of his forces, and was soon engaged in a desperate struggle. Three several times the ranks of the mountaineers were broken, and as often did they rally and attack with ever increasing fury. Only the steel and cotton armor of the Spanish forces saved them from destruction. As it was, lance and sword, bullet and bolt, reaped the usual harvest, and on the plain, saturated220 with blood and bespotted with mangled bodies, the Spaniards at last stood triumphant221.[XXVII-44]
Thenceforth the siege continued uninterrupted. The work of cutting the road dragged slowly on, and by the middle of October both besiegers and besieged222 were undergoing intense suffering. Within the city famine was daily gathering223 its victims; every eatable substance, to the leather of their shields, had been consumed, and the survivors224 were feeding on the bodies of the dead. Scarcity of provisions, too, was felt in the Spanish camp. But this was not the worst. The weather was unusually severe; icy hailstorms and keen frosts caused much suffering to the invaders, unaccustomed to the cold of that altitude. Fever and ague also attacked them. From the rain and hail that fell the plain had become a swamp, and day by day Gonzalo saw the number of his haggard troops' grow smaller. A more speedy method of reducing the place must be adopted or the attempt abandoned. Accordingly he sent off his sick to Huehuetenango, and stopping work on the road, prepared to make the desperate attempt to storm the place with scaling ladders.[XXVII-45] He had already constructed a number of these ladders, huge in size and 702 wide enough to allow three men to ascend225 abreast, and was on the point of making the attack when there appeared an envoy from Caibil Balam suing for peace. This unfortunate ruler had previously attempted to escape by night with his family and an escort of the principal chiefs; but having fallen in with a patrolling party, he was wounded in the arm with a cross-bow bolt and compelled to return. And now he had taken counsel with his chiefs on the subject of surrender. He had represented to them that all hope of relief was gone, while his famished226 subjects were dying around him. Submission alone could save the few survivors. The chiefs had eagerly approved his words, and the tender of submission was made. Gonzalo's satisfaction at this unexpected termination of the siege was indeed great. A spot midway between the gate of Zakuléu and the quarters of the cavalry was appointed as the place of meeting for the settlement of terms, and Gonzalo, accompanied by Loarca, Salazar, Arévalo, and twelve others, there met the humbled227 Caibil Balam. The Spaniard's reception of the native ruler was friendly in the extreme, and with an embrace, Gonzalo assured him of his love and friendship. Under such kindly228 treatment, so little expected, the stoical self-command of the weakened warrior103 gave way, and he wept as he returned the victor's greeting.
THE COUNTRY PACIFIED.
The Spaniards then took formal possession of the city in the name of the king of Spain.[XXVII-46] They destroyed the fortification at the entrance,[XXVII-47] and made more practicable the road across the ravine. The surrounding country was afterward229 explored and the towns subjected to Spanish rule. In Huehuetenango Gonzalo de Alvarado stationed a strong garrison, with Gonzalo de Solis as captain, and having taken all the necessary measures for the permanent tranquillity230 of 703 his newly conquered territory, he returned to Guatemala City toward the end of the year.
Henceforth conquest, oppression, and destruction marched hand-in-hand over the country, and the result was a national and social eclipse of the fallen races. Their arts and sciences were soon forgotten; their architectural skill was lost; and from a state of happy development their life as a nation was blotted231 out. To what extent the progress of the world would have been benefited or retarded232, had the aboriginal inhabitants of the American table-lands survived as integral nations, it is impossible to say; but we may question how much the occupation of the country by the Spaniards contributed toward general advancement233. It is thought by some that the great Indian nations had reached the limit of their present line of progress when the Spaniards arrived. In Guatemala the individual kings had by long lines of succession arrived at that stage of monarchy234 when power begets235 luxury and decay. Without European interference there might have been a relapse and a dark age; and a later view, had discovery been delayed to our own time for instance, might have found Mexico and Central America overrun by savage236 hordes237 from the north and ruined cities scattered238 over the land. To this fancy I am not prepared wholly to subscribe239.
The End
The End
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1
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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3
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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burnished
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| adj.抛光的，光亮的v.擦亮（金属等），磨光( burnish的过去式和过去分词 )；被擦亮，磨光 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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14
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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upbraids
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的第三人称单数 ) | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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24
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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voracious
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| adj.狼吞虎咽的，贪婪的 | |
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outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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28
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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vouchsafed
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| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 )；允诺 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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38
exaction
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| n.强求，强征；杂税 | |
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39
ply
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| v.(搬运工等)等候顾客，弯曲 | |
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40
passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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41
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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42
nostrils
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| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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43
indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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44
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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45
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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46
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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47
desecration
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| n. 亵渎神圣, 污辱 | |
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48
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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50
thraldom
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| n.奴隶的身份，奴役，束缚 | |
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51
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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52
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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53
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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54
pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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55
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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57
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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58
dispel
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| vt.驱走，驱散，消除 | |
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59
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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60
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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61
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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62
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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63
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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64
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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65
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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66
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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67
surmise
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| v./n.猜想，推测 | |
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68
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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69
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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74
rankled
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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76
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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impaled
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| 钉在尖桩上( impale的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
pitfalls
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| （捕猎野兽用的）陷阱( pitfall的名词复数 )； 意想不到的困难，易犯的错误 | |
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81
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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82
darts
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| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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83
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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87
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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precipices
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| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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precipice
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| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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incentives
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| 激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 )； 刺激； 诱因； 动机 | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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feigning
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| 假装，伪装( feign的现在分词 )； 捏造（借口、理由等） | |
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consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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105
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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106
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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107
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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108
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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109
maim
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| v.使残废，使不能工作，使伤残 | |
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110
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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111
coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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112
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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113
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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114
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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115
plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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116
circumscribed
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| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
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117
stun
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| vt.打昏，使昏迷，使震惊，使惊叹 | |
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118
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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119
immolation
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| n.牺牲品 | |
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120
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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121
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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122
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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123
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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124
scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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125
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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126
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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127
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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128
plume
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| n.羽毛；v.整理羽毛，骚首弄姿，用羽毛装饰 | |
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129
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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130
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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131
mantles
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| vt.&vi.覆盖（mantle的第三人称单数形式） | |
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132
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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133
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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134
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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135
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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136
aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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137
subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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138
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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139
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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141
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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142
plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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143
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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144
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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145
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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146
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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147
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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148
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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149
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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150
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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151
caverns
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| 大山洞，大洞穴( cavern的名词复数 ) | |
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152
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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153
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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154
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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155
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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156
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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157
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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158
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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159
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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160
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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161
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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162
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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163
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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164
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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166
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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167
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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168
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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169
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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170
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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171
treacherous
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|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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172
instigator
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| n.煽动者 | |
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173
acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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174
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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175
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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176
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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177
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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178
ascents
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| n.上升( ascent的名词复数 )；（身份、地位等的）提高；上坡路；攀登 | |
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179
toiled
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|
| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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180
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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181
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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182
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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183
barricade
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| n.路障，栅栏，障碍；vt.设路障挡住 | |
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184
swampy
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| adj.沼泽的，湿地的 | |
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185
hiss
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| v.发出嘶嘶声；发嘘声表示不满 | |
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186
hisses
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| 嘶嘶声( hiss的名词复数 ) | |
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187
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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188
detour
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| n.绕行的路，迂回路；v.迂回，绕道 | |
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189
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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190
sling
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| vt.扔；悬挂；n.挂带；吊索，吊兜；弹弓 | |
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191
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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192
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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193
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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194
deafening
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| adj. 振耳欲聋的, 极喧闹的 动词deafen的现在分词形式 | |
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195
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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196
mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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197
hoofs
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| n.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的名词复数 )v.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的第三人称单数 ) | |
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198
bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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199
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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200
bruises
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| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
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201
gliding
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| v. 滑翔 adj. 滑动的 | |
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202
hamper
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| vt.妨碍，束缚，限制；n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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203
wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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204
bruised
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| [医]青肿的，瘀紫的 | |
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205
stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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206
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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207
mow
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| v.割（草、麦等），扫射，皱眉；n.草堆，谷物堆 | |
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208
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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209
plunges
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| n.跳进，投入vt.使投入，使插入，使陷入vi.投入，跳进，陷入v.颠簸( plunge的第三人称单数 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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210
utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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211
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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212
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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213
egress
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| n.出去；出口 | |
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214
beleaguered
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| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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215
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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216
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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217
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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218
impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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219
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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220
saturated
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| a.饱和的，充满的 | |
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221
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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222
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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223
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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224
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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225
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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226
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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227
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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228
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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229
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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230
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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231
blotted
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| 涂污( blot的过去式和过去分词 )； （用吸墨纸）吸干 | |
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232
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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233
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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234
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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235
begets
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| v.为…之生父( beget的第三人称单数 )；产生，引起 | |
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236
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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237
hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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238
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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239
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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