The evil, however, does not wholly rest with the detractors. An erroneous theory about universal equality gives the spur to this spirit of criticism. A sort of feeling arises in the mind to the effect of, “Had I been in his place, I should have acted otherwise!”—the bystander proverbially seeing more of the game than the players. It is, however, a great matter of doubt whether this is universally true. It might be true, if every circumstance, every motive5, every actuation, could be laid bare to positive vision. In the conduct of life, however, this is rarely possible, even in the crudest way; especially is it so in the intricate[xvi] and tortuous12 paths of politics. Politicians, we all know, are many; statesmen, unfortunately for the well-being13 of the world, are few.
Some few years since England lost a statesman named Henry Temple, Viscount Palmerston. He had the rare happiness of being popular during his life, although it is perhaps more certain of him than of any modern statesman, that his inflexibility14 as to issues was remarkable15. Apparently16 he would bend, but he had, upon fixed principles, determined17 to rule, and his happy method of conciliation18, in which he was clad as in a garment, veiled from the eyes of friend or foe19 that wonderful spirit of determination permeating20 all the actions characterizing his political career. And when Palmerston died, a wild wail21 of sorrow arose from all England, a regret which will never be abated22 so long as England’s history remains23 intelligible24.
Of similar materials to Palmerston, Count Bismarck is composed. Otherwise put together, it is true, in accordance with the genius of the nation amongst which his life-destiny has cast him; but as to the generic25 likeness26 there can be little doubt. The policy of Palmerston was “thorough;” so is that of Bismarck. But it is not the “thorough” of a Strafford; it is rather the enlightened “thorough” of a man cast into modern society, and intensely patriotic27. Though Bismarck has consistently upheld the prerogatives28 of his royal master, he has not been neglectful of the interests of the nation of which he is the Minister. A spirit of candor30 breathes through all his actions, and displays him in the light of an emphatically honest man. Unlike the present remarkable occupant of the French throne, he is not tided along by public events; nor, like that potentate31, does he extract fame from an adroit32 bowing to the exigencies33 of the hour. The French sovereign has eliminated a policy, and gained a kind of respect from others, in consequence of a masterly manipulation of passing occurrences. The Prussian Premier34, on the other hand, has observed fixed principles. The latter has his political regrets—he can shed a tear over the grave of the meanest soldier who died at Sadowa. The former looks upon human life much as chess-players look upon pawns35—to be ruthlessly sacrificed on occasion, should it happen that a skillful flank movement may protect the ultimate design in view. Chess-players, however, know that the[xvii] pawns constitute the real strength of the game, and that it would be worse than folly36 to sacrifice the humble37 pieces. Political sagacity is ever displayed in judicious38 reserve, and this quality is eminently39 evinced in all Bismarck’s activity. Perhaps the most singular triumph of Bismarck’s life consists in the neutralization40 of Luxemburg—an episode in his career of which he has greater reason to be proud than of the battle-field of Sadowa, or the indirect countenance41 afforded by him to Italy. It can scarcely be doubted that so peaceful a victory is a greater merit than the massing together of thousands of armed men, for trying a right by ordeal42 of steel and gunpowder43.
Astute44 as Napoleon may be, Bismarck certainly was wiser than he. The former has dynastic reasons for maintaining a pre-eminence in the face of Europe; but the latter, with comparatively inadequate45 means, had a far more difficult problem to solve. For Bismarck has a heart large enough to entertain feelings of kindliness46 towards the whole of Germany, as well as towards that section of it known as Prussia alone. There is a generous aspiration47 in him for German nationality, overruling petty animosity towards his enemies.
In all his contests he has ever been ready to hold out the hand of reconciliation48, although, in no instance, has he deviated49 from the strict line of duty pointed50 out by his special nationality. Indeed, it was a paramount51 necessity to raise Prussia in the scale of nations, ere a German nationality could emerge into healthy political being. Prussia’s rise, therefore, comprehended within it the elements of German political existence. Geographically52, the consolidation53 of a great kingdom in the north was a necessity; and considering how well and prudently54 Prussia has used its great position, no one can regret the result of the events of 1866. Prussia, as a Protestant country, as a land of education and intellectual refinement55, has no equal on the face of the globe. But that single position depends on the race-character of the nation evinced in its utilitarian56 spirit. Bismarck will perpetuate57 his policy in time to come.
“Great acts,” says the old dramatist, “thrive when reason guides the will.” This application of reason, so continuously, consistently, and quietly exercised, predicates a great national future. That future is bound up with the fame of this great loyal[xviii] statesman and dutiful subject, who has had insight enough to see how far the prerogative29 of the crown of Prussia was consistent with the happiness of its people, foresight58 enough to rationally contend for such prerogative, and faithful courage adequate to the fearless execution of a grand design, comprehending within itself elements of consolidation and enduring strength. What Germany owes to Bismarck can as yet be scarcely calculated, but very few years need elapse ere the sum will become intelligible.
It is, however, necessary to descend60 from generalities into particulars; to discuss, as briefly61 as may be, some objections that have been urged, and to expose the fallacy of certain historical parallels, sought to be drawn62 in reference to Bismarck’s position towards his king and his country.
We have not to contrast Bismarck with any hero or statesman of antiquity63. Society, although not human nature, has so changed, that what our modern men do for the common weal changes with the circumstances and the extension of the circle of population. One man could then address a nation—now the nation must rely upon Camarillas. Democracy, in these days, either vaguely64 advocates desperate political experiments, or, stung to madness by real or fancied wrongs, determines them—as hot-headed non-thinkers usually determine—by violence.
Our modern Cleons use the press, which, truth to be spoken, is not unwilling65 to be used; and hence any thing not to be twisted before the law-courts into libel, represents the license66 and not the freedom of the press. But the man of antiquity at least had to exercise the courage of meeting his fellow-citizens, and thus either swayed them or was lost. Assent67 or dissent68 was given by acclamation. Bismarck presents rather a contrast than a likeness to Greek or Roman statesmen—they sought the Agora or the Forum69; he has no time for claptrap.
But let us turn to the political doctrine70, partly known as that of divine right, for which Bismarck has been thought to fight.
The doctrine of a divine right of possession to the Crown of Prussia is one not readily comprehensible to an English subject, under the circumstances of the modern constitution of the United Kingdom, for the reason that modern society has accustomed itself to look upon the results of the revolutions of 1649 and 1688 as final, and settled by events, and the contract entered into between[xix] the parliament, or representative body, on the one hand, and the constitutional sovereign on the other. We may recur71 to an earlier period, when the crown was devisable by will in England, or when at least the succession was settled in accordance with the desires of a dying sovereign, for some kind of parallel. Although this absolute right of leaving the crown by will has not often been exercised, it has found its defenders72; for instance, in the case of Queen Jane, a minority held that Edward was justified73 in devising his crown; therefore, while the theory was not actually substantiated74 by the right of peaceable possession, it was not regarded as wholly illusory. If Henry VIII. might by his prerogative bar certain members of his family from the succession, the crown advisers76 of that day must have been justified in supporting such a prerogative, and could not have regarded the sovereign as ultra vires in the matter of a transmission of the crown. It is certainly, from the logic77 of facts, an impossibility to effect any such change in the order of succession now, and in itself would be as fatal a step as any political theorists could attempt; and if so fatal in a country where feudalism is a mere78 historical eidolon, how far more unwise in a country such as Prussia, where feudalism has still a practical, though not an avowed79, existence? In the very nature of things, the sovereigns of Prussia hold their crown upon a principle of divine right, as proprietors81 of the fee-simple of the soil, which divine right has ever been construed82 to impose certain obligations towards their vassals83, the holders85 of the usufruct, and their subjects, agents, and traders—which obligations, to their honor be it spoken, the sovereigns of Prussia have ever attempted to fulfill86. This divine right differs in its nature and mode of action from the mere arbitrary will of a tyrant87. There, as here—
“Not Amurath an Amurath succeeds,
Their divine right to the soil, which they swear to defend, and seek to improve, for the benefit of all, differs essentially89 from the divine right as understood by a Charles Stuart. Fiscal90 arrangements are again of a widely different character, and a vassal84 like Bismarck, who maintains the prerogative of his sovereign liege, is merely carrying the legitimate91 consequences of an enduring and progressive system, akin92 to, but not identical with, ancient feudal[xx] theories, into action. It is clearly false to seek a parallel in Charles and Strafford; the parallel would be more just if drawn between Henry and Wolsey. But parallels are ever suspicious, as the course of historical sequence is not identical, and presents only delusive93 points of contact.
Any adequate explanation must be sought in another direction, and that direction is best pointed out by the very essential features of Prussian history itself. From this cause, a prominence94, by no means undeserved, has been assigned to the early history of the family whence Bismarck sprang. In the brief sketch95 given in the first book, it may be plainly seen that impulses of duty guided, and a kind of hierarchy96 of rank sustained, the active energy in the vassal on behalf of the sovereign, and that in fighting for the supremacy97 of the Prussian crown, Bismarck was at the same moment upholding the real solidarity98 and ultimate rights of the subjects of that crown. Surely by maintaining the rights of the father against all comers—those rights held by the father in trust—the interests of the children are best consulted.
For there is a mesne power between absolutism and republicanism, tyranny and democracy; this is not constitutionalism. This is honor, higher than all.
“The divinity that doth hedge a king,” from which a true king’s impulses flow, must be founded on a higher instinct, and derived99 from a higher plane. True kingship is very rare, often falls short of its standard in the very best of men—for humanity has always its faults; but rightly guided, it is possible, nay100, probable, that the office of kingship may be justly and nobly exercised. A constitutional monarch101, although irremovable, save by the process of revolution, can only be governed by the impulses of the man himself, while an absolute sovereign may arrest, correct, and mitigate102 much that is evil in the State. In civil affairs, we require such an ultimate personage, one whose honor and self-respect will be a sufficient safeguard against abuses. Any king not evidencing that honor in his private life as well as public acts, is liable, and justly so, to deposition103; every king who faithfully performs the difficult and delicate duties of his position, has a right to expect the true and loving submission104 of his subjects. The combination of an honest minister with a noble-minded king, however, is rare. In Frederick the Second of Prussia, as to some extent[xxi] in the first Napoleon, there was a will to be honest; but where the latter failed in his task, the former prevailed in the hearts of his people, and the admiration105 of the world. Have we not the exquisite106 book of Mr. Carlyle as evidence of it? Real statesmen know how infinitely107 difficult the problem of administration must be, and hence it is that so many real wrongs are accidentally committed, when the right is sought through the agency of unscrupulous ministers. The axiom that the king can do no wrong, simply means that if he inadvertently do a wrong, he is bound to repair it so soon as he is possessed108 of the truth of the wrong. On this fact—and no polity is built up with safety without resting on facts—is based the right of petition, as well in oriental as in occidental countries. Now, here is the political lever, nor is the stand-point far off. The king is bound to do justice, because his position, being founded on divine right, relies upon divine protection. In any country where God, under whatever form, is honored, no king, conscious of his deep obligations for his position, can hesitate to throw himself fearlessly into the midst of his subjects, always regarding such monarch, as is the case in Prussia, as the steward109 of the Unseen Governor of all. Legally and politically, the king represents the ultimate court of appeal, and honestly fulfilling the duties imposed upon him, no sovereign need fear, as in Prussia would be absurd, the hand of the assassin. It is the everlasting110 curse entailed112 upon large States, that for petty motives there exists an alarming system of bureaucracy, in which the voices of the honest servants are drowned in the din59 of the general throng113 for distinction, wealth, ease, and enjoyment114. Hence public servants, of whatever degree, fear to speak; hence the public fumes115, hence stoppage of trade, discredit116 by capitalists, ultimate want of employment, lassitude of patriotism117, conspiracy118, crime—with its load of expense—famine, and the fall of States ensue.
Now, a practical king, conscious of his office, and ablebodied enough to undergo the exertion119, can be the greatest of philanthropists, if supported by an honest ministry120, fearless enough to repress undue121 expenditure122, either by his sovereign or the lieges. Wary123 to draw the sword, eager to substitute the ploughshare, should such a monarch be; and such a monarch we find in Prussia, and have found before. Fearless and honorable should be his minister;[xxii] and such a minister we find, fortunately not without parallels, in Count Bismarck.
Bismarck had not only this abstract duty, as some may like to call it, to perform towards his own sovereign. There was another duty of no less importance and delicacy124 to fulfill as a German—as a member of the body corporate125 of the Teutonic nation. Had Austria continued in its peculiar126 position of pre-eminence, derived from an association of its rulers with the extinct Holy Roman Empire, the real power of self-government would have passed from the German nations to that mixture of Slavs and Czechs, Huns, Magyars, and Poles, making up so large a proportion of Austrian subjects; and could Prussia, emphatically German in all its regions, have permitted a supremacy so at variance127 with—I will not say common sense—but ethnical affinity128? Is it not more in conformity129 with natural sympathy that the German kindred races of the north should be consolidated130 in a truly German national sense, than remain a loosely-constructed federation131 of petty princedoms, under the guidance of a power whose main strength lay in races alien, and even hostile, if we are to trust present events, in their interests, instincts, and sympathies?
There was, of course, underlying132 all this, the cardinal133 fact of a difference of religious sympathies. So eminently Roman Catholic, ruling over nations outwardly, and perhaps sincerely, attached to the Papal forms of ecclesiastical government and doctrine, Austria could not hold out a faithful hand of fellowship to Protestant Prussia, with its stern Calvinistic self-assertion: so attached to all that is ancient in reference to birth, family tradition, and historical fame, Austria could not but be jealous of a nation which had robbed it of its warlike glory, and set up a new nobility in opposition134 to its ancient semi-oriental princely families: so wedded135 to all that was archaic136 and statuesque in form and stationary137 in its character, how was it possible to tolerate a neighbor whose spirit is remarkable for its restless activity and love of innovation; so practical in science and utilitarian in its aims? A contest between two such powers, and in such a cause, and as a consequence of such various processes of development, was inevitable138, while the ultimation of the strife139 could scarcely be doubtful. The imperial nation, so proud, profuse140, and old-fashioned, must receive a lesson, intended in the utmost spirit of candor, from[xxiii] the patient, practical, and untiring nation of North Germany, who looked upon its sovereign and institutions with kindly141 affection, as the outcome of the labors142 of their immediate143 fathers, and to the fruits of which those subjects were honestly entitled. Nor, as having resided in both Prussia and Austria, am I disposed to think that Prussian tendencies do not receive hearty144 approval in the German sections of the Austrian people. Let the events accompanying the siege of Vienna, in 1848, be properly valued, and the fact is patent. The cowardice145 of Ferdinand is the key to the history of that siege, as well as its justification146.
We have not here, however, so much to do with the policy of the Prussian people, and their relations towards Austria, as with a consideration of the effects wrought147 upon Bismarck’s mind by his position, education, personal character, and the events of his era. We here rather want to get an intelligible picture of Bismarck himself—to learn why Bismarck is the actual Bismarck he is, and not another Bismarck, as it were, altogether.
Let us therefore glance at his early life, and see how his strong, daring, and somewhat headlong youth has gradually moulded him into the astute, unbending, and progressive statesman we now see him to be in the latter days of his remarkable life.
The first thing that strikes us must be his opportunities of birth and of lineage. Education, it can not be doubted, is materially influenced by these two considerations. An indulgent father and an ambitious mother may help a lad along. Next comes the necessary process of estrangement148; that emergence149 into actual life from which so few come forth150 proudly; and, finally, the attainment151 of self-consciousness, but without direction and without an aim. This usually results, as with Bismarck, in an appreciable152 amount of obloquy153, from which the strong spirit desires emancipation154. In the case now in point, his aspirations155 of the better sort had the mastery. Application to his distressed156 fortunes led him to think of others, and while he tested other men he applied157 the same stern acid to his own soul.
The empty affection of dissolutism assailed158 him, and he fled from it with the disgust of a noble mind: he longed for a more exquisite grace of beauty and dignity, and attained159 it. From that time forward he could apply; the serious element in his nature obtained the upper hand, and he perceived that life was not[xxiv] intended as a mere puppet scene. Patriotism, one of the grandest impulses of human nature, led him to a recognition of his duties as a man, and comforted in his domestic relations, he stood for his king. He became the king’s man—to that fealty160 he vowed80 himself, and that fealty he has nobly accomplished161. He saw at once he was the king’s man, but policy he had none. Policy, of whatever sort it might prove to be, was yet to come; but the historical guide-line of a relation between the highest post of dignity and his own rank, fashioned it into a policy into which perforce the idea of aristocracy necessarily entered. Had Bismarck not been so vehemently162 attacked at the onset164 of his political and representative career, it is very probable that the stout165 resistance he made would not have proved so strenuous166. But the attack was one which roused the dormant167 elements of his nature. Very proud, like most of the Pomeranian and Brandenburg Junkers, he resolved upon showing that his pride was not false, and was not so greatly leavened168 with personal ambition as some tauntingly169 averred170. But it must be confessed that there is a vast difference between his early speeches and his later policy—in itself a proof that his career was not that of a political adventurer, resolved for notoriety at any price. The crudeness of his earlier speeches has formed an absolute boon171 to his opponents, who scarcely anticipated that a man who honestly cared for the point at issue, rather than the airing of a more or less inflated172 eloquence173—seasoned with a philosophy of a very unpractical kind—was about to enter into the political arena174. Looking at Bismarck in his earliest stages of development as a statesman, the present writer can not say there was much beyond a general adhesion to the Prussian traditions to recommend him. It is for this reason that certain documents have been reprinted in the latter pages of this book, not furnished by the German compiler. In these documents, appealing as they do to his family pride as a liegeman, may be found the key of Bismarck’s subsequent violent declaration on the side of the monarchy175. “That a king should voluntarily propose to set aside what, in my contract, inherent in my birth, with that king, contravenes176 my family pride, makes me sorry for that king, but vehement163 against his advisers. But being sorry, I must fight for him, or his successors.”
Prussia was, like a nation or two more in Europe, in a “parlous[xxv] state” in 1848. But these days of March were a natural result of facts pressing on the people: they passed, however. In those events, misunderstood even at the present time—misunderstood as all revolutions must be—Bismarck took no part save that of thinking that a replacement177 of the army by an ununiformed corps178 was another insult to Prussia—and her lieges.
His political education had advanced to a point when it would either resolve itself into a total abnegation of political activity, or an aspiration towards some ameliorations of the matter in hand. This signified itself, not by individual actions after a time, but rather by the centralization of a party existing in fortuitous atoms into clubs—adding the printing-press as a powerful aid.
Suddenly the ambassadorial post at Frankfurt was offered him. Light-hearted and willing—to all appearance—he accepted it. The world has yet to be made acquainted with the positive result of this Frankfurt mission. That his instructions were accurate there can be little doubt, and that all his energies were bent179 upon the humiliation180 of Austria as the powerful rival of Prussia, is equally true. That his diplomatic facility had at this time acquired any great amount of strength is doubtful. He was an excellent host, and a sincere adviser75; but it is due to him rather again to cast away any delusion181 as to the diplomatic grandeur182 of his actions—unless, which may be the case, honesty pure and simple is diplomacy183.
He therefore remained a good friend, a good host, a kind master, a most loving husband and brother. Perhaps nothing in connection with the man who has been thought so harsh, is so interesting as his care, his love, not only for his own family, but for his humbler dependents. In his correspondence, which really forms the feature of this volume, we find the careful and truthful184 expression of a mind seeking to set itself right with the world and its duties, and consistently adopting utter straightforwardness185 as the efficient means to this end. In times of trouble he sympathizes deeply with the bereaved186; in seasons when most aspersed187 he shows a firm reliance on the goodness of his cause, and his innate188 sense of right; and he ever displays a confidence in the ultimate realization189 of the object held in view.
The various letters written during seasons of holiday travel display[xxvi] a keen delight in natural objects, and are written with a simple eloquence denoting frankness and candor.
Before closing this Preface, already somewhat lengthy190, it is perhaps not out of place to refer to a recent review of the two first German sections of this book, in the October number of the Edinburgh Review. The reviewer will perceive that the blemishes191 to which he alludes192 have been removed, so far as may be, from the text. Any one, acquainted with German literature, is aware that its genius admits of the expression of many simple na?vetés, very far from consonant193 with the dignity and spirit of the English language. For these reasons a rearrangement and compression of the earlier parts of the book has been effected, and notes have been added of interest to the English reader, whose acquaintance with some of the personages named would necessarily be limited. Nothing, however, tending to illustrate194 the character and purposes of the chief personage, has been omitted. So far as the materials could serve, a faithful picture of Count Bismarck is here presented, and it is anticipated that the Prussian premier will be seen to far greater advantage than through the medium of the Edinburgh reviewer. That gentleman will perhaps forgive the writer for differing from him in his general estimate of Bismarck’s character. The estimate taken by the critic is very severe, and scarcely just. It is also so curious that the writer can not refrain from transcribing195 it here, that the reader may have both sides of the picture before him.
“To govern,” says the critic,[1] “is, according to his ideas, to command, and parliamentary government is to command with a flourish of speeches and debates, which should always end in a happy subserviency196 with the ruling minister. This arbitrary disposition197 is, of course, strengthened by his success of 1866; but he will be grievously deceived in believing that only stubborn resolution is wanted to triumph again. He is a man of the type of Richelieu and Pombal; but this style of statesmanship is rather out of place in our century, at least for obtaining a lasting111 success.
“We can not, therefore, consider him as a really great statesman, though he has certainly gifts of the highest order. He is a first rate diplomatist and negotiator. No man can captivate more[xxvii] adroitly198 those he wants to win; nobody knows better to strike at the right moment, or to wait when the tide is running in his favor. His personal courage is great, physically199 as well as morally; he shrinks from nothing conducive200 to his end. He is not naturally eloquent201; but his speeches are generally impressive, and full of terse202 argument. He is a capital companion in society—witty, genial203, sparkling in his conversation. His private life is pure; nobody has accused him of having used his high position for his pecuniary204 advantage. It is natural that such qualities, backed by an indomitable will, a strong belief in himself, and an originally robust205 constitution, should achieve much. But by the side of these virtues206 the darker shades are not wanting. We will not reproach him with ambition; it is natural that such a man should be ambitious. But his ambition goes far to identify the interests of his country with his own personal power. Every thing is personal with him; he never forgets a slight, and persecutes207 people who have offended him with the most unworthy malice208. His strong will degenerates209 frequently into absurd obstinacy210; he is feared by his subordinates, but we never heard that any body loved him. Driven into a strait, his courage becomes the reckless daring of the gambler, who stakes every thing on one card. He can tell the very reverse of the truth with an amazing coolness; still oftener he will tell the plain truth when he knows that he will not be believed. He is a great comedian211, performing admirably the part he chooses to play. He knows how to flatter his interlocutors, by assuming an air of genuine admiration for their talents; they leave him charmed by his condescension212, whilst he laughs at the fools who took his fine words for solid cash. His contempt of men is profound; he dislikes independence, though he probably respects it. There is not a single man of character left in the ministry or the more important places of the civil service(!). Few things or persons exist at which he would not venture a sneer213.
“At present he has chosen to retire, for an indefinite period, from a perplexing situation which he has himself created. Nobody can tell in what direction he is going to steer214 his vessel215. He likes to strike the imagination of the public by sudden resolutions. Nobody can prophesy216 what will be the final result of the great political experiment upon which he has entered, for it[xxviii] depends on the working of so many different factors, that even the boldest will scarcely venture to calculate the issue.”
Those passages italicized above form a specimen217 of the kind of attacks, by no means honorably or reasonably made, upon Count Bismarck, and it is somewhat lamentable218 to read, in the pages of so important a Review, views quite incompatible219 with truth, and so calculated to sway the minds of many who have little leisure to analyze220 historical phenomena221.
Time has triumphantly222 cleared up much that seemed vaguely ominous223 in Bismarck’s policy, and the progress of events will doubtless throw clear light on that which still remains dark and unintelligible224 to those who care little for light.
KENNETH R. H. MACKENZIE.
4 St. Martin’s Place, Trafalgar Square,
6th December, 1869.
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disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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exempt
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envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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eminence
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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bodes
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的第三人称单数 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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tortuous
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well-being
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inflexibility
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| n.不屈性，顽固，不变性；不可弯曲；非挠性；刚性 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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apparently
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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conciliation
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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permeating
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| 弥漫( permeate的现在分词 )； 遍布； 渗入； 渗透 | |
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wail
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| vt./vi.大声哀号，恸哭；呼啸，尖啸 | |
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22
abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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23
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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24
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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25
generic
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| adj.一般的，普通的，共有的 | |
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26
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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27
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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28
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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29
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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30
candor
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| n.坦白，率真 | |
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31
potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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32
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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33
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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34
premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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35
pawns
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| n.（国际象棋中的）兵( pawn的名词复数 )；卒；被人利用的人；小卒v.典当，抵押( pawn的第三人称单数 )；以（某事物）担保 | |
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36
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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37
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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38
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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39
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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40
neutralization
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| n.中立化，中立状态，中和 | |
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41
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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42
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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43
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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44
astute
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|
| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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45
inadequate
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|
| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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46
kindliness
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|
| n.厚道，亲切，友好的行为 | |
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47
aspiration
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|
| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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48
reconciliation
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|
| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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49
deviated
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|
| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50
pointed
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|
| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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51
paramount
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|
| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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52
geographically
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|
| adv.地理学上，在地理上，地理方面 | |
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53
consolidation
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|
| n.合并,巩固 | |
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54
prudently
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|
| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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55
refinement
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|
| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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56
utilitarian
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|
| adj.实用的，功利的 | |
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57
perpetuate
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|
| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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58
foresight
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|
| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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59
din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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60
descend
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|
| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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61
briefly
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|
| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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62
drawn
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|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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63
antiquity
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|
| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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64
vaguely
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|
| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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65
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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66
license
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|
| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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67
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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68
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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69
forum
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|
| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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70
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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71
recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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72
defenders
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|
| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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73
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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74
substantiated
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|
| v.用事实支持（某主张、说法等），证明，证实( substantiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
adviser
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|
| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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76
advisers
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|
| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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77
logic
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|
| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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78
mere
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|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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79
avowed
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|
| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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80
vowed
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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81
proprietors
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|
| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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82
construed
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|
| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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83
vassals
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|
| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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84
vassal
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|
| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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85
holders
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|
| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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86
fulfill
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|
| vt.履行，实现，完成；满足，使满意 | |
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87
tyrant
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|
| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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88
harry
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|
| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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89
essentially
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|
| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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90
fiscal
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|
| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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91
legitimate
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|
| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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92
akin
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|
| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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93
delusive
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|
| adj.欺骗的，妄想的 | |
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94
prominence
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|
| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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95
sketch
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|
| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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96
hierarchy
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|
| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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97
supremacy
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|
| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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98
solidarity
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|
| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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99
derived
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|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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100
nay
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|
| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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101
monarch
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|
| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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102
mitigate
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|
| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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103
deposition
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|
| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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104
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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105
admiration
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|
| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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106
exquisite
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|
| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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107
infinitely
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|
| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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108
possessed
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|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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109
steward
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|
| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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110
everlasting
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|
| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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111
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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112
entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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113
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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114
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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115
fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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116
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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117
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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118
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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119
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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120
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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121
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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122
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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123
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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124
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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125
corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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126
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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127
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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128
affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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129
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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130
consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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131
federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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132
underlying
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|
| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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133
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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134
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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135
wedded
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|
| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
archaic
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|
| adj.(语言、词汇等)古代的，已不通用的 | |
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137
stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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138
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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139
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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140
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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141
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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142
labors
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|
| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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143
immediate
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|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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144
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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145
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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146
justification
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|
| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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147
wrought
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|
| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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148
estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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149
emergence
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| n.浮现，显现，出现，（植物）突出体 | |
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150
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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151
attainment
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|
| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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152
appreciable
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|
| adj.明显的，可见的，可估量的，可觉察的 | |
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153
obloquy
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|
| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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154
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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155
aspirations
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|
| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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156
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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fealty
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| n.忠贞，忠节 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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167
dormant
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| adj.暂停活动的；休眠的；潜伏的 | |
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leavened
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| adj.加酵母的v.使（面团）发酵( leaven的过去式和过去分词 )；在…中掺入改变的因素 | |
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tauntingly
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| 嘲笑地，辱骂地； 嘲骂地 | |
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averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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173
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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175
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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176
contravenes
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| v.取消，违反( contravene的第三人称单数 ) | |
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replacement
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| n.取代，替换，交换；替代品，代用品 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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179
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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181
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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182
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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truthful
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| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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185
straightforwardness
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| n.坦白，率直 | |
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bereaved
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| adj.刚刚丧失亲人的v.使失去（希望、生命等）( bereave的过去式和过去分词)；（尤指死亡）使丧失（亲人、朋友等）；使孤寂；抢走（财物） | |
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aspersed
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| v.毁坏（名誉），中伤，诽谤( asperse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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190
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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191
blemishes
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| n.（身体的）瘢点( blemish的名词复数 )；伤疤；瑕疵；污点 | |
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alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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193
consonant
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| n.辅音；adj.[音]符合的 | |
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194
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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195
transcribing
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的现在分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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196
subserviency
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| n.有用，裨益 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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adroitly
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| adv.熟练地，敏捷地 | |
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199
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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200
conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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201
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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202
terse
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| adj.(说话，文笔)精炼的，简明的 | |
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203
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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204
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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205
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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206
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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207
persecutes
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的第三人称单数 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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208
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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209
degenerates
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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210
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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211
comedian
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| n.喜剧演员；滑稽演员 | |
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212
condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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213
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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215
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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216
prophesy
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| v.预言；预示 | |
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217
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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218
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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219
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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220
analyze
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| vt.分析，解析 (=analyse) | |
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221
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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222
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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223
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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224
unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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